It is plain that the method of these evolutionary13 explanations was deductive. One started with an intuition, a rationalization, a guess, then looked for corroborative14 facts. Inevitably15, all contrary facts tended to be ignored or explained away. What was more, the evidence being adduced solely16 with reference to whether it fitted or failed to fit into the theory under examination, it was torn from its natural relations of time, space, and association. This was very much as if a selection of statements, made by an individual on a given topic, were strung together, without reference to the circumstances under which he uttered them and without the qualifications which he attached. By the use of this method of ignoring context, a pretty good case might be made out to show that the Kaiser was really a pacificist republican at heart, Huxley a devout17 if not quite regular Christian18, and Anthony Comstock a tolerant personality. Roosevelt could be portrayed20 as either a daring radical21 or as a hide-bound reactionary22. Just such contrary interpretations24 did6 emerge in the older ethnology. Totems, for instance, were held by one “authority” to have had their origin in magical rites26 concerned with food supply, by another in a sort of nicknames, by a third in a primitive, mystic adumbration27 of the concept of society itself.
Gradually it began to be recognized by students that this method might be necessary in the law-courts, where each party advowedly contends for his own interests, but that in science it led to exciting wrangling28 rather more than to progress toward impartial29 truth. And so a new ethnology modestly grew up which held for its motto: “All possible facts first, then such inferences as are warranted.” “All facts” means not only all items but also these items in their natural order: the sequence in which they occur, their geographical30 relation, the degree to which they are associated.
The anthropologist31 no longer compares marriage customs from all over the world as they come to hand. He realizes that marriage is likely to be a different rite25 as it is practiced respectively among peoples, with and without civil government, or among nations that have come under the influence of a world religion or remain in a status of tribal32 ceremony. The whole culture of the group must be more or less known before the history and meaning of an institution can become intelligible34. Detached from its culture mass, a custom reveals as little of its functioning as an organ dissected35 out of the living body.
Equally important for the interpretation23 of ethnic36 facts, are their geographical associations, their distribution. Is a custom or invention peculiar37 to one people or is it shared by many distinct peoples occupying a continuous area? Such a question may seem trivial. But the answer usually bears heavy significance. A unique institution, or one found in various spots but in disconnected ones, is, other things equal, either of recent and independent origin in each locality, or it is a lingering survival of a custom that was once wide-spread. In short, it represents the beginning or end of a process of development.
On the other hand, where we find an art or institution possessed38 in common by dozens or hundreds of tribes situated39 without any gaps between them on the map, it would be far-fetched to assume that each of them independently evolved this identical phenomenon. Why 7 presuppose a hundred parallel causes, each operating quite separately, when one will suffice, in view of the fact that human beings imitate each other’s manners and borrow knowledge. We know that Christianity, gun-powder, the printing press, were originated but once. Even with history wiped out, we could infer as much, from their universality among the nations of Europe.
Now this is just the situation as regards primitive peoples. Their history has been wiped out—it was never preserved by themselves or their neighbors. But knowledge of the geographical occurrence of a custom or invention, usually affords rather reliable insight into its history, sometimes into its origin. When the available information shows that Indian corn was grown by all the tribes from Chile and Brazil to Arizona and Quebec, it is evident that the history of native American agriculture is as much of a unit, essentially40, as the history of Christianity or of fire-arms. It is a story of invention only at its outset, of diffusion41 and amplification42 through its greater length. When pottery is further discovered to possess almost exactly the same aboriginal43 distribution as maize44, it becomes likely that this art, too, was devised but once; and likely, further, that it was invented at about the same time as maize culture and diffused45 with it.
By evidence such as this, re?nforced by the insight gained from the stratification of prehistoric46 objects preserved in caves and in the ground, native, American history is being reconstructed for some thousands of years past. The outline of this history runs about as follows.
Eight, ten, or twelve thousand years ago, contemporary with the last phase of the Old Stone Age of Europe or the opening there of the New Stone Age, man, for the first time, entered the New World. He came from Asia across Behring Strait, a narrow gap with an island stepping-stone in the middle, and probably frozen over solidly in midwinter. In race he was Mongoloid—not Chinese, Japanese, or Mongol proper, but proto-Mongoloid; a straight-haired type, medium in complexion47, jaw48 protrusion49, nose-breadth, and inclining probably to round-headedness; an early type, in short, from which the Chinese, the Malay, and the Indian grew out, like so many limbs from a tree. This proto-Mongoloid stock must have been well established in Asia long before. This is morally certain from the fact that the proto-Negroids and proto-Caucasians were living at least8 ten to fifteen thousand years earlier, as attested50 by their discovered fossils, Grimaldi man and Cro-Magnon man.
Well, somewhere about 8000 B. C., then, bands of proto-Mongolians began to filter in through the easy, northwest gate of America. Others pushed them behind; before them, to the south, the country was ever more pleasantly tempting51, and life easier. They multiplied, streamed down the Pacific coast, wandered across to the Atlantic, entered the tropics in fertile Mexico, defiled52 through Panama, and slowly overran South America. Separate groups of entrants into Alaska may have brought distinct languages with them; or, if they all came with one mother-tongue, their migrations53 to diverse environments and long, long separations provided ample opportunity for differentiation54 into dialects, languages, and families. The history of speech in the Old World covered by records, is but little more than three thousand years old, just a third of the ten thousand years with which we are dealing55 in America. Multiply by three the difference between twentieth-century English and ancient Sanskrit or one of its modern representatives such as Bengali, and there is just about the degree of speech distinctness that exists between the American language families, such as Siouan and Algonkin, Aztec and Maya.
So with the racial type. Fundamentally, one physical type stretches from Cape56 Horn to Alaska. Superficially, it is intricately variegated—here with round heads, there with long—with short faces or hooked noses or tall statures or wavy57 hair, in this or that group of tribes. In fact, it might seem that during ten thousand years the variety of climates and habitats might have succeeded in moulding the Indian into racial types of even greater distinctness than we encounter; until we remember that he found the two continents empty, and was never subjected to mixtures with white or black or dwarf58 races, to mixtures such as were experienced by many of the peoples of the eastern hemisphere.
What the first immigrants brought with them in culture was rudimentary. They kept dogs, but no other domesticated59 animal. They were not yet agricultural, and subsisted60 on what they wrested61 from nature. They knew something of weaving baskets and mats; clothed and housed themselves; probably had harpoons62 and possibly bows; made fire with the drill; cut with flint knives; and believed in magic, spirits, and the perpetuity of the soul.
9
In and about southern Mexico they prospered63 the fastest, became most numerous, acquired some leisure, began to organize themselves socially, and developed cults64 of increasing elaborateness. They “invented” maize-agriculture and pottery; architecture in stone; irrigation; cloth weaving and cotton growing; the smelting65 and casting of copper66, silver, and gold; a priesthood, calendar system, picture-writing, pantheon of gods, and sacrifices; and accustomed themselves to town life.
Gradually these amplifications of culture spread: slowly to the north, more rapidly and completely to the south, into the similar environment of Colombia and Peru. Not all of the civilization devised in Yucatan and Guatemala, was carried into South America. Writing and time reckoning, for instance, never squeezed through the Isthmus67, and the Incas got along with traditions and records of strings68. On the other hand the South Americans, also growing populous69 and wealthy, added some culture elements of their own—bronze alloying, the hammock, the Pan’s pipe, the balance scale, the surgical70 art of trephining the skull71, the idea of a vast, compactly organized empire.
In Peru then, and in Mexico, two nearly parallel centers of civilization grew up during thousands of years; sprung from the same foundation, differentiated72 in their superstructures, that of Mexico evidently the earlier, and, at the time of discovery, slightly more advanced. The Peruvian civilization, if we include with it those of western Colombia and Bolivia, rayed itself out through the whole southern continent, becoming feebler and more abbreviated73 with increasing distance from its focus.
The South Mexican center similarly diffused its light through most of the northern continent. First its influences traveled to northern Mexico and the Southwest of the United States—Arizona and New Mexico, the seat of the Cliff-dwellers. There they took new root and then spread northward74 and eastward—altered, diluted75, with much omitted. We may compare Mexico to a manufacturing district, where capital, inventiveness, resources and industry, flourish in mutual76 alliance; the Southwest to one of its outlets77, a sort of distributing point or jobbing center, which imports, both for its own consumption and for re-export; the articles of trade in this case being elements of civilization—inventions, knowledge, arts.
10
Throughout, it was a flow of things of the mind, not a drift of the bodies of men; of culture, not of populations. And the radiation was ever northward, counter to the drift of the migrations which had begun thousands of years before, and which, in part, seem to have continued to crowd southward even during the period of northward spread of civilization. It was much as in Europe fifteen hundred years ago, when Goth and Vandal and Frank and Lombard pounded their way southward into the Roman empire, but the civilization of Rome—writing, learning, money, metallurgy, architecture, Christianity, laws—streamed ever against the human pressure, until the farthest barbarians78 of the North Sea had become, in some measure, humanized.
Thus the Southwest learned from Mexico to build in stone, to grow and weave cotton, to irrigate79, to obey priests, and in some rude measure to organize the year into a calendar. None of these culture elements traveled farther. But the maize-beans-squash agriculture, pottery making, the organization of cult33 societies, the division of the community into clans, reckoning descent from one parent only, some tendency toward town life and the confederation of towns, all of which the Southwest had also acquired from Mexico, it passed on to its neighbors, notably80 to those of the Gulf81 States between Louisiana and Georgia. Here, these institutions were once more worked over and, in the main, reduced, and then some of them passed on northward, first to the Mound-builders of the Ohio valley, and then to the Iroquois of New York. From the Iroquois, in turn, some of their Algonkian neighbors and foes82 were just beginning to be ready to learn certain betterments, when the white man came and swept their cultures into memory.
We have thus, a series of culture centers—Mexico, Southwest, Southeast, Iroquois, Atlantic Algonkins—of descending83 order of advancement84, and subsequent to one another in time. They constitute a ladder of culture development, and, although undated, represent a real sequence of history.
One area was but haltingly and sparsely85 infiltrated86 from the Southwest: the North Pacific Coast, centering in British Colombia. In this mild and rich environment a native culture grew up that, in the main, went its own way. It did not attain87 to the heights of Mexico, scarcely even equaled the Southwest. Pottery and agriculture11 failed to reach it. But out of its own resources, it developed, independently, a number of the arts and institutions which the remainder of North America drew from Mexico: clan9 organization and cult societies, for instance, the beginnings of a calendar and cloth weaving. And it added features, all its own: plank88 houses, totem poles, a remarkable89 style of decorative90 art, a society based on wealth. Here then we have a minor91, but mainly independent culture center of the greatest interest.
In a still smaller way, and without as great a freedom from southern influences, the tribes of the treeless Plains, in the heart of the continent, developed a little civilization of their own. This was founded on what they had originally got from the Southwest and Southeast, was remodeled on the basis of an almost exclusive dependence92 on the buffalo93, and underwent a brief and stirring efflorescence from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, after the Plains tribes had got horses from the Spaniards. Here, then, grew up customs and appliances like the tepee, the travois, the camp circle, warfare94 as a game with “coups” as counters.
Similarly in the far north, along the shores of the Arctic, where the Eskimo spread themselves. Here, almost nothing penetrated95 from Mexico, but stern necessity forced a special inventiveness on the mechanical side and the way was near for the entrance of influences from Asia, some few of which may have diffused beyond the Eskimo to the North Pacific Coast tribes.
Such, then, are the outlines of the history of the native, American race and civilization. It is a long and complexly rich story, only partly unraveled. Those who wish it in greater fullness will find it in Wissler’s The American Indian. Only enough has been sketched96 here to show that modern anthropology97 is an inductive science with a minimum of speculation98; that it aims at truly historical reconstructions100 and is beginning to achieve them; and that it lies in the nature of its tasks to distinguish and analyze101 the several native culture areas or local types of Indians before proceeding102 to conclusions based on combinations.
Therefore it is, that many small items of ethnic knowledge acquire considerable importance. From the average man’s point of view, it is of little moment that the Zu?i farm and the Yurok and Nootka do not, or that the former refuse to marry their dead wives’ sisters 12 and the latter insist on it. At best, such bits of facts have for the layman103 only the interest of idle curiosities, of antiquarian fragments. To the specialist, however, they become dependable means to a useful end, much as intimate knowledge of the position of arteries104 and nerves serves the surgeon.
But, just as the exact understanding of anatomy105 which modern medicine enjoys, bulks to infinitely106 more than any one anatomist could ever have discovered, so with ethnology. No one mind could ever observe or assemble and digest all the cultural facts that are needed. Many workers are busy, have been systematically107 busy for two or three generations. Though they may, now and then, enliven their toil108 by a scientific quarrel over this or that set of facts or interpretation, they are inherently co?perating, laboring109 cumulatively110 at a great joint111 enterprise. Sometimes, they divide their interests topically: one specializes on social customs, another on material arts, a third along lines of religion. But, in the main, the cultural context is so important that it has been found most productive for each investigator112 to try to learn everything possible about all the phases of culture of a single tribe, or, at most, of two or three tribes.
To do this, he “goes into the field.” That is, he takes up his residence, for a continuous period or repeatedly for several years, among a tribe, on its reservation or habitat. He enters into as close relations as possible with its most intelligent or authoritative113 members. He acquires all he can of their language, reduces it to writing, perhaps compiles texts, a dictionary or grammar. Day after day he records notes from visual observation or the memory of the best informants available on the industries, beliefs, government, family life, ceremonies, wars, and daily occupations of his chosen people. And with all this, there flow in his personal experiences and reactions. The final outcome is a monograph—a bulky, detailed114, often tedious, but fundamental volume, issued by the government or a scientific institution.
It is from intensive studies such as these, that the stories which form the present volume have sprung as a by-product115. Have sprung as a sort of volunteer crop, it might be said, under the stimulus116 of the editorial suggestion of Dr. Parsons. The monographs117 have a way of sticking pretty closely to the objective facts recorded. The mental 13 workings of the people whose customs are described, are subjective118, and therefore much more charily119 put into print. The result is that every American anthropologist with field experience, holds in his memory many interpretations, many convictions as to how his Indians feel, why they act as they do in a given situation, what goes on inside of them. This psychology120 of the Indian is often expressed by the frontiersman, the missionary121 and trader, by the man of the city, even. But it has been very little formulated122 by the very men who know most, who have each given a large block of their lives to acquiring intensive and exact information about the Indian and his culture.
There is, thus, something new, something of the nature of an original contribution, in each of these stories; and they are reliable. To many of us, the writing of our tale has been a surprise and of value to ourselves. We had not realized how little we knew of the workings of the Indian mind on some sides, how much on others.
The fictional123 form of presentation devised by the editor has definite merit. It allows a freedom in depicting124 or suggesting the thoughts and feelings of the Indian, such as is impossible in a formal, scientific report. In fact, it incites125 to active psychological treatment, else the tale would lag. At the same time the customs depicted126 are never invented. Each author has adhered strictly127 to the social facts as he knew them. He has merely selected those that seemed most characteristic, and woven them into a plot around an imaginary Indian hero or heroine. The method is that of the historical novel, with emphasis on the history rather than the romance.
There is but one important precedent128 for this undertaking,[1] and that single-handed instead of collective, and therefore depictive of one people only, the Keresan Pueblos129. This is The Delight Makers131 of Bandelier, arch?ologist, archivist, historian, and ethnologist of a generation ago; and this novel still renders a more comprehensive and coherent view of native Pueblo130 life than any scientific volume on the Southwest.
The present book, then, is a picture of native American life, in much the sense that a series of biographies of one statesman, poet, or common citizen from each country of Europe would yield a cross-sectional14 aspect of the civilization of that continent. France and Russia, Serbia and Denmark, would each be represented with its national peculiarities132; and yet the blended effect would be that of a super-national culture. So with our Indians. It is through the medium of the intensive and special coloring of each tribal civilization, that the common elements of Indian culture are brought out most truthfully, even though somewhat indirectly134.
There are only a few points at which the composite photograph, produced by these twenty-seven stories, should be used with caution, and these disproportions or deficiencies are unavoidable at present. The first of them is religion. The book is likely to make the impression that some sixty per cent, of Indian life must have been concerned with religion. This imbalance is due to the fact that religion has become the best known aspect of Indian life. Ritual and ceremony follow exact forms which the native is able to relate with accuracy from memory, long after the practices have become defunct135. Moreover, once his confidence is gained, he often delights in occupying his mind with the matters of belief and rite that put an emotional stamp on his youth. Social usages are much more plastic, more profoundly modified to suit each exigency136 as it arises, and therefore more difficult to learn and portray19. The mechanical and industrial arts have a way of leaving but pallid137 recollections, once they have been abandoned for the white man’s manufactures; and to get them recreated before one’s eyes is usually very time-consuming. Thus, through a tacit coordination138 of Indians and ethnologists to exploit the vein139 of most vivid productivity, religion has become obtruded140; and some excess must be discounted. Yet the over-proportion is perhaps all for the best. For the Indian is, all in all, far more religious than we, and the popular idea errs141 on the side of ignoring this factor. The stories are substantially truthful133 in their effect, in that the average Indian did spend infinitely more time on affairs of religion than of war, for instance.
On the side of economics and government, the book is underdone. It is so, because ethnological knowledge on these topics is insufficient142. It is difficult to say why. Possibly ethnologists have not become sufficiently143 interested or trained. But economic and political institutions are unquestionably difficult to learn about. They are the first15 to crumble144 on contact with Anglo-Saxon or Spanish civilization. So they lack the definiteness of ceremonialism, and their reconstruction99 from native memories is a bafflingly intricate task.
As regards daily life, personal relations, and the ambitions and ideals of the individual born into aboriginal society, in other words the social psychology of the Indian, we have done much better. In fact, collectively we have brought out much that is not to be found anywhere in the scientific monographs, much even that we had not realized could be formulated. This element seems to me to contain the greatest value of the book, and to be one that should be of permanent utility to historians and anthropologists, as well as to the public which is fortunately free from professional trammels. The exhibit of the workings of the Indian mind which these tales yield in the aggregate145, impresses me as marked by a rather surprising degree of insight and careful accuracy.
Only at one point have we broken down completely: that of humor. One might conclude from this volume that humor was a factor absent from Indian life. Nothing would be more erroneous. Our testimony146 would be unanimous on this score. And yet we have been unable to introduce the element. The failure is inevitable147. Humor is elusive148 because its understanding presupposes a feeling for the exact psychic149 situation of the individual involved, and this in turn implies thorough familiarity with the finest nuances of his cultural setting. We could have introduced Indian jokes, practical ones and witty150 ones, but they would have emerged deadly flat, and their laughs would have sounded made to order. An Indian himself, or shall we say, a contemporary of the ancients, may let his fancy play, and carry over to us something of his reaction: witness Aristophanes, Plautus, Horace. But the reconstructor, if he is wise, leaves the task unattempted. That prince of historical novelists, Walter Scott, for the most part collapses151 sadly when he tries to inject into his romances of the Middle Ages, the humor that marks his modern novels of Scotland; and so far as he salvages152 anything, it is by substituting the humor of his own day for the actual medi?val one. Hypatia is a superb picture of the break-down of Roman civilization; but how silly and boring are its humorous passages! A greater artist, in Tha?s, and another in Salammb?, have wisely evaded153 at16tempting the impossible, and, at most, touched the bounds of irony154. Where the masters have succumbed155 or refrained, it is well that we scientists, novices156 in the domain157 of fiction, should hold off; though we all recognize both the existence and the importance of humor in Indian life. This element, then, the reader must accept our bare word for—or supply from his own discrimination and intuition.
A. L. Kroeber
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speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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riddle
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| n.谜，谜语，粗筛；vt.解谜，给…出谜，筛，检查，鉴定，非难，充满于；vi.出谜 | |
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substantiate
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| v.证实；证明...有根据 | |
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ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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plausibly
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promiscuity
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| n.混杂，混乱；（男女的）乱交 | |
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clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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pottery
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| n.陶器，陶器场 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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evolutionary
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| adj.进化的；演化的，演变的；[生]进化论的 | |
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corroborative
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| adj.确证（性）的，确凿的 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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portray
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| v.描写，描述；画(人物、景象等) | |
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portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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interpretations
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rite
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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adumbration
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wrangling
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impartial
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geographical
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anthropologist
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| n.人类学家，人类学者 | |
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tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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cult
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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dissected
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| adj.切开的，分割的，（叶子）多裂的v.解剖（动物等）( dissect的过去式和过去分词 )；仔细分析或研究 | |
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ethnic
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| adj.人种的，种族的，异教徒的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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possessed
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situated
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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amplification
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| n.扩大，发挥 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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45
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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47
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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48
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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49
protrusion
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| n.伸出，突出 | |
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50
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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51
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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52
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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53
migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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54
differentiation
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| n.区别，区分 | |
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55
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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56
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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57
wavy
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| adj.有波浪的，多浪的，波浪状的，波动的，不稳定的 | |
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58
dwarf
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| n.矮子，侏儒，矮小的动植物；vt.使…矮小 | |
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59
domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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62
harpoons
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| n.鱼镖，鱼叉( harpoon的名词复数 )v.鱼镖，鱼叉( harpoon的第三人称单数 ) | |
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63
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
cults
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| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
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65
smelting
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| n.熔炼v.熔炼，提炼（矿石）( smelt的现在分词 ) | |
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66
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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67
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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68
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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69
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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70
surgical
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| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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71
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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72
differentiated
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| 区分，区别，辨别( differentiate的过去式和过去分词 )； 区别对待； 表明…间的差别，构成…间差别的特征 | |
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73
abbreviated
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| adj. 简短的，省略的 动词abbreviate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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74
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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75
diluted
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| 无力的，冲淡的 | |
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76
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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77
outlets
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| n.出口( outlet的名词复数 )；经销店；插座；廉价经销店 | |
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78
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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79
irrigate
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| vt.灌溉，修水利，冲洗伤口，使潮湿 | |
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80
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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81
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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82
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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83
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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84
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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85
sparsely
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| adv.稀疏地；稀少地；不足地；贫乏地 | |
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86
infiltrated
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| adj.[医]浸润的v.（使）渗透，（指思想）渗入人的心中( infiltrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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88
plank
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| n.板条，木板，政策要点，政纲条目 | |
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89
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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90
decorative
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| adj.装饰的，可作装饰的 | |
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91
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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92
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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93
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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94
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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95
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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96
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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97
anthropology
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| n.人类学 | |
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98
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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99
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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100
reconstructions
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| 重建( reconstruction的名词复数 )； 再现； 重建物； 复原物 | |
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101
analyze
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| vt.分析，解析 (=analyse) | |
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102
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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103
layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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104
arteries
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| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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105
anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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106
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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107
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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108
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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109
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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110
cumulatively
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| adv.累积地，渐增地 | |
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111
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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112
investigator
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| n.研究者，调查者，审查者 | |
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113
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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114
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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115
by-product
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| n.副产品，附带产生的结果 | |
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116
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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117
monographs
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| n.专著，专论( monograph的名词复数 ) | |
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118
subjective
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| a.主观(上)的，个人的 | |
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119
charily
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| 小心谨慎地，节俭地，俭省地 | |
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120
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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121
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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122
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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123
fictional
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| adj.小说的，虚构的 | |
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124
depicting
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| 描绘，描画( depict的现在分词 )； 描述 | |
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125
incites
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的第三人称单数 ) | |
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126
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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127
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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128
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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129
pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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130
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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131
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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132
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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133
truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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134
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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135
defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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136
exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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137
pallid
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| adj.苍白的，呆板的 | |
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138
coordination
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| n.协调，协作 | |
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139
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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140
obtruded
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| v.强行向前，强行，强迫( obtrude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
errs
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的第三人称单数 ) | |
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142
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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143
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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144
crumble
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| vi.碎裂，崩溃；vt.弄碎，摧毁 | |
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145
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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146
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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147
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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148
elusive
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| adj.难以表达(捉摸)的；令人困惑的；逃避的 | |
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149
psychic
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| n.对超自然力敏感的人；adj.有超自然力的 | |
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150
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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151
collapses
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| 折叠( collapse的第三人称单数 )； 倒塌； 崩溃； （尤指工作劳累后）坐下 | |
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152
salvages
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| 海上营救( salvage的名词复数 )； 抢救出的财产； 救援费； 经加工后重新利用的废物 | |
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153
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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154
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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155
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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156
novices
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| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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157
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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