It was not thus in ancient times. The earlier men were hunting men, and to hunt a neighboring tribe, kill the males, loot the village and possess the females, was the most profitable, as well as the most exciting, way of living. Thus were the more martial7 tribes selected, and in chiefs and peoples a pure pugnacity8 and love of glory came to mingle9 with the more fundamental appetite for plunder10.
Modern war is so expensive that we feel trade to be a better avenue to plunder; but modern man inherits all the innate11 pugnacity and all the love of glory of his ancestors. Showing war’s irrationality12 and horror is of no effect upon him. The horrors make the fascination13. War is the strong life; it is life in extremis; war-taxes are the only ones men never hesitate to pay, as the budgets of all nations show us.
History is a bath of blood. The Iliad is one long recital14 of how Diomedes and Ajax, Sarpedon and Hector killed. No detail of the wounds they made is spared us, and the Greek mind fed upon the story. Greek history is a panorama15 of jingoism16 and imperialism17 — war for war’s sake, all the citizens being warriors18. It is horrible reading, because of the irrationality of it all — save for the purpose of making “history”— and the history is that of the utter ruin of a civilization in intellectual respects perhaps the highest the earth has ever seen.
Those wars were purely19 piratical. Pride, gold, women, slaves, excitement, were their only motives20. In the Peloponnesian war for example, the Athenians ask the inhabitants of Melos (the island where the “Venus of Milo” was found), hitherto neutral, to own their lordship. The envoys21 meet, and hold a debate which Thucydides gives in full, and which, for sweet reasonableness of form, would have satisfied Matthew Arnold. “The powerful exact what they can,” said the Athenians, “and the weak grant what they must.” When the Meleans say that sooner than be slaves they will appeal to the gods, the Athenians reply: “Of the gods we believe and of men we know that, by a law of their nature, wherever they can rule they will. This law was not made by us, and we are not the first to have acted upon it; we did but inherit it, and we know that you and all mankind, if you were as strong as we are, would do as we do. So much for the gods; we have told you why we expect to stand as high in their good opinion as you.” Well, the Meleans still refused, and their town was taken. “The Athenians,” Thucydides quietly says, “thereupon put to death all who were of military age and made slaves of the women and children. They then colonized22 the island, sending thither23 five hundred settlers of their own.”
Alexander’s career was piracy24 pure and simple, nothing but an orgy of power and plunder, made romantic by the character of the hero. There was no rational principle in it, and the moment he died his generals and governors attacked one another. The cruelty of those times is incredible. When Rome finally conquered Greece, Paulus Aemilius, was told by the Roman Senate to reward his soldiers for their toil25 by “giving” them the old kingdom of Epirus. They sacked seventy cities and carried off a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants as slaves. How many they killed I know not; but in Etolia they killed all the senators, five hundred and fifty in number. Brutus was “the noblest Roman of them all,” but to reanimate his soldiers on the eve of Philippi he similarly promises to give them the cities of Sparta and Thessalonica to ravage26, if they win the fight.
Such was the gory27 nurse that trained societies to cohesiveness28. We inherit the warlike type; and for most of the capacities of heroism30 that the human race is full of we have to thank this cruel history. Dead men tell no tales, and if there were any tribes of other type than this they have left no survivors31. Our ancestors have bred pugnacity into our bone and marrow32, and thousands of years of peace won’t breed it out of us. The popular imagination fairly fattens33 on the thought of wars. Let public opinion once reach a certain fighting pitch, and no ruler can withstand it. In the Boer war both governments began with bluff34 but could n’t stay there, the military tension was too much for them. In 1898 our people had read the word “war” in letters three inches high for three months in every newspaper. The pliant35 politician McKinley was swept away by their eagerness, and our squalid war with Spain became a necessity.
At the present day, civilized36 opinion is a curious mental mixture. The military instincts and ideals are as strong as ever, but are confronted by reflective criticisms which sorely curb37 their ancient freedom. Innumerable writers are showing up the bestial38 side of military service. Pure loot and mastery seem no longer morally avowable motives, and pretexts40 must be found for attributing them solely to the enemy. England and we, our army and navy authorities repeat without ceasing, arm solely for “peace,” Germany and Japan it is who are bent41 on loot and glory. “Peace” in military mouths today is a synonym42 for “war expected.” The word has become a pure provocative43, and no government wishing peace sincerely should allow it ever to be printed in a newspaper. Every up-to-date dictionary should say that “peace” and “war” mean the same thing, now in posse, now in actu. It may even reasonably be said that the intensely sharp competitive preparation for war by the nations is the real war, permanent, unceasing; and that the battles are only a sort of public verification of the mastery gained during the “peace”-interval44.
It is plain that on this subject civilized man has developed a sort of double personality. If we take European nations, no legitimate45 interest of any one of them would seem to justify46 the tremendous destructions which a war to compass it would necessarily entail47. It would seem as though common sense and reason ought to find a way to reach agreement in every conflict of honest interests. I myself think it our bounden duty to believe in such international rationality as possible. But, as things stand, I see how desperately48 hard it is to bring the peace-party and the war-party together, and I believe that the difficulty is due to certain deficiencies in the program of pacificism which set the militarist imagination strongly, and to a certain extent justifiably49, against it. In the whole discussion both sides are on imaginative and sentimental50 ground. It is but one utopia against another, and everything one says must be abstract and hypothetical. Subject to this criticism and caution, I will try to characterize in abstract strokes the opposite imaginative forces, and point out what to my own very fallible mind seems the best Utopian hypothesis, the most promising51 line of conciliation52.
In my remarks, pacificist though I am, I will refuse to speak of the bestial side of the war-régime (already done justice to by many writers) and consider only the higher aspects of militaristic sentiment. Patriotism53 no one thinks discreditable; nor does any one deny that war is the romance of history. But inordinate54 ambitions are the soul of every patriotism, and the possibility of violent death the soul of all romance. The militarily patriotic55 and romantic-minded everywhere, and especially the professional military class, refuse to admit for a moment that war may be a transitory phenomenon in social evolution. The notion of a sheep’s paradise like that revolts, they say, our higher imagination. Where then would be the steeps of life? If war had ever stopped, we should have to re-invent it, on this view, to redeem56 life from flat degeneration.
Reflective apologists for war at the present day all take it religiously. It is a sort of sacrament. Its profits are to the vanquished57 as well as to the victor; and quite apart from any question of profit, it is an absolute good, we are told, for it is human nature at its highest dynamic. Its “horrors” are a cheap price to pay for rescue from the only alternative supposed, of a world of clerks and teachers, of co-education and zo-ophily, of “consumer’s leagues” and “associated charities,” of industrialism unlimited58, and feminism unabashed. No scorn, no hardness, no valor59 any more! Fie upon such a cattleyard of a planet!
So far as the central essence of this feeling goes, no healthy minded person, it seems to me, can help to some degree partaking of it. Militarism is the great preserver of our ideals of hardihood, and human life with no use for hardihood would be contemptible60. Without risks or prizes for the darer, history would be insipid61 indeed; and there is a type of military character which every one feels that the race should never cease to breed, for every one is sensitive to its superiority. The duty is incumbent62 on mankind, of keeping military characters in stock — of keeping them, if not for use, then as ends in themselves and as pure pieces of perfection — so that Roosevelt’s weaklings and mollycoddles63 may not end by making everything else disappear from the face of nature.
This natural sort of feeling forms, I think, the innermost soul of army-writings. Without any exception known to me, militarist authors take a highly mystical view of their subject, and regard war as a biological or sociological necessity, uncontrolled by ordinary psychological checks and motives. When the time of development is ripe the war must come, reason or no reason, for the justifications64 pleaded are invariably fictitious65. War is, in short, a permanent human obligation. General Homer Lea, in his recent book “The Valor of Ignorance,” plants himself squarely on this ground. Readiness for war is for him the essence of nationality, and ability in it the supreme66 measure of the health of nations.
Nations, General Lea says, are never stationary67 — they must necessarily expand or shrink, according to their vitality68 or decrepitude69. Japan now is culminating; and by the fatal law in question it is impossible that her statesmen should not long since have entered, with extraordinary foresight70, upon a vast policy of conquest — the game in which the first moves were her wars with China and Russia and her treaty with England, and of which the final objective is the capture of the Philippines, the Hawaiian Islands, Alaska, and the whole of our Coast west of the Sierra Passes. This will give Japan what her ineluctable vocation71 as a state absolutely forces her to claim, the possession of the entire Pacific Ocean; and to oppose these deep designs we Americans have, according to our author, nothing but our conceit72, our ignorance, our commercialism, our corruption73, and our feminism. General Lea makes a minute technical comparison of the military strength which we at present could oppose to the strength of Japan, and concludes that the islands, Alaska, Oregon, and Southern California, would fall almost without resistance, that San Francisco must surrender in a fortnight to a Japanese investment, that in three or four months the war would be over, and our republic, unable to regain74 what it had heedlessly neglected to protect sufficiently75, would then “disintegrate,” until perhaps some Caesar should arise to weld us again into a nation.
A dismal76 forecast indeed! Yet not implausible, if the mentality77 of Japan’s statesmen be of the Caesarian type of which history shows so many examples, and which is all that General Lea seems able to imagine. But there is no reason to think that women can no longer be the mothers of Napoleonic or Alexandrian characters; and if these come in Japan and find their opportunity, just such surprises as “The Valor of Ignorance” paints may lurk78 in ambush79 for us. Ignorant as we still are of the innermost recesses80 of Japanese mentality, we may be foolhardy to disregard such possibilities.
Other militarists are more complex and more moral in their considerations. The “Philosophie des Krieges,” by S. R. Steinmetz is a good example. War, according to this author, is an ordeal81 instituted by God, who weighs the nations in its balance. It is the essential form of the State, and the only function in which peoples can employ all their powers at once and convergently. No victory is possible save as the resultant of a totality of virtues82, no defeat for which some vice39 or weakness is not responsible. Fidelity83, cohesiveness, tenacity84, heroism, conscience, education, inventiveness, economy, wealth, physical health and vigor85 — there is n’t a moral or intellectual point of superiority that does n’t tell, when God holds his assizes and hurls86 the peoples upon one another. Die Weltgeschichte ist das Weltgericht; and Dr. Steinmetz does not believe that in the long run chance and luck play any part in apportioning87 the issues.
The virtues that prevail, it must be noted88, are virtues anyhow, superiorities that count in peaceful as well as in military competition; but the strain on them, being infinitely89 intenser in the latter case, makes war infinitely more searching as a trial. No ordeal is comparable to its winnowings. Its dread90 hammer is the welder91 of men into cohesive29 states, and nowhere but in such states can human nature adequately develop its capacity. The only alternative is “degeneration.”
Dr. Steinmetz is a conscientious92 thinker, and his book, short as it is, takes much into account. Its upshot can, it seems to me, be summed up in Simon Patten’s word, that mankind was nursed in pain and fear, and that the transition to a “pleasure-economy” may be fatal to a being wielding93 no powers of defence against its disintegrative94 influences. If we speak of the fear of emancipation95 from the fear-régime, we put the whole situation into a single phrase; fear regarding ourselves now taking the place of the ancient fear of the enemy.
Turn the fear over as I will in my mind, it all seems to lead back to two unwillingnesses of the imagination, one aesthetic97, and the other moral; unwillingness96, first to envisage98 a future in which army-life, with its many elements of charm, shall be forever impossible, and in which the destinies of peoples shall nevermore be decided99, quickly, thrillingly, and tragically100, by force, but only gradually and insipidly101 by “evolution”; and, secondly102, unwillingness to see the supreme theatre of human strenuousness103 closed, and the splendid military aptitudes105 of men doomed106 to keep always in a state of latency and never show themselves in action. These insistent107 unwillingnesses, no less than other aesthetic and ethical108 insistencies, have, it seems to me, to be listened to and respected. One cannot meet them effectively by mere109 counter-insistency on war’s expensiveness and horror. The horror makes the thrill; and when the question is of getting the extremest and supremest out of human nature, talk of expense sounds ignominious110. The weakness of so much merely negative criticism is evident — pacificism makes no converts from the military party. The military party denies neither the bestiality nor the horror, nor the expense; it only says that these things tell but half the story. It only says that war is worth them; that, taking human nature as a whole, its wars are its best protection against its weaker and more cowardly self, and that mankind cannot afford to adopt a peace-economy.
Pacificists ought to enter more deeply into the aesthetical and ethical point of view of their opponents. Do that first in any controversy111, says J. J. Chapman, then move the point, and your opponent will follow. So long as anti-militarists propose no substitute for war’s disciplinary function, no moral equivalent of war, analogous112, as one might say, to the mechanical equivalent of heat, so long they fail to realize the full inwardness of the situation. And as a rule they do fail. The duties, penalties, and sanctions pictured in the Utopias they paint are all too weak and tame to touch the military-minded. Tolstoi’s pacificism is the only exception to this rule, for it is profoundly pessimistic as regards all this world’s values, and makes the fear of the Lord furnish the moral spur provided elsewhere by the fear of the enemy. But our socialistic peace-advocates all believe absolutely in this world’s values; and instead of the fear of the Lord and the fear of the enemy, the only fear they reckon with is the fear of poverty if one be lazy. This weakness pervades113 all the socialistic literature with which I am acquainted. Even in Lowes Dickinson’s exquisite114 dialogue,18 high wages and short hours are the only forces invoked115 for overcoming man’s distaste for repulsive116 kinds of labor117. Meanwhile men at large still live as they always have lived, under a pain-and-fear economy — for those of us who live in an ease-economy are but an island in the stormy ocean — and the whole atmosphere of present-day Utopian literature tastes mawkish118 and dishwatery to people who still keep a sense for life’s more bitter flavors. It suggests, in truth, ubiquitous inferiority. Inferiority is always with us, and merciless scorn of it is the keynote of the military temper. “Dogs, would you live forever?” shouted Frederick the Great. “Yes,” say our Utopians, “let us live forever, and raise our level gradually.” The best thing about our “inferiors” today is that they are as tough as nails, and physically119 and morally almost as insensitive. Utopianism would see them soft and squeamish, while militarism would keep their callousness120, but transfigure it into a meritorious121 characteristic, needed by “the service,” and redeemed122 by that from the suspicion of inferiority. All the qualities of a man acquire dignity when he knows that the service of the collectivity that owns him needs them. If proud of the collectivity, his own pride rises in proportion. No collectivity is like an army for nourishing such pride; but it has to be confessed that the only sentiment which the image of pacific cosmopolitan123 industrialism is capable of arousing in countless124 worthy125 breasts is shame at the idea of belonging to such a collectivity. It is obvious that the United States of America as they exist today impress a mind like General Lea’s as so much human blubber. Where is the sharpness and precipitousness, the contempt for life, whether one’s own, or another’s? Where is the savage126 “yes” and “no,” the unconditional127 duty? Where is the conscription? Where is the blood-tax? Where is anything that one feels honored by belonging to?
Having said thus much in preparation, I will now confess my own Utopia. I devoutly128 believe in the reign129 of peace and in the gradual advent130 of some sort of a socialistic equilibrium131. The fatalistic view of the war-function is to me nonsense, for I know that war-making is due to definite motives and subject to prudential checks and reasonable criticisms, just like any other form of enterprise. And when whole nations are the armies, and the science of destruction vies in intellectual refinement132 with the sciences of production, I see that war becomes absurd and impossible from its own monstrosity. Extravagant133 ambitions will have to be replaced by reasonable claims, and nations must make common cause against them. I see no reason why all this should not apply to yellow as well as to white countries, and I look forward to a future when acts of war shall be formally outlawed134 as between civilized peoples.
All these beliefs of mine put me squarely into the anti-militarist party. But I do not believe that peace either ought to be or will be permanent on this globe, unless the states pacifically organized preserve some of the old elements of army-discipline. A permanently135 successful peace-economy cannot be a simple pleasure-economy. In the more or less socialistic future towards which mankind seems drifting we must still subject ourselves collectively to those severities which answer to our real position upon this only partly hospitable136 globe. We must make new energies and hardihoods continue the manliness137 to which the military mind so faithfully clings. Martial virtues must be the enduring cement; intrepidity138, contempt of softness, surrender of private interest, obedience139 to command, must still remain the rock upon which states are built — unless, indeed, we wish for dangerous reactions against commonwealths141 fit only for contempt, and liable to invite attack whenever a centre of crystallization for military-minded enterprise gets formed anywhere in their neighborhood.
The war-party is assuredly right in affirming and reaffirming that the martial virtues, although originally gained by the race through war, are absolute and permanent human goods. Patriotic pride and ambition in their military form are, after all, only specifications142 of a more general competitive passion. They are its first form, but that is no reason for supposing them to be its last form. Men now are proud of belonging to a conquering nation, and without a murmur143 they lay down their persons and their wealth, if by so doing they may fend144 off subjection. But who can be sure that other aspects of one’s country may not, with time and education and suggestion enough, come to be regarded with similarly effective feelings of pride and shame? Why should men not some day feel that it is worth a blood-tax to belong to a collectivity superior in any ideal respect? Why should they not blush with indignant shame if the community that owns them is vile145 in any way whatsoever146? Individuals, daily more numerous, now feel this civic147 passion. It is only a question of blowing on the spark till the whole population gets incandescent148, and on the ruins of the old morals of military honor, a stable system of morals of civic honor builds itself up. What the whole community comes to believe in grasps the individual as in a vise. The war-function has grasped us so far; but constructive149 interests may some day seem no less imperative150, and impose on the individual a hardly lighter151 burden.
Let me illustrate152 my idea more concretely. There is nothing to make one indignant in the mere fact that life is hard, that men should toil and suffer pain. The planetary conditions once for all are such, and we can stand it. But that so many men, by mere accidents of birth and opportunity, should have a life of nothing else but toil and pain and hardness and inferiority imposed upon them, should have no vacation, while others natively no more deserving never get any taste of this campaigning life at all — this is capable of arousing indignation in reflective minds. It may end by seeming shameful153 to all of us that some of us have nothing but campaigning, and others nothing but unmanly ease. If now — and this is my idea — there were, instead of military conscription a conscription of the whole youthful population to form for a certain number of years a part of the army enlisted155 against Nature, the injustice would tend to be evened out, and numerous other goods to the commonwealth140 would follow. The military ideals of hardihood and discipline would be wrought156 into the growing fibre of the people; no one would remain blind as the luxurious157 classes now are blind, to man’s relations to the globe he lives on, and to the permanently sour and hard foundations of his higher life. To coal and iron mines, to freight trains, to fishing fleets in December, to dishwashing, clothes-washing, and window-washing, to road-building and tunnel-making, to foundries and stoke-holes, and to the frames of skyscrapers158, would our gilded159 youths be drafted off, according to their choice, to get the childishness knocked out of them, and to come back into society with healthier sympathies and soberer ideas. They would have paid their blood-tax, done their own part in the immemorial human warfare160 against nature; they would tread the earth more proudly, the women would value them more highly, they would be better fathers and teachers of the following generation.
Such a conscription, with the state of public opinion that would have required it, and the many moral fruits it would bear, would preserve in the midst of a pacific civilization the manly154 virtues which the military party is so afraid of seeing disappear in peace. We should get toughness without callousness, authority with as little criminal cruelty as possible, and painful work done cheerily because the duty is temporary, and threatens not, as now, to degrade the whole remainder of one’s life. I spoke161 of the “moral equivalent” of war. So far, war has been the only force that can discipline a whole community, and until an equivalent discipline is organized, I believe that war must have its way. But I have no serious doubt that the ordinary prides and shames of social man, once developed to a certain intensity162, are capable of organizing such a moral equivalent as I have sketched163, or some other just as effective for preserving manliness of type. It is but a question of time, of skilful164 propagandism, and of opinion-making men seizing historic opportunities.
The martial type of character can be bred without war. Strenuous104 honor and disinterestedness165 abound166 elsewhere. Priests and medical men are in a fashion educated to it and we should all feel some degree of it imperative if we were conscious of our work as an obligatory167 service to the state. We should be owned, as soldiers are by the army, and our pride would rise accordingly. We could be poor, then, without humiliation168, as army officers now are. The only thing needed henceforward is to inflame169 the civic temper as past history has inflamed170 the military temper. H. G. Wells, as usual, sees the centre of the situation. “In many ways,” he says, “military organization is the most peaceful of activities. When the contemporary man steps from the street, of clamorous171 insincere advertisement, push, adulteration, underselling and intermittent172 employment into the barrack-yard, he steps on to a higher social plane, into an atmosphere of service and cooperation and of infinitely more honorable emulations. Here at least men are not flung out of employment to degenerate173 because there is no immediate174 work for them to do. They are fed and drilled and trained for better services. Here at least a man is supposed to win promotion175 by self-forgetfulness and not by self-seeking. And beside the feeble and irregular endowment of research by commercialism, its little short-sighted snatches at profit by innovation and scientific economy, see how remarkable176 is the steady and rapid development of method and appliances in naval177 and military affairs! Nothing is more striking than to compare the progress of civil conveniences which has been left almost entirely178 to the trader, to the progress in military apparatus179 during the last few decades. The house-appliances of today for example, are little better than they were fifty years ago. A house of today is still almost as ill-ventilated, badly heated by wasteful180 fires, clumsily arranged and furnished as the house of 1858. Houses a couple of hundred years old are still satisfactory places of residence, so little have our standards risen. But the rifle or battleship of fifty years ago was beyond all comparison inferior to those we possess; in power, in speed, in convenience alike. No one has a use now for such superannuated181 things.” 19
Wells adds20 that he thinks that the conceptions of order and discipline, the tradition of service and devotion, of physical fitness, unstinted exertion182, and universal responsibility, which universal military duty is now teaching European nations, will remain a permanent acquisition, when the last ammunition183 has been used in the fireworks that celebrate the final peace. I believe as he does. It would be simply preposterous184 if the only force that could work ideals of honor and standards of efficiency into English or American natures should be the fear of being killed by the Germans or the Japanese. Great indeed is Fear; but it is not, as our military enthusiasts185 believe and try to make us believe, the only stimulus186 known for awakening187 the higher ranges of men’s spiritual energy. The amount of alteration188 in public opinion which my utopia postulates189 is vastly less than the difference between the mentality of those black warriors who pursued Stanley’s party on the Congo with their cannibal war-cry of “Meat! Meat!” and that of the “general-staff” of any civilized nation. History has seen the latter interval bridged over: the former one can be bridged over much more easily.
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1
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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expunged
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| v.擦掉( expunge的过去式和过去分词 )；除去；删去；消除 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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permissible
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| adj.可允许的，许可的 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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pugnacity
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| n.好斗，好战 | |
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mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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irrationality
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| n. 不合理，无理性 | |
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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panorama
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| n.全景，全景画，全景摄影，全景照片[装置] | |
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jingoism
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| n.极端之爱国主义 | |
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imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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ravage
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| vt.使...荒废，破坏...；n.破坏，掠夺，荒废 | |
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gory
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| adj.流血的；残酷的 | |
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cohesiveness
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| n. 粘合，凝聚性 | |
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cohesive
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| adj.有粘着力的；有结合力的；凝聚性的 | |
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30
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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31
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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32
marrow
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| n.骨髓；精华；活力 | |
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33
fattens
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| v.喂肥( fatten的第三人称单数 )；养肥（牲畜）；使（钱）增多；使（公司）升值 | |
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34
bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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35
pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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36
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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37
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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38
bestial
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| adj.残忍的；野蛮的 | |
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39
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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40
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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41
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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42
synonym
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| n.同义词，换喻词 | |
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43
provocative
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| adj.挑衅的，煽动的，刺激的，挑逗的 | |
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44
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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45
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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46
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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47
entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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48
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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49
justifiably
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| adv.无可非议地 | |
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50
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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51
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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52
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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53
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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54
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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55
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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56
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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57
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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58
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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59
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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60
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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61
insipid
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| adj.无味的，枯燥乏味的，单调的 | |
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62
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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63
mollycoddles
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| v.娇养，宠坏( mollycoddle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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64
justifications
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| 正当的理由，辩解的理由( justification的名词复数 ) | |
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65
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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66
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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67
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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68
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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69
decrepitude
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| n.衰老；破旧 | |
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70
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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71
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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72
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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73
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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74
regain
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|
| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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75
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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76
dismal
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|
| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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77
mentality
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| n.心理，思想，脑力 | |
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78
lurk
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| n.潜伏，潜行；v.潜藏，潜伏，埋伏 | |
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79
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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80
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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81
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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82
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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83
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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84
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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85
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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86
hurls
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的第三人称单数 )；大声叫骂 | |
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87
apportioning
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| vt.分摊，分配（apportion的现在分词形式） | |
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88
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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89
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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90
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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91
welder
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| n电焊工 | |
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92
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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93
wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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94
disintegrative
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|
| adj.使分裂的，使崩溃的 | |
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95
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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96
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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97
aesthetic
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|
| adj.美学的，审美的，有美感 | |
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98
envisage
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| v.想象，设想，展望，正视 | |
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99
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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100
tragically
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|
| adv. 悲剧地，悲惨地 | |
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101
insipidly
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| adv.没有味道地，清淡地 | |
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102
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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103
strenuousness
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104
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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105
aptitudes
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| （学习方面的）才能，资质，天资( aptitude的名词复数 ) | |
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106
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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107
insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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108
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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109
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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110
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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111
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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112
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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113
pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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114
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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115
invoked
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|
| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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116
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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117
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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118
mawkish
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| adj.多愁善感的的；无味的 | |
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119
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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120
callousness
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121
meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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122
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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123
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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124
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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125
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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126
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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127
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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128
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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129
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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130
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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131
equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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132
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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133
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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134
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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135
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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136
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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137
manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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138
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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139
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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140
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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141
commonwealths
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| n.共和国( commonwealth的名词复数 )；联邦；团体；协会 | |
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142
specifications
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| n.规格；载明；详述；（产品等的）说明书；说明书( specification的名词复数 )；详细的计划书；载明；详述 | |
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143
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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144
fend
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| v.照料（自己），（自己）谋生，挡开，避开 | |
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145
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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146
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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147
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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148
incandescent
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| adj.遇热发光的， 白炽的，感情强烈的 | |
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149
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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150
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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151
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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152
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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153
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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154
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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155
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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156
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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157
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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158
skyscrapers
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| n.摩天大楼 | |
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159
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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160
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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161
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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163
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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disinterestedness
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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wasteful
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| adj.（造成）浪费的，挥霍的 | |
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superannuated
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| adj.老朽的，退休的；v.因落后于时代而废除，勒令退学 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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183
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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185
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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postulates
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| v.假定，假设( postulate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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