It naturally ensues, from the absence or scantiness8 of explicit9 or systematic10 information connected with the opening stages of such inquiries11 as the present, that the student is compelled to draw his own inferences from indirect or unwitting allusion12; but so long as conjecture13 and hypothesis are not too freely indulged, this class of evidence is, as a rule, tolerably trustworthy, and is, moreover, open to verification.
When we pass from an examination of the state of the question as regarded Cookery in very early times among us, before an even more valuable art — that of Printing — was discovered, we shall find ourselves face to face with a rich and long chronological14 series of books on the Mystery, the titles and fore-fronts of which are often not without a kind of fragrance15 and go?t.
As the space allotted16 to me is limited, and as the sketch17 left by Warner of the convivial18 habits and household arrangements of the Saxons or Normans in this island, as well as of the monastic institutions, is more copious19 than any which I could offer, it may be best to refer simply to his elaborate preface. But it may be pointed20 out generally that the establishment of the Norman sway not only purged21 of some of their Anglo-Danish barbarism the tables of the nobility and the higher classes, but did much to spread among the poor a thriftier22 manipulation of the articles of food by a resort to broths23, messes, and hot-pots. In the poorer districts, in Normandy as well as in Brittany, Duke William would probably find very little alteration24 in the mode of preparing victuals25 from that which was in use in his day, eight hundred years ago, if (like another Arthur) he should return among his ancient compatriots; but in his adopted country he would see that there had been a considerable revolt from the common saucepan — not to add from the pseudo-Arthurian bag-pudding; and that the English artisan, if he could get a rump-steak or a leg of mutton once a week, was content to starve on the other six days.
Those who desire to be more amply informed of the domestic economy of the ancient court, and to study the minutiae26, into which I am precluded27 from entering, can easily gratify themselves in the pages of “The Ordinances28 and Regulations for the Government of the Royal Household,” 1790; “The Northumberland Household Book;” and the various printed volumes of “Privy Purse Expenses” of royal and great personages, including “The Household Roll of Bishop29 Swinfield (1289-90).”
The late Mr. Green, in his “History of the English People” (1880-3, 4 vols. 8vo), does not seem to have concerned himself about the kitchens or gardens of the nation which he undertook to describe. Yet, what conspicuous30 elements these have been in our social and domestic progress, and what civilising factors!
To a proper and accurate appreciation31 of the cookery of ancient times among ourselves, a knowledge of its condition in other more or less neighbouring countries, and of the surrounding influences and conditions which marked the dawn of the art in England, and its slow transition to a luxurious32 excess, would be in strictness necessary; but I am tempted33 to refer the reader to an admirable series of papers which appeared on this subject in Barker’s “Domestic Architecture,” and were collected in 1861, under the title of “Our English Home: its Early History and Progress.” In this little volume the author, who does not give his name, has drawn34 together in a succinct35 compass the collateral36 information which will help to render the following pages more luminous37 and interesting. An essay might be written on the appointments of the table only, their introduction, development, and multiplication38.
The history and antiquities39 of the Culinary Art among the Greeks are handled with his usual care and skill by M.J.A. St. John in his “Manners and Customs of Ancient Greece,” 1842; and in the Biblia or Hebrew Scriptures40 we get an indirect insight into the method of cooking from the forms of sacrifice.
The earliest legend which remains41 to us of Hellenic gastronomy42 is associated with cannibalism43. It is the story of Pelops — an episode almost pre-Homeric, where a certain rudimentary knowledge of dressing44 flesh, and even of disguising its real nature, is implied in the tale, as it descends45 to us; and the next in order of times is perhaps the familiar passage in the Odyssey46, recounting the adventures of Odysseus and his companions in the cave of Polyphemus. Here, again, we are introduced to a rude society of cave-dwellers47, who eat human flesh, if not as an habitual48 diet, yet not only without reluctance49, but with relish50 and enjoyment51.
The Phagetica of Ennius, of which fragments remain, seems to be the most ancient treatise52 of the kind in Roman literature. It is supposed to relate an account of edible53 fishes; but in a complete state the work may very well have amounted to a general Manual on the subject. In relation even to Homer, the Phagetica is comparatively modern, following the Odyssey at a distance of some six centuries; and in the interval54 it is extremely likely that anthropophagy had become rarer among the Greeks, and that if they still continued to be cooking animals, they were relinquishing55 the practice of cooking one another.
Mr. Ferguson, again, has built on Athenaeus and other authorities a highly valuable paper on “The Formation of the Palate,” and the late Mr. Coote, in the forty-first volume of “Archaeologia,” has a second on the “Cuisine56 Bourgeoise” of ancient Rome. These two essays, with the “Fairfax Inventories” communicated to the forty-eighth volume of the “Archaeologia” by Mr. Peacock, cover much of the ground which had been scarcely traversed before by any scientific English inquirer. The importance of an insight into the culinary economy of the Romans lies in the obligations under which the more western nations of Europe are to it for nearly all that they at first knew upon the subject. The Romans, on their part, were borrowers in this, as in other, sciences from Greece, where the arts of cookery and medicine were associated, and were studied by physicians of the greatest eminence57; and to Greece these mysteries found their way from Oriental sources. But the school of cookery which the Romans introduced into Britain was gradually superseded58 in large measure by one more agreeable to the climate and physical demands of the people; and the free use of animal food, which was probably never a leading feature in the diet of the Italians as a community, and may be treated as an incidence of imperial luxury, proved not merely innocuous, but actually beneficial to a more northerly race.
So little is to be collected — in the shape of direct testimony59, next to nothing — of the domestic life of the Britons — that it is only by conjecture that one arrives at the conclusion that the original diet of our countrymen consisted of vegetables, wild fruit, the honey of wild bees — which is still extensively used in this country — a coarse sort of bread, and milk. The latter was evidently treated as a very precious article of consumption, and its value was enhanced by the absence of oil and the apparent want of butter. Mr. Ferguson supposes, from some remains of newly-born calves60, that our ancestors sacrificed the young of the cow rather than submit to a loss of the milk; but it was, on the contrary, an early superstition61, and may be, on obvious grounds, a fact, that the presence of the young increased the yield in the mother, and that the removal of the calf62 was detrimental63. The Italian invaders64 augmented65 and enriched the fare, without, perhaps, materially altering its character; and the first decided66 reformation in the mode of living here was doubtless achieved by the Saxon and Danish settlers; for those in the south, who had migrated hither from the Low Countries, ate little flesh, and indeed, as to certain animals, cherished, according to Caesar, religious scruples67 against it.
It was to the hunting tribes, who came to us from regions even bleaker68 and more exacting69 than our own, that the southern counties owed the taste for venison and a call for some nourishment70 more sustaining than farinaceous substances, green stuff and milk, as well as a gradual dissipation of the prejudice against the hare, the goose, and the hen as articles of food, which the “Commentaries” record. It is characteristic of the nature of our nationality, however, that while the Anglo-Saxons and their successors refused to confine themselves to the fare which was more or less adequate to the purposes of archaic71 pastoral life in this island, they by no means renounced72 their partiality for farm and garden produce, but by a fusion73 of culinary tastes and experiences akin74 to fusion of race and blood, laid the basis of the splendid cuisine of the Plantagenet and Tudor periods. Our cookery is, like our tongue, an amalgam75.
But the Roman historian saw little or nothing of our country except those portions which lay along or near the southern coast; the rest of his narrative76 was founded on hearsay77; and he admits that the people in the interior — those beyond the range of his personal knowledge, more particularly the northern tribes and the Scots — were flesh-eaters, by which he probably intends, not consumers of cattle, but of the venison, game, and fish which abounded78 in their forests and rivers. The various parts of this country were in Caesar’s day, and very long after, more distinct from each other for all purposes of communication and intercourse79 than we are now from Spain or from Switzerland; and the foreign influences which affected80 the South Britons made no mark on those petty states which lay at a distance, and whose diet was governed by purely81 local conditions. The dwellers northward82 were by nature hunters and fishermen, and became only by Act of Parliament poachers, smugglers, and illicit83 distillers; the province of the male portion of the family was to find food for the rest; and a pair of spurs laid on an empty trencher was well understood by the goodman as a token that the larder was empty and replenishable.
There are new books on all subjects, of which it is comparatively easy within a moderate compass to afford an intelligible84, perhaps even a sufficient, account. But there are others which I, for my part, hesitate to touch, and which do not seem to be amenable85 to the law of selection. “Studies in Nidderland,” by Mr. Joseph Lucas, is one of these. It was a labour of love, and it is full of records of singular survivals to our time of archaisms of all descriptions, culinary and gardening utensils86 not forgotten. There is one point, which I may perhaps advert87 to, and it is the square of wood with a handle, which the folk in that part of Yorkshire employed, in lieu of the ladle, for stirring, and the stone ovens for baking, which, the author tells us, occur also in a part of Surrey. But the volume should be read as a whole. We have of such too few.
Under the name of a Roman epicure88, Coelius Apicius, has come down to us what may be accepted as the most ancient European “Book of Cookery.” I think that the idea widely entertained as to this work having proceeded from the pen of a man, after whom it was christened, has no more substantial basis than a theory would have that the “Arabian Nights” were composed by Haroun al Raschid. Warner, in the introduction to his “Antiquitates Culinariae,” 1791, adduces as a specimen89 of the rest two receipts from this collection, shewing how the Roman cook of the Apician epoch90 was wont91 to dress a hog’s paunch, and to manufacture sauce for a boiled chicken. Of the three persons who bore the name, it seems to be thought most likely that the one who lived under Trajan was the true godfather of the Culinary Manual.
One of Massinger’s characters (Holdfast) in the “City Madam,” 1658, is made to charge the gourmets92 of his time with all the sins of extravagance perpetrated in their most luxurious and fantastic epoch. The object was to amuse the audience; but in England no “court gluttony,” much less country Christmas, ever saw buttered eggs which had cost ￡30, or pies of carps’ tongues, or pheasants drenched93 with ambergris, or sauce for a peacock made of the gravy94 of three fat wethers, or sucking pigs at twenty marks each.
Both Apicius and our Joe Miller95 died within ￡80,000 of being beggars — Miller something the nigher to that goal; and there was this community of insincerity also, that neither really wrote the books which carry their names. Miller could not make a joke or understand one when anybody else made it. His Roman foregoer, who would certainly never have gone for his dinner to Clare Market, relished96 good dishes, even if he could not cook them.
It appears not unlikely that the Romish clergy97, whose monastic vows98 committed them to a secluded99 life, were thus led to seek some compensation for the loss of other worldly pleasures in those of the table; and that, when one considers the luxury of the old abbeys, one ought to recollect100 at the same time, that it was perhaps in this case as it was in regard to letters and the arts, and that we are under a certain amount of obligation to the monks101 for modifying the barbarism of the table, and encouraging a study of gastronomy.
There are more ways to fame than even Horace suspected. The road to immortality102 is not one but manifold. A man can but do what he can. As the poet writes and the painter fills with his inspiration the mute and void canvas, so doth the Cook his part. There was formerly103 apopular work in France entitled “Le Cuisinier Royal,” by MM. Viard and Fouret, who describe themselves as “Hommes de Bouche.” The twelfth edition lies before me, a thick octavo volume, dated 1825. The title-page is succeeded by an anonymous104 address to the reader, at the foot of which occurs a peremptory105 warning to pilferers of dishes or parts thereof; in other words, to piratical invaders of the copyright of Monsieur Barba. There is a preface equally unclaimed by signatures or initials, but as it is in the singular number the two hommes de bouche can scarcely have written it; perchance it was M. Barba aforesaid, lord-proprietor of these not-to-be-touched treasures; but anyhow the writer had a very solemn feeling of the debt which he had conferred on society by making the contents public for the twelfth time, and he concludes with a mixture of sentiments, which it is very difficult to define: “Dans la paix de ma conscience, non moins que dans l’orgueil d’avoir si honorablement rempli cette importante mission, je m’ecrierai avec le poete des gourmands106 et des amoureux:
“Exegi monumentum aere perennius
Non omnis moriar.”*
* “In the peace of my conscience, not less than the pride of having so honorably filled this important mission, I exclaimed with the poet of gourmands and lovers:
I have erected107 a monument more enduring than bronze
I shall not die completely.
Horace, Ode 3:30
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1
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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prehensile
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| adj.（足等）适于抓握的 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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oysters
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| 牡蛎( oyster的名词复数 ) | |
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subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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larder
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| n.食物贮藏室，食品橱 | |
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grouse
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| n.松鸡；v.牢骚，诉苦 | |
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scantiness
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| n.缺乏 | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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convivial
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| adj.狂欢的，欢乐的 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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thriftier
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| 节俭的( thrifty的比较级 )； 节约的； 茁壮的； 茂盛的 | |
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broths
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| n.肉汤( broth的名词复数 )；厨师多了烧坏汤；人多手杂反坏事；人多添乱 | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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minutiae
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| n.微小的细节，细枝末节；（常复数）细节，小事( minutia的名词复数 ) | |
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precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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succinct
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| adj.简明的，简洁的 | |
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collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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gastronomy
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| n.美食法；美食学 | |
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cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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descends
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| v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 )；下去；下降；下斜 | |
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odyssey
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| n.长途冒险旅行；一连串的冒险 | |
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dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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51
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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edible
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| n.食品，食物；adj.可食用的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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relinquishing
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的现在分词 )； 放弃 | |
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cuisine
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| n.烹调，烹饪法 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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58
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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60
calves
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| n.(calf的复数)笨拙的男子，腓；腿肚子( calf的名词复数 )；牛犊；腓；小腿肚v.生小牛( calve的第三人称单数 )；（冰川）崩解；生（小牛等），产（犊）；使（冰川）崩解 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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calf
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| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
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detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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bleaker
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| 阴冷的( bleak的比较级 )； （状况）无望的； 没有希望的； 光秃的 | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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archaic
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| adj.(语言、词汇等)古代的，已不通用的 | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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fusion
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| n.溶化；熔解；熔化状态，熔和；熔接 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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75
amalgam
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| n.混合物；汞合金 | |
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76
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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hearsay
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| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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78
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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81
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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82
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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83
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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84
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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85
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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86
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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87
advert
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| vi.注意，留意，言及；n.广告 | |
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88
epicure
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| n.行家，美食家 | |
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89
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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90
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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92
gourmets
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| 讲究吃喝的人，美食家( gourmet的名词复数 ) | |
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drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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gravy
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| n.肉汁；轻易得来的钱，外快 | |
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miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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relished
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| v.欣赏( relish的过去式和过去分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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101
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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103
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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106
gourmands
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| n.喜欢吃喝的人，贪吃的人( gourmand的名词复数 )；美食主义 | |
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107
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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