“Why do you kill me”?
292. He lives on the other side of the water.
293. “Why do you kill me? What! do you not live on the other side of the water? If you lived on this side, my friend, I should be an assassin, and it would be unjust to slay2 you in this manner. But since you live on the other side, I am a hero, and it is just.”
294. On what shall man found the order of the world which he would govern? Shall it be on the caprice of each individual? What confusion! Shall it be on justice? Man is ignorant of it.
Certainly, had he known it, he would not have established this maxim4, the most general of all that obtain among men, that each should follow the custom of his own country. The glory of true equity5 would have brought all nations under subjection, and legislators would not have taken as their model the fancies and caprice of Persians and Germans instead of this unchanging justice. We would have seen it set up in all the States on earth and in all times; whereas we see neither justice nor injustice which does not change its nature with change in climate. Three degrees of latitude6 reverse all jurisprudence; a meridian7 decides the truth. Fundamental laws change after a few years of possession; right has its epochs; the entry of Saturn8 into the Lion marks to us the origin of such and such a crime. A strange justice that is bounded by a river! Truth on this side of the Pyrenees, error on the other side.
Men admit that justice does not consist in these customs, but that it resides in natural laws, common to every country. They would certainly maintain it obstinately10, if reckless chance which has distributed human laws had encountered even one which was universal; but the farce11 is that the caprice of men has so many vagaries12 that there is no such law.
Theft, incest, infanticide, parricide13, have all had a place among virtuous14 actions. Can anything be more ridiculous than that a man should have the right to kill me because he lives on the other side of the water, and because his ruler has a quarrel with mine, though I have none with him?
Doubtless there are natural laws; but good reason once corrupted15 has corrupted all. Nihil amplius nostrum16 est; quod nostrum dicimus, artis est.1 Ex senatus — consultis et plebiscitis crimina exercentur.2 Ut olim vitiis, sic nunc legibus laboramus.3
The result of this confusion is that one affirms the essence of justice to be the authority of the legislator; another, the interest of the sovereign; another, present custom, and this is the most sure. Nothing, according to reason alone, is just itself; all changes with time. Custom creates the whole of equity, for the simple reason that it is accepted. It is the mystical foundation of its authority; whoever carries it back to first principles destroys it. Nothing is so faulty as those laws which correct faults. He who obeys them because they are just obeys a justice which is imaginary and not the essence of law; it is quite self-contained, it is law and nothing more. He who will examine its motive17 will find it so feeble and so trifling18 that, if he be not accustomed to contemplate19 the wonders of human imagination, he will marvel20 that one century has gained for it so much pomp and reverence21. The art of opposition22 and of revolution is to unsettle established customs, sounding them even to their source, to point out their want of authority and justice. We must, it is said, get back to the natural and fundamental laws of the State, which an unjust custom has abolished. It is a game certain to result in the loss of all; nothing will be just on the balance. Yet people readily lend their ear to such arguments. They shake off the yoke23 as soon as they recognise it; and the great profit by their ruin and by that of these curious investigators25 of accepted customs. But from a contrary mistake men sometimes think they can justly do everything which is not without an example. That is why the wisest of legislators said that it was necessary to deceive men for their own good; and another, a good politician, Cum veritatem qua liberetur ignoret, expedit quod fallatur.4 We must not see the fact of usurpation26; law was once introduced without reason, and has become reasonable. We must make it regarded as authoritative27, eternal, and conceal28 its origin, if we do not wish that it should soon come to an end.
295. Mine, thine. —“This dog is mine,” said those poor children; “that is my place in the sun.” Here is the beginning and the image of the usurpation of all the earth.
296. When the question for consideration is whether we ought to make war and kill so many men — condemn29 so many Spaniards to death — only one man is judge, and he is an interested party. There should be a third, who is disinterested30.
297. Veri juris.5 — We have it no more; if we had it, we should take conformity31 to the customs of a country as the rule of justice. It is here that, not finding justice, we have found force, etc.
298. Justice, might. — It is right that what is just should be obeyed; it is necessary that what is strongest should be obeyed. Justice without might is helpless; might without justice is tyrannical. Justice without might is gainsaid32, because there are always offenders33; might without justice is condemned34. We must then combine justice and might and, for this end, make what is just strong, or what is strong just.
Justice is subject to dispute; might is easily recognised and is not disputed. So we cannot give might to justice, because might has gainsaid justice and has declared that it is she herself who is just. And thus, being unable to make what is just strong, we have made what is strong just.
299. The only universal rules are the laws of the country in ordinary affairs and of the majority in others. Whence comes this? From the might which is in them. Hence it comes that kings, who have power of a different kind, do not follow the majority of their ministers.
No doubt equality of goods is just; but, being unable to cause might to obey justice, men have made it just to obey might. Unable to strengthen justice, they have justified35 might; so that the just and the strong should unite, and there should be peace, which is the sovereign good.
300. “When a strong man armed keepeth his goods, his goods are in peace.”
301. Why do we follow the majority? Is it because they have more reason? No, because they have more power.
Why do we follow the ancient laws and opinions? Is it because they are more sound? No, but because they are unique and remove from us the root of difference.
302. . . . It is the effect of might, not of custom. For those who are capable of originality36 are few; the greater number will only follow and refuse glory to those inventors who seek it by their inventions. And if these are obstinate9 in their wish to obtain glory and despise those who do not invent, the latter will call them ridiculous names and will beat them with a stick. Let no one, then, boast of his subtlety37, or let him keep his complacency to himself.
303. Might is the sovereign of the world, and not opinion. But opinion makes use of might. It is might that makes opinion. Gentleness is beautiful in our opinion. Why? Because he who will dance on a rope will be alone, and I win gather a stronger mob of people who will say that it is unbecoming.
304. The cords which bind38 the respect of men to each other are in general cords of necessity; for there must be different degrees, all men wishing to rule, and not all being able to do so, but some being able.
Let us, then, imagine we see society in the process of formation. Men will doubtless fight till the stronger party overcomes the weaker, and a dominant39 party is established. But when this is once determined40, the masters, who do not desire the continuation of strife41, then decree that the power which is in their hands shall be transmitted as they please. Some place it in election by the people, others in hereditary42 succession, etc.
And this is the point where imagination begins to play its part. Till now power makes fact; now power is sustained by imagination in a certain party, in France in the nobility, in Switzerland in the burgesses, etc.
These cords which bind the respect of men to such and such an individual are therefore the cords of imagination.
305. The Swiss are offended by being called gentlemen, and prove themselves true plebeians43 in order to be thought worthy44 of great office.
306. As duchies, kingships, and magistracies are real and necessary, because might rules all, they exist everywhere and always. But since only caprice makes such and such a one a ruler, the principle is not constant, but subject to variation, etc.
307. The chancellor45 is grave and clothed with ornaments46, for his position is unreal. Not so the king; he has power and has nothing to do with the imagination. Judges, physicians, etc., appeal only to the imagination.
308. The habit of seeing kings accompanied by guards, drums, officers, and all the paraphernalia47 which mechanically inspire respect and awe48, makes their countenance49, when sometimes seen alone without these accompaniments, impress respect and awe on their subjects; because we cannot separate in thought their persons from the surroundings with which we see them usually joined. And the world, which knows not that this effect is the result of habit, believes that it arises by a natural force, whence come these words, “The character of Divinity is stamped on his countenance,” etc.
309. Justice. — As custom determines what is agreeable, so also does it determine justice.
310. King and tyrant50. — I, too, will keep my thoughts secret.
I will take care on every journey.
Greatness of establishment, respect for establishment.
The pleasure of the great is the power to make people happy.
The property of riches is to be given liberally.
The property of each thing must be sought. The property of power is to protect.
When force attacks humbug51, when a private soldier takes the square cap off a first president, and throws it out of the window.
311. The government founded on opinion and imagination reigns52 for some time, and this government is pleasant and voluntary; that founded on might lasts for ever. Thus opinion is the queen of the world, but might is its tyrant.
312. Justice is what is established; and thus all our established laws will necessarily be regarded as just without examination, since they are established.
313. Sound opinions of the people. — Civil wars are the greatest of evils. They are inevitable53, if we wish to reward desert; for all will say they are deserving. The evil we have to fear from a fool who succeeds by right of birth, is neither so great nor so sure.
314. God has created all for Himself. He has bestowed54 upon Himself the power of pain and pleasure.
You can apply it to God, or to yourself. If to God, the Gospel is the rule. If to yourself, you will take the place of God. As God is surrounded by persons full of charity, who ask of Him the blessings55 of charity that are in His power, so . . . recognise, then, and learn that you are only a king of lust56, and take the ways of lust.
315. The reason of effects. — It is wonderful that men would not have me honour a man clothed in brocade and followed by seven or eight lackeys57! Why! He will have me thrashed, if I do not salute58 him. This custom is a farce. It is the same with a horse in fine trappings in comparison with another! Montaigne is a fool not to see what difference there is, to wonder at our finding any, and to ask the reason. “Indeed,” says he, “how comes it,” etc. . . .
316. Sound opinions of the people. — To be spruce is not altogether foolish, for it proves that a great number of people work for one. It shows by one’s hair, that one has a valet, a perfumer, etc., by one’s band, thread, lace, . . . etc. Now it is not merely superficial nor merely outward show to have many arms at command. The more arms one has, the more powerful one is. To be spruce is to show one’s power.
317. Deference60 means, “Put yourself to inconvenience.” This is apparently61 silly, but is quite right. For it is to say, “I would indeed put myself to inconvenience if you required it, since indeed I do so when it is of no service to you.” Deference further serves to distinguish the great. Now if deference was displayed by sitting in an arm-chair, we should show deference to everybody, and so no distinction would be made; but, being put to inconvenience, we distinguish very well.
318. He has four lackeys.
319. How rightly do we distinguish men by external appearances rather than by internal qualities! Which of us two shall have precedence? Who will give place to the other? The least clever. But I am as clever as he. We should have to fight over this. He has four lackeys, and I have only one. This can be seen; we have only to count. It falls to me to yield, and I am a fool if I contest the matter. By this means we are at peace, which is the greatest of boons62.
320. The most unreasonable63 things in the world become most reasonable, because of the unruliness of men. What is less reasonable than to choose the eldest64 son of a queen to rule a State? We do not choose as captain of a ship the passenger who is of the best family.
This law would be absurd and unjust; but, because men are so themselves and always will be so, it becomes reasonable and just. For whom will men choose, as the most virtuous and able? We at once come to blows, as each claims to be the most virtuous and able. Let us then attach this quality to something indisputable. This is the king’s eldest son. That is clear, and there is no dispute. Reason can do no better, for civil war is the greatest of evils.
321. Children are astonished to see their comrades respected.
322. To be of noble birth is a great advantage. In eighteen years it places a man within the select circle, known and respected, as another have merited in fifty years. It is a gain of thirty years without trouble.
323. What is the Ego65?
Suppose a man puts himself at a window to see those who pass by. If I pass by, can I say that he placed himself there to see me? No; for he does not think of me in particular. But does he who loves someone on account of beauty really love that person? No; for the small-pox, which will kill beauty without killing66 the person, will cause him to love her no more.
And if one loves me for my judgement, memory, he does not love me, for I can lose these qualities without losing myself. Where, then, is this Ego, if it be neither in the body nor in the soul? And how love the body or the soul, except for these qualities which do not constitute me, since they are perishable67? For it is impossible and would be unjust to love the soul of a person in the abstract and whatever qualities might be therein. We never, then, love a person, but only qualities.
Let us, then, jeer68 no more at those who are honoured on account of rank and office; for we love a person only on account of borrowed qualities.
324. The people have very sound opinions, for example:
1. In having preferred diversion and hunting to poetry. The half-learned laugh at it, and glory in being above the folly69 of the world; but the people are right for a reason which these do not fathom70.
2. In having distinguished71 men by external marks, as birth or wealth. The world again exults72 in showing how unreasonable this is; but it is very reasonable. Savages73 laugh at an infant king.
3. In being offended at a blow, or in desiring glory so much. But it is very desirable on account of the other essential goods which are joined to it; and a man who has received a blow, without resenting it, is overwhelmed with taunts74 and indignities75.
4. In working for the uncertain; in sailing on the sea; in walking over a plank76.
325. Montaigne is wrong. Custom should be followed only because it is custom, and not because it is reasonable or just. But people follow it for this sole reason, that they think it just. Otherwise they would follow it no longer, although it were the custom; for they will only submit to reason or justice. Custom without this would pass for tyranny; but the sovereignty of reason and justice is no more tyrannical than that of desire. They are principles natural to man.
It would, therefore, be right to obey laws and customs, because they are laws; but we should know that there is neither truth nor justice to introduce into them, that we know nothing of these, and so must follow what is accepted. By this means we would never depart from them. But people cannot accept this doctrine77; and, as they believe that truth can be found, and that it exists in law and custom, they believe them and take their antiquity78 as a proof of their truth, and not simply of their authority apart from truth. Thus they obey laws, but they are liable to revolt when these are proved to be valueless; and this can be shown of all, looked at from a certain aspect.
326. Injustice. — It is dangerous to tell the people that the laws are unjust; for they obey them only because they think them just. Therefore it is necessary to tell them at the same time that they must obey them because they are laws, just as they must obey superiors, not because they are just, but because they are superiors. In this way all sedition79 is prevented, if this can be made intelligible80 and it be understood what is the proper definition of justice.
327. The world is a good judge of things, for it is in natural ignorance, which is man’s true state. The sciences have two extremes which meet. The first is the pure natural ignorance in which all men find themselves at birth. The other extreme is that reached by great intellects, who, having run through all that men can know, find they know nothing, and come back again to that same ignorance from which they set out; but this is a learned ignorance which is conscious of itself. Those between the two, who have departed from natural ignorance and not been able to reach the other, have some smattering of this vain knowledge and pretend to be wise. These trouble the world and are bad judges of everything. The people and the wise constitute the world; these despise it, and are despised. They judge badly of everything, and the world judges rightly of them.
328. The reason of effects. — Continual alternation of pro24 and con3.
We have, then, shown that man is foolish, by the estimation he makes of things which are not essential; and all these opinions are destroyed. We have next shown that all these opinions are very sound and that thus, since all these vanities are well founded, the people are not so foolish as is said. And so we have destroyed the opinion which destroyed that of the people.
But we must now destroy this last proposition and show that it remains81 always true that the people are foolish, though their opinions are sound because they do not perceive the truth where it is, and, as they place it where it is not, their opinions are always very false and very unsound.
329. The reason of effects. — The weakness of man is the reason why so many things are considered fine, as to be good at playing the lute59. It is only an evil because of our weakness.
330. The power of kings is founded on the reason and on the folly of the people, and specially82 on their folly. The greatest and most important thing in the world has weakness for its foundation, and this foundation is wonderfully sure; for there is nothing more sure than this, that the people will be weak. What is based on sound reason is very ill-founded as the estimate of wisdom.
331. We can only think of Plato and Aristotle in grand academic robes. They were honest men, like others, laughing with their friends, and, when they diverted themselves with writing their Laws and the Politics, they did it as an amusement. That part of their life was the least philosophic83 and the least serious; the most philosophic was to live simply and quietly. If they wrote on politics, it was as if laying down rules for a lunatic asylum84; and if they presented the appearance of speaking of a great matter, it was because they knew that the madmen, to whom they spoke85, thought they were kings and emperors. They entered into their principles in order to make their madness as little harmful as possible.
332. Tyranny consists in the desire of universal power beyond its scope.
There are different assemblies of the strong, the fair, the sensible, the pious86, in which each man rules at home, not elsewhere. And sometimes they meet, and the strong and the fair foolishly fight as to who shall be master, for their mastery is of different kinds. They do not understand one another, and their fault is the desire to rule everywhere. Nothing can effect this, not even might, which is of no use in the kingdom of the wise, and is only mistress of external actions.
Tyranny- . . . So these expressions are false and tyrannical: “I am fair, therefore I must be feared. I am strong, therefore I must be loved. I am . . .
Tyranny is the wish to have in one way what can only be had in another. We render different duties to different merits; the duty of love to the pleasant; the duty of fear to the strong; duty of belief to the learned.
We must render these duties; it is unjust to refuse them, and unjust to ask others. And so it is false and tyrannical to say, “He is not strong, therefore I will not esteem87 him; he is not able, therefore I will not fear him.”
333. Have you never seen people who, in order to complain of the little fuss you make about them, parade before you the example of great men who esteem them? In answer I reply to them, “Show me the merit whereby you have charmed these persons, and I also will esteem you.”
334. The reason of effects. — Lust and force are the source of all our actions; lust causes voluntary actions, force involuntary ones.
335. The reason of effects. — It is, then, true to say that all the world is under a delusion88; for, although the opinions of the people are sound, they are not so as conceived by them, since they think the truth to be where it is not. Truth is indeed in their opinions, but not at the point where they imagine it. Thus it is true that we must honour noblemen, but not because noble birth is real superiority, etc.
336. The reason of effects. — We must keep our thought secret, and judge everything by it, while talking like the people.
337. The reason of effects. Degrees. The people honour persons of high birth. The semi-learned despise them, saying that birth is not a personal, but a chance superiority. The learned honour them, not for popular reasons, but for secret reasons. Devout89 persons, who have more zeal90 than knowledge, despise them, in spite of that consideration which makes them honoured by the learned, because they judge them by a new light which piety91 gives them. But perfect Christians92 honour them by another and higher light. So arise a succession of opinions for and against, according to the light one has.
338. True Christians, nevertheless, comply with folly, not because they respect folly, but the command of God, who for the punishment of men has made them subject to these follies93. Omnis creatura subjecta est vanitati.6 Liberabitur.7 Thus Saint Thomas explains the passage in Saint James on giving place to the rich, that, if they do it not in the sight of God, they depart from the command of religion.
点击收听单词发音
1 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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2 slay | |
v.杀死,宰杀,杀戮 | |
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3 con | |
n.反对的观点,反对者,反对票,肺病;vt.精读,学习,默记;adv.反对地,从反面;adj.欺诈的 | |
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4 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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5 equity | |
n.公正,公平,(无固定利息的)股票 | |
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6 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
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7 meridian | |
adj.子午线的;全盛期的 | |
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8 Saturn | |
n.农神,土星 | |
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9 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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10 obstinately | |
ad.固执地,顽固地 | |
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11 farce | |
n.闹剧,笑剧,滑稽戏;胡闹 | |
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12 vagaries | |
n.奇想( vagary的名词复数 );异想天开;异常行为;难以预测的情况 | |
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13 parricide | |
n.杀父母;杀亲罪 | |
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14 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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15 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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16 nostrum | |
n.秘方;妙策 | |
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17 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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18 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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19 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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20 marvel | |
vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异;n.令人惊异的事 | |
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21 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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22 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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23 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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24 pro | |
n.赞成,赞成的意见,赞成者 | |
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25 investigators | |
n.调查者,审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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26 usurpation | |
n.篡位;霸占 | |
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27 authoritative | |
adj.有权威的,可相信的;命令式的;官方的 | |
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28 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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29 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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30 disinterested | |
adj.不关心的,不感兴趣的 | |
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31 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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32 gainsaid | |
v.否认,反驳( gainsay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33 offenders | |
n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 );犯规者;罪犯;妨害…的人(或事物) | |
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34 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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35 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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36 originality | |
n.创造力,独创性;新颖 | |
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37 subtlety | |
n.微妙,敏锐,精巧;微妙之处,细微的区别 | |
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38 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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39 dominant | |
adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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40 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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41 strife | |
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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42 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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43 plebeians | |
n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 );庶民;平民百姓;平庸粗俗的人 | |
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44 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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45 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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46 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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47 paraphernalia | |
n.装备;随身用品 | |
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48 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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49 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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50 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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51 humbug | |
n.花招,谎话,欺骗 | |
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52 reigns | |
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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53 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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54 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55 blessings | |
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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56 lust | |
n.性(淫)欲;渴(欲)望;vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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57 lackeys | |
n.听差( lackey的名词复数 );男仆(通常穿制服);卑躬屈膝的人;被待为奴仆的人 | |
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58 salute | |
vi.行礼,致意,问候,放礼炮;vt.向…致意,迎接,赞扬;n.招呼,敬礼,礼炮 | |
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59 lute | |
n.琵琶,鲁特琴 | |
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60 deference | |
n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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61 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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62 boons | |
n.恩惠( boon的名词复数 );福利;非常有用的东西;益处 | |
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63 unreasonable | |
adj.不讲道理的,不合情理的,过度的 | |
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64 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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65 ego | |
n.自我,自己,自尊 | |
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66 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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67 perishable | |
adj.(尤指食物)易腐的,易坏的 | |
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68 jeer | |
vi.嘲弄,揶揄;vt.奚落;n.嘲笑,讥评 | |
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69 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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70 fathom | |
v.领悟,彻底了解 | |
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71 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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72 exults | |
狂喜,欢跃( exult的第三人称单数 ) | |
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73 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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74 taunts | |
嘲弄的言语,嘲笑,奚落( taunt的名词复数 ) | |
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75 indignities | |
n.侮辱,轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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76 plank | |
n.板条,木板,政策要点,政纲条目 | |
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77 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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78 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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79 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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80 intelligible | |
adj.可理解的,明白易懂的,清楚的 | |
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81 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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82 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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83 philosophic | |
adj.哲学的,贤明的 | |
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84 asylum | |
n.避难所,庇护所,避难 | |
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85 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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86 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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87 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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88 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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89 devout | |
adj.虔诚的,虔敬的,衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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90 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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91 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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92 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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93 follies | |
罪恶,时事讽刺剧; 愚蠢,蠢笨,愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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