It is the lot of every book which attempts to treat the origin and progress of Christianity in a sober and scientific spirit, to meet with unsparing attacks. Critics in plenty are always to be found, who, possessed2 with the idea that the entire significance and value of the Christian1 religion are demolished3 unless we regard it as a sort of historical monstrosity, are only too eager to subject the offending work to a scathing4 scrutiny5, displaying withal a modicum6 of righteous indignation at the unblushing heresy7 of the author, not unmixed with a little scornful pity at his inability to believe very preposterous8 stories upon very meagre evidence. “Conservative” polemics9 of this sort have doubtless their function. They serve to purge10 scientific literature of the awkward and careless statements too often made by writers not sufficiently11 instructed or cautious, which in the absence of hostile criticism might get accepted by the unthinking reader along with the truths which they accompany. Most scientific and philosophical13 works have their defects; and it is fortunate that there is such a thing as dogmatic ardour in the world, ever sharpening its wits to the utmost, that it may spy each lurking14 inaccuracy and ruthlessly drag it to light. But this useful spirit is wont15 to lead those who are inspired by it to shoot beyond the mark, and after pointing out the errors of others, to commit fresh mistakes of their own. In the skilful16 criticism of M. Renan’s work on the Apostles, in No. 29 of the “Fortnightly Review” there is now and then a vulnerable spot through which a controversial shaft17 may perhaps be made to pierce.
It may be true that Lord Lyttelton’s tract18 on the Conversion19 of St. Paul, as Dr. Johnson and Dr. Rogers have said, has never yet been refuted; but if I may judge from my own recollection of the work, I should say that this must be because no competent writer ever thought it worth his pains to criticize it. Its argument contains about as much solid consistency20 as a distended21 balloon, and collapses22 as readily at the first puncture23. It attempts to prove, first, that the conversion of St. Paul cannot be made intelligible24 except on the assumption that there was a miracle in the case; and secondly25, that if Paul was converted by a miracle, the truth of Christianity is impregnable. Now, if the first of these points be established, the demonstration27 is not yet complete, for the second point must be proved independently. But if the first point be overthrown28, the second loses its prop29, and falls likewise.
Great efforts are therefore made to show that no natural influences could have intervened to bring about a change in the feelings of Paul. He was violent, “thorough,” unaffected by pity or remorse31; and accordingly he could not have been so completely altered as he was, had he not actually beheld32 the risen Christ: such is the argument which Mr. Rogers deems so conclusive33. I do not know that from any of Paul’s own assertions we are entitled to affirm that no shade of remorse had ever crossed his mind previous to the vision near Damascus. But waiving34 this point, I do maintain that, granting Paul’s feelings to have been as Mr. Rogers thinks they were, his conversion is inexplicable35, even on the hypothesis of a miracle. He that is determined36 not to believe, will not believe, though one should rise from the dead. To make Paul a believer, it was not enough that he should meet his Lord face to face he must have been already prepared to believe. Otherwise he would have easily found means of explaining the miracle from his own point of view. He would certainly have attributed it to the wiles37 of the demon26, even as the Pharisees are said to have done with regard to the miraculous38 cures performed by Jesus. A “miraculous” occurrence in those days did not astonish as it would at present. “Miracles” were rather the order of the day, and in fact were lavished39 with such extreme bounty40 on all hands, that their convincing power was very slight. Neither side ever thought of disputing the reality of the miracles supposed to be performed on the other; but each side considered the miracles of its antagonist41 to be the work of diabolic agencies. Such being the case, it is useless to suppose that Paul could have distinguished42 between a true and a false miracle, or that a real miracle could of itself have had any effect in inducing him to depart from his habitual43 course of belief and action. As far as Paul’s mental operations were concerned, it could have made no difference whether he met with his future Master in person, or merely encountered him in a vision. The sole point to be considered is whether or not he BELIEVED in the Divine character and authority of the event which had happened. What the event might have really been was of no practical consequence to him or to any one else. What he believed it to be was of the first importance. And since he did believe that he had been divinely summoned to cease persecuting45, and commence preaching the new faith, it follows that his state of mind must have been more or less affected30 by circumstances other than the mere44 vision. Had he not been ripe for change, neither shadow nor substance could have changed him.
This view of the case is by no means so extravagant46 as Mr. Rogers would have us suppose. There is no reason for believing that Paul’s character was essentially47 different afterwards from what it had been before. The very fervour which caused him, as a Pharisee, to exclude all but orthodox Jews from the hope of salvation48, would lead him, as a Christian, to carry the Christian idea to its extreme development, and admit all persons whatever to the privileges of the Church. The same zeal49 for the truth which had urged him to persecute50 the Christians51 unto the death afterwards led him to spare no toil52 and shun53 no danger which might bring about the triumph of their cause. It must not be forgotten that the persecutor54 and the martyr55 are but one and the same man under different circumstances. He who is ready to die for his own faith will sometimes think it fair to make other men die for theirs. Men of a vehement56 and fiery57 temperament58, moreover — such as Paul always was — never change their opinions slowly, never rest in philosophic12 doubt, never take a middle course. If they leave one extreme for an instant, they are drawn59 irresistibly60 to the other; and usually very little is needed to work the change. The conversion of Omar is a striking instance in point, and has been cited by M. Renan himself. The character of Omar bears a strong likeness61 to that of Paul. Previous to his conversion, he was a conscientious62 and virulent63 persecutor of Mohammedanism.25 After his conversion, he was Mohammed’s most efficient disciple64, and it may be safely asserted that for disinterestedness65 and self-abnegation he was not inferior to the Apostle of the Gentiles. The change in his case was, moreover, quite as sudden and unexpected as it was with Paul; it was neither more nor less incomprehensible; and if Paul’s conversion needs a miracle to explain it, Omar’s must need one likewise. But in truth, there is no difficulty in the case, save that which stupid dogmatism has created. The conversions66 of Paul and Omar are paralleled by innumerable events which occur in every period of religious or political excitement. Far from being extraordinary, or inexplicable on natural grounds, such phenomena67 are just what might occasionally be looked for.
25 Saint-Hilaire: Mahomet et le Coran, p. 109.
But, says Mr. Rogers, “is it possible for a moment to imagine the doting68 and dreaming victim of hallucinations (which M. Renan’s theory represents Paul) to be the man whose masculine sense, strong logic69, practical prudence70, and high administrative71 talent appear in the achievements of his life, and in the Epistles he has left behind him?” M. Renan’s theory does not, however, represent Paul as the “victim of hallucinations “to a greater degree than Mohammed. The latter, as every one knows, laboured during much of his life under almost constant “hallucination”; yet “masculine sense, strong logic,” etc., were qualities quite as conspicuous72 in him as in St. Paul.
Here, as throughout his essay, Mr. Rogers shows himself totally unable to comprehend the mental condition of men in past ages. If an Apostle has a dream or sees a vision, and interprets it according to the ideas of his time and country, instead of according to the ideas of scientific England in the nineteenth century Mr. Rogers thinks he must needs be mad: and when according to the well-known law that mental excitement is contagious,26 several persons are said to have concurred73 in interpreting some phenomenon supernaturally, Mr. Rogers cannot see why so many people should all go mad at once! “To go mad,” in fact is his favourite designation for a mental act, which nearly all the human race have habitually74 performed in all ages; the act of mistaking subjective75 impressions for outward realities. The disposition76 to regard all strange phenomena as manifestations77 of supernatural power was universally prevalent in the first century of Christianity, and long after. Neither greatness of intellect nor thoroughness of scepticism gave exemption78. Even Julius Caesar, the greatest practical genius that ever lived, was somewhat superstitious79, despite his atheism80 and his Vigorous common-sense. It is too often argued that the prevalence of scepticism in the Roman Empire must have made men scrupulous81 about accepting miracles. By no means. Nothing but physical science ever drives out miracles: mere doctrinal scepticism is powerless to do it. In the age of the Apostles, little if any radical82 distinction was drawn between a miracle and an ordinary occurrence. No one supposed a miracle to be an infraction83 of the laws of nature, for no one had a clear idea that there were such things as laws of nature. A miracle was simply an extraordinary act, exhibiting the power of the person who performed it. Blank, indeed, would the evangelists have looked, had any one told them what an enormous theory of systematic84 meddling85 with nature was destined86 to grow out of their beautiful and artless narratives87.
26 Hecker’s Epidemics88 of the Middle Ages, pp. 87-152.
The incapacity to appreciate this frame of mind renders the current arguments in behalf of miracles utterly89 worthless. From the fact that Celsus and others never denied the reality of the Christian miracles, it is commonly inferred that those miracles must have actually happened. The same argument would, however, equally apply to the miracles of Apollonius and Simon Magus, for the Christians never denied the reality of these. What these facts really prove is that the state of human intelligence was as I have just described it: and the inference to be drawn from them is that no miraculous account emanating90 from an author of such a period is worthy91 of serious attention. When Mr. Rogers supposes that if the miracles had not really happened they would have been challenged, he is assuming that a state of mind existed in which it was possible for miracles to be challenged; and thus commits an anachronism as monstrous92 as if he had attributed the knowledge of some modern invention, such as steamboats, to those early ages.
Mr. Rogers seems to complain of M. Renan for “quietly assuming” that miracles are invariably to be rejected. Certainly a historian of the present day who should not make such an assumption would betray his lack of the proper qualifications for his profession. It is not considered necessary for every writer to begin his work by setting out to prove the first principles of historical criticism. They are taken for granted. And, as M. Renan justly says, a miracle is one of those things which must be disbelieved until it is proved. The onus93 probandi lies on the assertor of a fact which conflicts with universal experience. Nevertheless, the great number of intelligent persons who, even now, from dogmatic reasons, accept the New Testament94 miracles, forbids that they should be passed over in silence like similar phenomena elsewhere narrated95. But, in the present state of historical science, the arguing against miracles is, as Colet remarked of his friend Erasmus’s warfare96 against the Thomists and Scotists of Cambridge, “a contest more necessary than glorious or difficult.” To be satisfactorily established, a miracle needs at least to be recorded by an eyewitness97; and the mental attainments98 of the witness need to be thoroughly99 known besides. Unless he has a clear conception of the difference between the natural and the unnatural100 order of events, his testimony101, however unimpeachable102 on the score of honesty, is still worthless. To say that this condition was fulfilled by those who described the New Testament miracles, would be absurd. And in the face of what German criticism has done for the early Christian documents, it would be an excess of temerity103 to assert that any one of the supernatural accounts contained in them rests on contemporary authority. Of all history, the miraculous part should be attested104 by the strongest testimony, whereas it is invariably attested by the weakest. And the paucity105 of miracles wherever we have contemporary records, as in the case of primitive106 Islamism, is a most significant fact.
In attempting to defend his principle of never accepting a miracle, M. Renan has indeed got into a sorry plight107, and Mr. Rogers, in controverting108 him, has not greatly helped the matter. By stirring M. Renan’s bemuddled pool, Mr. Rogers has only bemuddled it the more. Neither of these excellent writers seems to suspect that transmutation of species, the geologic109 development of the earth, and other like phenomena do not present features conflicting with ordinary experience. Sir Charles Lyell and Mr. Darwin would be greatly astonished to be told that their theories of inorganic110 and organic evolution involved any agencies not known to exist in the present course of nature. The great achievement of these writers has been to show that all past changes of the earth and its inhabitants are to be explained as resulting from the continuous action of causes like those now in operation, and that throughout there has been nothing even faintly resembling a miracle. M. Renan may feel perfectly111 safe in extending his principle back to the beginning of things; and Mr. Rogers’s argument, even if valid112 against M. Renan, does not help his own case in the least.
On some points, indeed, M. Renan has laid himself open to severe criticism, and on other points he has furnished good handles for his orthodox opponents. His views in regard to the authorship of the Fourth Gospel and the Acts are not likely to be endorsed113 by many scholars; and his revival114 of the rationalistic absurdities115 of Paulus merits in most instances all that Mr. Rogers has said about it. As was said at the outset, orthodox criticisms upon heterodox books are always welcome. They do excellent service. And with the feeling which impels116 their authors to defend their favourite dogmas with every available weapon of controversy117 I for one can heartily118 sympathize. Their zeal in upholding what they consider the truth is greatly to be respected and admired. But so much cannot always be said for the mode of argumentation they adopt, which too often justifies119 M. Renan’s description, when he says, “Raisonnements triomphants sur des choses que l’adversaire n’a pas dites, cris de victoire sur des erreurs qu’il n’a pas commises, rien ne parait deloyal a celui qui croft tenir en main les interets de la verite absolue.”
August, 1866.
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1
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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4
scathing
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| adj.（言词、文章）严厉的，尖刻的；不留情的adv.严厉地，尖刻地v.伤害，损害（尤指使之枯萎）( scathe的现在分词) | |
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scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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modicum
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| n.少量，一小份 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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polemics
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| n.辩论术，辩论法；争论( polemic的名词复数 )；辩论；辩论术；辩论法 | |
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10
purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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11
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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14
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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distended
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| v.（使）膨胀，肿胀( distend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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collapses
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| 折叠( collapse的第三人称单数 )； 倒塌； 崩溃； （尤指工作劳累后）坐下 | |
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puncture
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| n.刺孔，穿孔；v.刺穿，刺破 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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prop
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| vt.支撑；n.支柱，支撑物；支持者，靠山 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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32
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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waiving
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| v.宣布放弃( waive的现在分词 )；搁置；推迟；放弃（权利、要求等） | |
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inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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43
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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44
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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45
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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46
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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47
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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48
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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50
persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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51
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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52
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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53
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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disinterestedness
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66
conversions
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| 变换( conversion的名词复数 )； （宗教、信仰等）彻底改变； （尤指为居住而）改建的房屋； 橄榄球（触地得分后再把球射中球门的）附加得分 | |
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67
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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doting
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| adj.溺爱的，宠爱的 | |
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69
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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70
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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concurred
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| 同意（concur的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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subjective
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| a.主观(上)的，个人的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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meddling
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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epidemics
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| n．流行病 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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onus
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| n.负担；责任 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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eyewitness
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| n.目击者，见证人 | |
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attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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103
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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107
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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controverting
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| v.争论，反驳，否定( controvert的现在分词 ) | |
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geologic
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| adj.地质的 | |
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inorganic
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| adj.无生物的；无机的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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115
absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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impels
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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117
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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