Now, concerning the characteristics of which mention is made above, I have spoken of the more important ones, the others I wish to discuss briefly1 under this generality, that the prince must consider, as has been in part said before, how to avoid those things which will make him hated or contemptible2; and as often as he shall have succeeded he will have fulfilled his part, and he need not fear any danger in other reproaches.
It makes him hated above all things, as I have said, to be rapacious3, and to be a violator of the property and women of his subjects, from both of which he must abstain4. And when neither their property nor their honor is touched, the majority of men live content, and he has only to contend with the ambition of a few, whom he can curb5 with ease in many ways.
It makes him contemptible to be considered fickle6, frivolous7, effeminate, mean-spirited, irresolute8, from all of which a prince should guard himself as from a rock; and he should endeavour to show in his actions greatness, courage, gravity, and fortitude9; and in his private dealings with his subjects let him show that his judgments10 are irrevocable, and maintain himself in such reputation that no one can hope either to deceive him or to get round him.
That prince is highly esteemed12 who conveys this impression of himself, and he who is highly esteemed is not easily conspired13 against; for, provided it is well known that he is an excellent man and revered15 by his people, he can only be attacked with difficulty. For this reason a prince ought to have two fears, one from within, on account of his subjects, the other from without, on account of external powers. From the latter he is defended by being well armed and having good allies, and if he is well armed he will have good friends, and affairs will always remain quiet within when they are quiet without, unless they should have been already disturbed by conspiracy16; and even should affairs outside be disturbed, if he has carried out his preparations and has lived as I have said, as long as he does not despair, he will resist every attack, as I said Nabis the Spartan17 did.
But concerning his subjects, when affairs outside are disturbed he has only to fear that they will conspire14 secretly, from which a prince can easily secure himself by avoiding being hated and despised, and by keeping the people satisfied with him, which it is most necessary for him to accomplish, as I said above at length. And one of the most efficacious remedies that a prince can have against conspiracies18 is not to be hated and despised by the people, for he who conspires19 against a prince always expects to please them by his removal; but when the conspirator20 can only look forward to offending them, he will not have the courage to take such a course, for the difficulties that confront a conspirator are infinite. And as experience shows, many have been the conspiracies, but few have been successful; because he who conspires cannot act alone, nor can he take a companion except from those whom he believes to be malcontents, and as soon as you have opened your mind to a malcontent21 you have given him the material with which to content himself, for by denouncing you he can look for every advantage; so that, seeing the gain from this course to be assured, and seeing the other to be doubtful and full of dangers, he must be a very rare friend, or a thoroughly22 obstinate23 enemy of the prince, to keep faith with you.
And, to reduce the matter into a small compass, I say that, on the side of the conspirator, there is nothing but fear, jealousy24, prospect25 of punishment to terrify him; but on the side of the prince there is the majesty26 of the principality, the laws, the protection of friends and the state to defend him; so that, adding to all these things the popular goodwill27, it is impossible that any one should be so rash as to conspire. For whereas in general the conspirator has to fear before the execution of his plot, in this case he has also to fear the sequel to the crime; because on account of it he has the people for an enemy, and thus cannot hope for any escape.
Endless examples could be given on this subject, but I will be content with one, brought to pass within the memory of our fathers. Messer Annibale Bentivogli, who was prince in Bologna (grandfather of the present Annibale), having been murdered by the Canneschi, who had conspired against him, not one of his family survived but Messer Giovanni,(*) who was in childhood: immediately after his assassination28 the people rose and murdered all the Canneschi. This sprung from the popular goodwill which the house of Bentivogli enjoyed in those days in Bologna; which was so great that, although none remained there after the death of Annibale who was able to rule the state, the Bolognese, having information that there was one of the Bentivogli family in Florence, who up to that time had been considered the son of a blacksmith, sent to Florence for him and gave him the government of their city, and it was ruled by him until Messer Giovanni came in due course to the government.
(*) Giovanni Bentivogli, born in Bologna 1438, died at Milan
1508. He ruled Bologna from 1462 to 1506. Machiavelli's
strong condemnation29 of conspiracies may get its edge from
his own very recent experience (February 1513), when he had
been arrested and tortured for his alleged30 complicity in the
Boscoli conspiracy.
For this reason I consider that a prince ought to reckon conspiracies of little account when his people hold him in esteem11; but when it is hostile to him, and bears hatred31 towards him, he ought to fear everything and everybody. And well-ordered states and wise princes have taken every care not to drive the nobles to desperation, and to keep the people satisfied and contented32, for this is one of the most important objects a prince can have.
Among the best ordered and governed kingdoms of our times is France, and in it are found many good institutions on which depend the liberty and security of the king; of these the first is the parliament and its authority, because he who founded the kingdom, knowing the ambition of the nobility and their boldness, considered that a bit to their mouths would be necessary to hold them in; and, on the other side, knowing the hatred of the people, founded in fear, against the nobles, he wished to protect them, yet he was not anxious for this to be the particular care of the king; therefore, to take away the reproach which he would be liable to from the nobles for favouring the people, and from the people for favouring the nobles, he set up an arbiter33, who should be one who could beat down the great and favour the lesser34 without reproach to the king. Neither could you have a better or a more prudent35 arrangement, or a greater source of security to the king and kingdom. From this one can draw another important conclusion, that princes ought to leave affairs of reproach to the management of others, and keep those of grace in their own hands. And further, I consider that a prince ought to cherish the nobles, but not so as to make himself hated by the people.
It may appear, perhaps, to some who have examined the lives and deaths of the Roman emperors that many of them would be an example contrary to my opinion, seeing that some of them lived nobly and showed great qualities of soul, nevertheless they have lost their empire or have been killed by subjects who have conspired against them. Wishing, therefore, to answer these objections, I will recall the characters of some of the emperors, and will show that the causes of their ruin were not different to those alleged by me; at the same time I will only submit for consideration those things that are noteworthy to him who studies the affairs of those times.
It seems to me sufficient to take all those emperors who succeeded to the empire from Marcus the philosopher down to Maximinus; they were Marcus and his son Commodus, Pertinax, Julian, Severus and his son Antoninus Caracalla, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander, and Maximinus.
There is first to note that, whereas in other principalities the ambition of the nobles and the insolence37 of the people only have to be contended with, the Roman emperors had a third difficulty in having to put up with the cruelty and avarice38 of their soldiers, a matter so beset39 with difficulties that it was the ruin of many; for it was a hard thing to give satisfaction both to soldiers and people; because the people loved peace, and for this reason they loved the unaspiring prince, whilst the soldiers loved the warlike prince who was bold, cruel, and rapacious, which qualities they were quite willing he should exercise upon the people, so that they could get double pay and give vent40 to their own greed and cruelty. Hence it arose that those emperors were always overthrown41 who, either by birth or training, had no great authority, and most of them, especially those who came new to the principality, recognizing the difficulty of these two opposing humours, were inclined to give satisfaction to the soldiers, caring little about injuring the people. Which course was necessary, because, as princes cannot help being hated by someone, they ought, in the first place, to avoid being hated by every one, and when they cannot compass this, they ought to endeavour with the utmost diligence to avoid the hatred of the most powerful. Therefore, those emperors who through inexperience had need of special favour adhered more readily to the soldiers than to the people; a course which turned out advantageous42 to them or not, accordingly as the prince knew how to maintain authority over them.
From these causes it arose that Marcus, Pertinax, and Alexander, being all men of modest life, lovers of justice, enemies to cruelty, humane43, and benignant, came to a sad end except Marcus; he alone lived and died honoured, because he had succeeded to the throne by hereditary44 title, and owed nothing either to the soldiers or the people; and afterwards, being possessed45 of many virtues46 which made him respected, he always kept both orders in their places whilst he lived, and was neither hated nor despised.
But Pertinax was created emperor against the wishes of the soldiers, who, being accustomed to live licentiously47 under Commodus, could not endure the honest life to which Pertinax wished to reduce them; thus, having given cause for hatred, to which hatred there was added contempt for his old age, he was overthrown at the very beginning of his administration. And here it should be noted48 that hatred is acquired as much by good works as by bad ones, therefore, as I said before, a prince wishing to keep his state is very often forced to do evil; for when that body is corrupt49 whom you think you have need of to maintain yourself—it may be either the people or the soldiers or the nobles—you have to submit to its humours and to gratify them, and then good works will do you harm.
But let us come to Alexander, who was a man of such great goodness, that among the other praises which are accorded him is this, that in the fourteen years he held the empire no one was ever put to death by him unjudged; nevertheless, being considered effeminate and a man who allowed himself to be governed by his mother, he became despised, the army conspired against him, and murdered him.
Turning now to the opposite characters of Commodus, Severus, Antoninus Caracalla, and Maximinus, you will find them all cruel and rapacious-men who, to satisfy their soldiers, did not hesitate to commit every kind of iniquity50 against the people; and all, except Severus, came to a bad end; but in Severus there was so much valour that, keeping the soldiers friendly, although the people were oppressed by him, he reigned51 successfully; for his valour made him so much admired in the sight of the soldiers and people that the latter were kept in a way astonished and awed52 and the former respectful and satisfied. And because the actions of this man, as a new prince, were great, I wish to show briefly that he knew well how to counterfeit53 the fox and the lion, which natures, as I said above, it is necessary for a prince to imitate.
Knowing the sloth54 of the Emperor Julian, he persuaded the army in Sclavonia, of which he was captain, that it would be right to go to Rome and avenge55 the death of Pertinax, who had been killed by the praetorian soldiers; and under this pretext56, without appearing to aspire57 to the throne, he moved the army on Rome, and reached Italy before it was known that he had started. On his arrival at Rome, the Senate, through fear, elected him emperor and killed Julian. After this there remained for Severus, who wished to make himself master of the whole empire, two difficulties; one in Asia, where Niger, head of the Asiatic army, had caused himself to be proclaimed emperor; the other in the west where Albinus was, who also aspired58 to the throne. And as he considered it dangerous to declare himself hostile to both, he decided59 to attack Niger and to deceive Albinus. To the latter he wrote that, being elected emperor by the Senate, he was willing to share that dignity with him and sent him the title of Caesar; and, moreover, that the Senate had made Albinus his colleague; which things were accepted by Albinus as true. But after Severus had conquered and killed Niger, and settled oriental affairs, he returned to Rome and complained to the Senate that Albinus, little recognizing the benefits that he had received from him, had by treachery sought to murder him, and for this ingratitude60 he was compelled to punish him. Afterwards he sought him out in France, and took from him his government and life. He who will, therefore, carefully examine the actions of this man will find him a most valiant61 lion and a most cunning fox; he will find him feared and respected by every one, and not hated by the army; and it need not be wondered at that he, a new man, was able to hold the empire so well, because his supreme62 renown63 always protected him from that hatred which the people might have conceived against him for his violence.
But his son Antoninus was a most eminent64 man, and had very excellent qualities, which made him admirable in the sight of the people and acceptable to the soldiers, for he was a warlike man, most enduring of fatigue65, a despiser of all delicate food and other luxuries, which caused him to be beloved by the armies. Nevertheless, his ferocity and cruelties were so great and so unheard of that, after endless single murders, he killed a large number of the people of Rome and all those of Alexandria. He became hated by the whole world, and also feared by those he had around him, to such an extent that he was murdered in the midst of his army by a centurion66. And here it must be noted that such-like deaths, which are deliberately67 inflicted69 with a resolved and desperate courage, cannot be avoided by princes, because any one who does not fear to die can inflict68 them; but a prince may fear them the less because they are very rare; he has only to be careful not to do any grave injury to those whom he employs or has around him in the service of the state. Antoninus had not taken this care, but had contumeliously killed a brother of that centurion, whom also he daily threatened, yet retained in his bodyguard70; which, as it turned out, was a rash thing to do, and proved the emperor's ruin.
But let us come to Commodus, to whom it should have been very easy to hold the empire, for, being the son of Marcus, he had inherited it, and he had only to follow in the footsteps of his father to please his people and soldiers; but, being by nature cruel and brutal71, he gave himself up to amusing the soldiers and corrupting72 them, so that he might indulge his rapacity73 upon the people; on the other hand, not maintaining his dignity, often descending74 to the theatre to compete with gladiators, and doing other vile75 things, little worthy36 of the imperial majesty, he fell into contempt with the soldiers, and being hated by one party and despised by the other, he was conspired against and was killed.
It remains76 to discuss the character of Maximinus. He was a very warlike man, and the armies, being disgusted with the effeminacy of Alexander, of whom I have already spoken, killed him and elected Maximinus to the throne. This he did not possess for long, for two things made him hated and despised; the one, his having kept sheep in Thrace, which brought him into contempt (it being well known to all, and considered a great indignity77 by every one), and the other, his having at the accession to his dominions78 deferred79 going to Rome and taking possession of the imperial seat; he had also gained a reputation for the utmost ferocity by having, through his prefects in Rome and elsewhere in the empire, practised many cruelties, so that the whole world was moved to anger at the meanness of his birth and to fear at his barbarity. First Africa rebelled, then the Senate with all the people of Rome, and all Italy conspired against him, to which may be added his own army; this latter, besieging80 Aquileia and meeting with difficulties in taking it, were disgusted with his cruelties, and fearing him less when they found so many against him, murdered him.
I do not wish to discuss Heliogabalus, Macrinus, or Julian, who, being thoroughly contemptible, were quickly wiped out; but I will bring this discourse81 to a conclusion by saying that princes in our times have this difficulty of giving inordinate82 satisfaction to their soldiers in a far less degree, because, notwithstanding one has to give them some indulgence, that is soon done; none of these princes have armies that are veterans in the governance and administration of provinces, as were the armies of the Roman Empire; and whereas it was then more necessary to give satisfaction to the soldiers than to the people, it is now more necessary to all princes, except the Turk and the Soldan, to satisfy the people rather the soldiers, because the people are the more powerful.
From the above I have excepted the Turk, who always keeps round him twelve thousand infantry83 and fifteen thousand cavalry84 on which depend the security and strength of the kingdom, and it is necessary that, putting aside every consideration for the people, he should keep them his friends. The kingdom of the Soldan is similar; being entirely85 in the hands of soldiers, it follows again that, without regard to the people, he must keep them his friends. But you must note that the state of the Soldan is unlike all other principalities, for the reason that it is like the Christian86 pontificate, which cannot be called either an hereditary or a newly formed principality; because the sons of the old prince are not the heirs, but he who is elected to that position by those who have authority, and the sons remain only noblemen. And this being an ancient custom, it cannot be called a new principality, because there are none of those difficulties in it that are met with in new ones; for although the prince is new, the constitution of the state is old, and it is framed so as to receive him as if he were its hereditary lord.
But returning to the subject of our discourse, I say that whoever will consider it will acknowledge that either hatred or contempt has been fatal to the above-named emperors, and it will be recognized also how it happened that, a number of them acting87 in one way and a number in another, only one in each way came to a happy end and the rest to unhappy ones. Because it would have been useless and dangerous for Pertinax and Alexander, being new princes, to imitate Marcus, who was heir to the principality; and likewise it would have been utterly88 destructive to Caracalla, Commodus, and Maximinus to have imitated Severus, they not having sufficient valour to enable them to tread in his footsteps. Therefore a prince, new to the principality, cannot imitate the actions of Marcus, nor, again, is it necessary to follow those of Severus, but he ought to take from Severus those parts which are necessary to found his state, and from Marcus those which are proper and glorious to keep a state that may already be stable and firm.
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1
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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irresolute
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| adj.无决断的，优柔寡断的，踌躇不定的 | |
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fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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conspire
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| v.密谋，（事件等）巧合，共同导致 | |
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revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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conspires
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| 密谋( conspire的第三人称单数 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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malcontent
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| n.不满者，不平者；adj.抱不平的，不满的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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licentiously
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| adv.licentious（放荡的）的变形 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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counterfeit
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| vt.伪造，仿造；adj.伪造的，假冒的 | |
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sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bodyguard
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| n.护卫，保镖 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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