Ashburton, Devon
1568. "In gyft to too scolers of Oxenford iiijs iiijd"
1575. "To a skoler of Oxeford vjd"
1578. "To a skoler of Oxford iijs iiijd"
Tavistock
1573. "Geven to a skoler of Oxford xijd"
Woodbury, Devon
1581. "Pd to tow skolowers of Oxford vijd"
1588. "Pd to a Scholar that came fro
Oxford named Edward Carrow viijd"
1589. "Pd to Richard Crokhey a scholar vjd"
(According to the "Alumni Oxon." Edward Carrow was elected Student of Christ Church, 1575, from Westminster School; and Richard Crocker, B.A., from Exeter College, 1594.)
Plymouth
1583. "Pd to two schollers the xj of June iijs iiijd"
"Geven to a scholler to bringe hym to Oxenford vjs viiijd"
Barnstaple
1583. "Paid as a gift to a scholar at Oxford 1s"
1603. "Given to a poore scholler by the
consent of Mr. Moore, vicar 0 0 6"
It is worthy13 of note that the amounts bestowed14 on this deserving class were in excess of the sums meted15 out to ordinary "travellers." It is also a fact that, while mention is often made of Oxford scholars, the reverse is the case with Cambridge men. On referring to Willis and Clark's "History of the University of Cambridge" we find that although notices occur of scholars in menial employment there is no indication that begging licences were granted them. Still, the following entries prove that occasionally incipient16 Cambridge men received public assistance.
Sheffield
1573. "Gave to William Lee, a pore
Scholler of Sheffield, towards the
settynge him to the universitye
of Cambridge and buyinge him
bookes and other furnyture vijs iiijd"
Cawthorne, Yorkshire
1663. "Collected in ye parish church of
Cawthorne, for Thomas Carr, a
poor scholler, who was going to
Cambridge, and borne in ye parish
of Ecckesfield, the sum of 6s. 6d."
From the beginning of the reign17 of James I. there are few entries relating to scholars "of Oxford." Those of other places, however, are named to the time of Charles II., and some of them must have belonged to Oxford, their native place being recorded in lieu of the university.
Youlgreave, Derbyshire
1623. "To a poore scholler of Bakewell 0 1 0"
Heavitree, Devon
1667. "Given towards the maintenance of
one Laskey, a poor Scholler for Oxforde ￡4"
(This was one Nicholas Laskey, who was a son of Henry Laskey, of Heavitree, and was entered in the books of Wadham College as "filius pauperis." He matriculated May 23, 1667, at the age of seventeen; and was rector of Eggesford in 1674, and of Worthington in 1687.)
These examples are all comparatively late, but we may be certain that the practice to which they bear testimony18 had existed at a much earlier period, when contributions had been sought, not only from custodians19 of church funds, but from private persons, to whose charitable instincts or devout20 inclinations21 necessitous clerks successfully appealed. Chaucer says of his clerk of Oxenford:
Yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre:
But al that he myghte of his frendes hente,
On bokes and on lerning he it spente,
And bisily gan for the soules preye
Of hem10 that gaf him wher-with to scolaye.
This diligent22 and conscientious23 student "loked holwe," and his "courtefy" was threadbare.
In MS. Lansdowne 762 is a poem wherein a husbandman is represented as complaining of the many charges of which he is the subject—taxes to the court, payments to the church, and exactions in the name of charity. Included in the last of these categories is alms to scholars:
Than cometh clerkys of Oxford and make their mone;
To her schole-hire they must have money.
It is hardly likely, perhaps, that such "scholar-gypsies" always procured25 licences, but such were issued, and, when obtained, were doubtless efficacious in promoting the object which the applicant26 had in view. The following is a specimen27 in English dress, the original being in Latin, and dated July 15, 1467:
"To the whole of the sons of Holy Mother Church, to whom the present letter may come, Thomas Chaundler, Professor of Sacred Theology, and Chancellor28 of the University of Oxford, greeting in the Saviour29 of all.
"Know the whole of you that we, with full affection, recommend to your worships by reason of his deserts N., a scholar of this University, a peaceable, and honest, and praiseworthy student, strongly beseeching30 you that when he shall chance to traverse your places, lands, castles, towns, fortresses31, lordships, jurisdictions32, and passages, ye freely suffer him to cross them without let, trouble, arrest, or injury, with his goods and chattels33, or to make halt in his expeditions; and if at any time it shall befall that wrong be done him in person, chattels, or goods, ye deign34 to remedy the same as may behove in remembrance of the aforesaid University. Further, deign to assist him, when need press, with your charitable favours, receive him whom we recommend, and succour him with the protection of charity, devoutly35 considering that him who pitieth shall God also pity in meet and acceptable time.
"Given at Oxford, under the Seal of the Office of the Chancellery of the aforesaid University on the fifth day of the month of July in the fourteenth hundred and sixtieth year of our Lord."
From the wording of this letter-testimonial it would be a reasonable inference that it was granted to enable the recipient36 to travel to his home or some other place, but in certain cases the object may have been to replenish37 an exhausted38 purse and aid the distressed39 scholar to complete his academic course.
"Many," remarks Mr. A. Clark, "were in a condition of extreme poverty, which it is now difficult to recognize or even to imagine.... [They] were exempted40 from University and College dues, and lived from what they received from colleges or individual graduates in payment of the different menial services which they rendered." He gives a list of fifteen Oxford scholars to whom licences were accorded between 1551 and 1572, their duration varying from seven weeks to eight months. In the sixteenth century such passports had become necessary, or, at least, the absence of them, where scholars resorted to begging for a livelihood41, was attended with serious risk. By the 4th section of the Act of 22 Henry VIII. c. 12: "Scolers of the Universities of Oxford & Cambrydge that goo about beggyng, not being aucthorysed under the Seale of the sayde Universities," were to be punished as idle rogues42, and that punishment was far from light. This section was included in the Act of Elizabeth of 1571-2, but omitted from that of 1596-7.
Scholars were often reduced not only to beg, but to borrow; and as this method of raising money might not always have been easy, even where security was offered, a system of pledging was devised by the authorities for the benefit of impecunious43 members of the University, both high and low. In all essentials this department is hardly distinguishable from a pawnbroking44 establishment conducted under respectable auspices45, but we should go sadly astray if we suffered our views of the institution to be tinged46 by the associations of a dingy47 shop in some back street in which hopeless penury48 plays its last shift. We should rather turn our eyes to the beatific49 vision of the Mons Pietatis as pictured by Botticelli—a hillock of florins, with the kneeling forms of worthy suppliants50 and the cloud-borne founder51 crowned by angelic hands. The poor scholar did not part definitely with his cherished possession; he might hope to recover it in sunnier days, and meanwhile he was enabled to tide himself over an awkward emergency. At the same time the brokers52 took care to make the transaction a source of profit to the University.
The earliest benefaction for the support of scholars at Oxford consisted in the annual payment of forty shillings by the townsmen in atonement for the execution of certain clerks. In the year 1219 this charge was undertaken by the Abbey of Eynsham, by which the fine was punctually disbursed53 to the period of its dissolution. A similar but smaller contribution was made by the Abbey of Oseney, but nothing is known as to its origin. Irregularities in the application of these funds induced the Chancellor, Robert Grosseteste, in 1240, to frame an ordinance54 which resulted in the creation of the "Frideswyde Chest." This treasury55 was the parent of many others—at the close of the fifteenth century there were as many as twenty-four—and it long remained the typical, as it was the earliest, form of scholastic56 benefaction, existing side by side with the foundation of colleges, to which it gave an important impetus57. The management of these chests was, in all cases, practically identical. The preamble58 of the ordinance, by which the administration of the funds was regulated, first stated the name of the donor59, and then proceeded to announce the desire of the University to requite60 his liberality by annual masses and celebrations. The beneficiaries also were enjoined61 to repeat so many "Pater Nosters" and "Aves" for the repose62 of his soul.
Next followed particulars of the sums that might be borrowed and those to whom they might be advanced, always on condition that a pledge of equal or greater value was first deposited by the borrower. The term within which the pledge might be redeemed64 was specified65, as also the time at which an unredeemed pledge was to be sold after due notice had been given by public proclamation. It was usual to appoint as guardians66 a North and a South countryman, so as to obviate67 any complaints as to the allocation of the funds, and provision was made for the registration68 of loans and the audit69 of the accounts. The last chest to be founded—this was in the latter half of the sixteenth century—placed at the disposal of the University a sum raising the total amount to not less than two thousand marks; and the capital, not merely the interest, was available for the relief of embarrassed scholars. The pledges were valued by the sworn stationer of the University, and that they were expected to exceed in value the amount of the loan is shown by the terms of ordinances70, in some of which the guardians are required to submit to the auditors71 an account of the capital and increase. In spite of precaution, however, cases of peculation72 were not unknown, for, on more than one occasion, guardians were accused of embezzlement73, and there are statutes74 complaining of the "marvellous disappearance76" of funds, the property of the University, and safeguarding their future administration.
The chests were divided into two categories—the "Summer" and the "Winter." This distinction seems to have been due to the date of the election of the guardians. In this matter, however, there was considerable variation, and in later ages the stipulations of the ordinances, in which the bequests77 were embodied78, ceased to be observed. Another circumstance which deserves notice is that in the reforms instituted in the time of Archbishop Laud80 nearly all traces of this benevolent81 system were obliterated82, and the names of founders—John Pontysera, Bishop79 of Winchester, Gilbert Routhbury, Philip Turville, John Langton, W. de Seltone, Dame83 Joan Danvers, etc.—consigned to the shades of academic oblivion. During the period when the funds were employed in conformity84 with the testator's design, the authorities, in their wisdom, ignored limitations of age, birth, and neighbourhood, and thus any member of the University, sophist or questionist, bachelor or master, was entitled to a share of the benefit. This wide charity cannot have met with unanimous approval. Large as the fund was, it would hardly have sufficed for the needs of every ill-clothed and ill-fed scholar; and, in the distribution of the money, it would be only in accord with common experience of human nature if an enterprising official, whose eagerness had outstripped85 his resources, should be preferred to some pinched, obscure stripling, and receive a wholly disproportionate share of the eleemosynary grant.
As an illustration of what sometimes occurred, we may take the case of Master Henry Sever86, Warden11 of Merton Hall. He had carried out certain repairs of the buildings, and, in order to discharge the bill, had borrowed from Seltone chest the maximum amount permitted by the ordinance—sixty shillings. To obtain this advance he had pledged an illuminated87 missal of considerably88 greater value, and now he had come prepared to redeem63 it. He finds that the missal had been lent to some client for the purpose of inspection89, a silver cup, estimated by the stationer to be worth even more, being deposited in its stead. This is not precisely90 what Master Sever had wanted. However, he takes the cup, assured that he will presently be able to negotiate an exchange with the person in possession of his missal.
This serves as a reminder91 that, if money was scarce, books—the mainspring of intellectual activity—were yet scarcer; and it is of the utmost interest to inquire how this famine of the arts was mitigated92. Oral lectures were the rule, but books could not be entirely93 dispensed94 with; and even Wardens12 might not always be in a position to procure24 all the works of which they stood in need. The obvious remedy was a library or libraries; and such collections—they arrived in good time, chiefly through the bequests of virtuosi—constituted an invaluable95 resource to that vast horde96 of scholars whose scanty97 means would not allow them to purchase books. As the result of Mr. Blakiston's research, the famous library with which Richard Aungerville is said to have endowed Durham College, and, according to Adam de Murimuth, filled five carts, turns out to be a myth or rather a pious98 intention. The good Bishop died deep in debt, and the books, if preserved as a collection, went, it is now certain, elsewhere. Thirty-five years later, however, another bishop, Thomas Cobham, of Worcester, who died in 1327, bequeathed to the University a mass of books, and the statute75 referring to them provides that they shall be chained in convenient order in the "soler" over the old Congregation House, where all the property of the University was stored. The books were to be in the custody99 of a chaplain, who was to pray for the soul of the donor.
Another statute relates to a "chest of four keys," from which it appears that books were kept in coffers and lent upon indenture100 or security, exactly as was done in the case of money. It was also a by no means infrequent occurrence for persons to give or bequeath books on condition that they were chained in the chancel of the church for the use of scholars and periodically inspected by the chancellor and proctors. By far the greatest benefactor101 of the University in the matter of books was Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, who made many valuable presents during his lifetime, and on his death, in 1447, a final large instalment was added to the store. Of these only one remains102 in the Bodleian Library, but in contemporary letters there are many notes expressing gratitude103 for, and appreciation104 of, this splendid munificence105, which advanced the cause of learning more perhaps than any other donation recorded in the annals of the University.
The well-being106 of the librarian was, very properly, a subject of concern. By an ordinance of 1412 his stipend107 was raised, and he became recognized as one of the chief officers of the University. Lest "hope deferred108" should produce slackness in the performance of his duties, the proctors were bound to pay his salary regularly, and, as a further encouragement, every beneficed graduate, on his inception109, was required to make him a present of clothes. A similar custom prevailed with regard to the bedels, and it is sententiously remarked that it would be absurd for one adorned110 with superior dignity to be endued111 with inferior privileges.
The ordinance of 1412 brought about other changes. At the outset the library was accessible to all scholars at stated times; permission was now confined to graduates or religious, and, in the case of the latter, to those who were of eight years' standing112 in philosophia. Thus a monk113 named Hardwyke, who did not possess this qualification, had to sue for a "grace," and even then the privilege was limited to one term. The reasons for these restrictions114 probably were that the undergraduate constituency in those days was composed, in a great degree, of careless and dirty boys, who would be apt to soil the manuscripts, while the monks115 had their own libraries, to which they could resort without encroaching on the slender resources of masters and bachelors. All graduates on admission were required to take a solemn oath that they would handle the books modo honesto et pacifico, nulli librorum per turpitudinem aut rasuras abolitionesque foliorum, pr?judicium inferendo.
The librarian was granted a month's vacation, and the library was closed on Sundays and holy days, unless it should chance that a distinguished116 stranger desired to visit it, when leave was given him from sunrise to sunset, subject to the condition that he was not followed by a loud rabble117. At all other times, the hours during which the library was open were from nine to eleven o'clock a.m., and from one to four o'clock p.m. Suspended on the wall was a large board inscribed118 with the names both of the books and the donors119 "lest oblivion, the stepmother of memory, should pluck from our breasts the remembrance of our benefactors120." To the same intent thrice every quarter a solemn mass of the Holy Ghost, and once every quarter a requiem121 mass, were said at the altar of St. Katherine in the Church of the Blessed Virgin122. Every night the books and the windows of the library were closed, and, with certain rare exceptions, books were not permitted to be removed.
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1
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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2
unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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3
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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4
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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5
nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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7
mendicancy
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| n.乞丐，托钵，行乞修道士 | |
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8
hypothecation
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| n.抵押，担保契约 | |
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9
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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10
hem
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| n.贴边，镶边；vt.缝贴边；(in)包围，限制 | |
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11
warden
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| n.监察员，监狱长，看守人，监护人 | |
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12
wardens
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| n.看守人( warden的名词复数 )；管理员；监察员；监察官 | |
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13
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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14
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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16
incipient
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| adj.起初的，发端的，初期的 | |
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17
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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18
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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19
custodians
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| n.看守人，保管人( custodian的名词复数 ) | |
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20
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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21
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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22
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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23
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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24
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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26
applicant
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| n.申请人，求职者，请求者 | |
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27
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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28
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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30
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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31
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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32
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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33
chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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34
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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35
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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36
recipient
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| a.接受的,感受性强的 n.接受者,感受者,容器 | |
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37
replenish
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| vt.补充；(把…)装满；(再)填满 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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40
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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42
rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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43
impecunious
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| adj.不名一文的，贫穷的 | |
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44
pawnbroking
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| n.典当业 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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46
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
dingy
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| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
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48
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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49
beatific
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| adj.快乐的，有福的 | |
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50
suppliants
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| n.恳求者，哀求者( suppliant的名词复数 ) | |
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51
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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52
brokers
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| n.（股票、外币等）经纪人( broker的名词复数 )；中间人；代理商；（订合同的）中人v.做掮客（或中人等）( broker的第三人称单数 )；作为权力经纪人进行谈判；以中间人等身份安排… | |
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53
disbursed
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| v.支出，付出( disburse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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55
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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56
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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57
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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58
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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59
donor
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| n.捐献者；赠送人；(组织、器官等的)供体 | |
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60
requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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61
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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63
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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obviate
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| v.除去，排除，避免，预防 | |
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registration
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| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
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audit
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| v.审计；查帐；核对；旁听 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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74
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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bequests
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| n.遗赠( bequest的名词复数 )；遗产，遗赠物 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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laud
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| n.颂歌；v.赞美 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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outstripped
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| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sever
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| v.切开，割开；断绝，中断 | |
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illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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reminder
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| n.提醒物，纪念品；暗示，提示 | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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100
indenture
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| n.契约；合同 | |
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101
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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102
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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103
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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104
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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106
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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108
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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111
endued
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| v.授予，赋予（特性、才能等）( endue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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113
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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114
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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115
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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116
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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117
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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118
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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119
donors
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| n.捐赠者( donor的名词复数 )；献血者；捐血者；器官捐献者 | |
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120
benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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121
requiem
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| n.安魂曲，安灵曲 | |
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122
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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