Before treating of the duel it is expedient14 to deal with some Anglo-Saxon customs, which survived the Norman Conquest, and were founded on the same principle as the duel. The simplest of these processes was purgation by oath. Let us take the case of a person accused of theft. If he was a freeman and had hitherto borne a good name, all that was necessary was that he should purge15 himself by his oath. Suppose, however, that he had been previously16 inculpated17. In that case he had to clear himself with what was termed his twelfth hand—that is to say, twelve lawful18 men had to be nominated, who would swear to his innocence19. Should they refuse, there was nothing for it but some form of the ordeal20—a subject which will engage our attention presently. Meanwhile it may be pointed21 out that purgation by oath was itself a distinct appeal to the Almighty. It was believed that perjured22 persons incurred23 the danger of becoming dwarfs24, or of their hands remaining attached to the Gospels or relics25 on which they swore. Persons guilty of this offence were compelled to purge themselves by the ordeal.
The system, resting on the sanctions of religion and honour, was not suited for general application, and there is no doubt that it was abused. Confining ourselves to University experience, the bad effects of the practice are exposed in a protest entered by Dr. Gascoigne in the Chancellor's Court-book at Oxford27, wherein he cautions his successors to exercise the greatest care in admitting people to the privilege, and counsels them to withhold28 the name of the accuser from the accused. He states that cases have come under his notice in which individuals have not only perjured themselves, but in private have not blushed to acknowledge it; and he shows very plainly the futility29 of the system by affirming that if a townsman objected to anyone claiming compurgation, he ran a risk of being assaulted, maimed, and even murdered. The date of this entry is 1443. It may be added that the majority of the cases were those of incontinence; and among other charges mention is made of embezzlement30 and attachment31 of a new document to an old seal.
For details of procedure we may glance at the very full accounts preserved in the records of the City of London, where there were in operation three sorts or forms of compurgation, by which persons appealed, impleaded, and accused might obtain acquittal. The first was termed the Great Law, and had respect to murder and homicide. The second, the Middle Law, regarded the crime of mayhem, or corporal hurt, by which a man lost the use of any member that was or might be any defence to him in battle. The third law applied32 to insults, batteries, wounds, blows, torts, effusion of blood, and similar injuries inflicted33 at the season of the Nativity, the week of Pasque, and at Pentecost.
An accused person desiring to purge himself by the Great Law was required to observe the following order: He had to make an oath in his own person that he was innocent touching34 the felony and breach35 of the King's peace, and the entire crime laid to his charge—"So help me God and these hallows!" (i.e., the Gospels on which he was sworn). After that six men had to swear that, according to their privity and knowledge, he had made a sound oath. Then the accused repeated the oath, and was supported by the sworn testimony36 of six more witnesses. So it went on until thirty-six sworn men had testified in his favour.
With regard to the impanelling of this body it was the custom in London to choose one of the number from the part of the city east of Walbrook and the other half from the part west of Walbrook. They were to be of the liberty of the city, honourable38 men not kinsmen39 of the accused; and the selection was made in his absence. He was then summoned, and the list of names having been read over to him, he might indicate to the Mayor and Aldermen any that he held suspect. If he produced reasonable grounds, the names were erased40 and others substituted for them. When, at length, he was content, he placed himself in the hands of this jury as regarded the purgation of the charge. The names of the thirty-six persons were delivered to the Justices of the King, before whom the accused had subsequently to appear and wage his law.
The same rules were observed in the case of the Middle Law, except that the accused had to make only three oaths and a panel of eighteen sufficed. In the Third Law the accused made no more than one oath and the panel was reduced to six. These were to be of his vicinage, but not bound to him by the tie whether of blood or marriage. Where a non-freeman was charged with homicide, forty-two compurgators were required, this disadvantage being due to the prejudice of the citizens against "foreigners," of which further evidence will be adduced later. On the other hand if the prosecution42 were on the part of the Crown, seven compurgators were deemed enough, the reason being that the King had not the personal interest in bringing a criminal to justice of a private appellor.
The date of the election of the compurgators was fixed43, at the will of the Justices, and on that day fortnight the accused had to answer the appeal, unless the Justices chose to assign a longer term. That is, according to one statement. Another version sets forth44 that, by the law and liberty of the city, a term of forty days was given for answer to an appeal in a particular case; and this may mark the extreme limit usual. Probably also it may be connected with the period during which a criminal was commonly allowed to avail himself of the right of sanctuary45. If the accused did not appear on the day named for the trial, he was outlawed46 at the folkmoot. Meanwhile he was delivered in bail47 to twelve men, provided that there was some surety sufficient for the payment of a hundred shillings in case they did not produce him at the appointed time. Anyone appealed and attached for homicide could not demand "recognition" until he had acquitted48 himself of the appeal made against him; and meanwhile, if he could not find sureties, he was committed to prison. If the accused was outlawed and abjured49 the realm, the sureties were acquitted out of respect for the Church.
By the word "recognition" in the above description is apparently50 intended an inquisition into the circumstances by an assize or jury of twelve sworn men under the presidency51 of the Justices. In the case of an appeal—that is, where there was a private prosecutor52, who was bound to have some interest in the matter, e.g., as a blood-relation—this was not allowed, and the onus53 of proving his innocence was thrown on the accused.
It was otherwise when a man was taxed with homicide by the voice of public fame. He was then attached either by pledges or by imprisonment54; and the Justices held a very strict and careful inquisition into the case, as the result of which the accused might be wholly absolved55, or he might be compelled to resort to compurgation. The compurgators, few or many, were at once judge, jury, and witnesses; and the final issue of the proceedings56 lay with them and the accused himself, the Mayor and Alderman making the preliminary arrangements and the King's Justices seeing that the forms were duly observed.
We saw at the outset that purgation by oath was a privilege only permitted to persons of good reputation, and that failure to secure the testimony of his neighbours to his innocence, where his reputation had been damaged, subjected a man to the judgment of water or fire. In Saxon times every freeman had his borh or surety, who presented him, if he was accused. Should he be tyht bysig, of evil repute, he was forced to undergo the triple ordeal without more ado; but if his lord gave him a good character and seven of his neighbours came forward and swore that oath had never failed him and that he had never paid theof gyld (fine for thieving), then he might make his election between a pound-worth oath or single ordeal. If the seven persons summoned declined to take the oath, the triple ordeal was inevitable57, and if the guilt26 of the accused was established by this process, he had to restore to the accuser twofold, pay a fine to his lord, and find sureties that he would abstain58 from evil for the future. If he absconded59 and avoided the ordeal, the borh was obliged to pay the ceap-gyld or monetary60 value of the article stolen to the accuser and the fine to the lord. If the accused happened to be theow man (servant), and he failed in the ordeal, the law was that he should be branded the first time; the second time, there was no bot, or reparation, but the head! Finally, the appellor was obliged to swear by seven lawful men, who were to be named, that he had laid upon the accused the necessity of the ordeal neither from hatred61 nor from any other cause but that he might acquire his right.
There were various forms of ordeal. A man might be tried by fire or water, and there was a cold-water as well as a hot-water test. Moreover, the ordeal might be single or triple, according to the degree of immersion62 or the weight of the iron employed. The laws of Athelstan prescribe that in the hot-water ordeal, if single, the hand should dive after the stone up to the wrist; if triple, up to the elbow. Similarly, by the laws of King Edgar, the weight of the iron for the single ordeal was to be one pound, and for the triple ordeal three pounds.
The ordeal, being the Judgment of God, was distinctly a religious ceremony, and the whole of the proceedings were in the hands of the clergy63. The three days following the accusations64 were spent in prayer and fasting, and the rite65, varied66 according to the nature of the ordeal, was performed in a church.
The Judgment of the Glowing Iron
The iron was placed before the altar, whence the priest, clad in full canonicals with the exception of the cope, removed it with a pair of tongs67 to the fire, singing as he did so the hymn68 of the Three Children, Benedicite, Omnia, Opera. Over the place where the fire was he then recited the prayer: "Bless, O Lord God, this place, that there may be for us in it sanctity, chastity, virtue69, and victory, and sanctimony70, humility71, goodness, gentleness, and plenitude of law, and obedience72 to God the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost."[9]
We learn from the laws of Athelstan that no man was permitted to enter the church, after the fire had been borne in wherein the ordeal was to be heated, with the exception of the mass priest and the accused; and the latter had to measure with his feet nine feet from the stake to the mark. When the ordeal was ready two men were admitted on either side, who certified73 that the iron was of the required heat; and then an equal number of witnesses on either side having been summoned, were ranged along the church on each side of the ordeal. All were to be fasting and abstinent74 from their wives on the previous night. The mass priest then sprinkled them with holy water, let each of them taste the holy water, and gave them the book of the Gospels and the image of Christ's rood to kiss.
Whilst the iron was heating the priest celebrated75 mass, and after he had taken the Eucharist, he adjured77 the person who was to be tried, and made him also take the Communion. From the time the hallowing was begun no one was allowed to mend the fire, but the iron rested on the hot embers until the last collect. It was then laid on the stapula, and the priest, having sprinkled holy water over it, recited the prayer: "The blessing78 of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, descend79 upon this iron for the discerning of the right judgment of God." Meanwhile all were enjoined80 to observe complete silence "except that they earnestly pray to Almighty God that He make manifest what is soothest."
The accused then proceeded to the ordeal and carried the iron the measured distance—nine feet, divided into three equal parts, over which the person had to pass in as many steps regulated by signal. His hand was thereupon enclosed in an envelope under seal, and so remained until the expiration81 of three days, when the envelope was removed and an examination took place to see whether the hand was foul82 or clean within. If festering blood was found in the track of the iron, the accused was judged to be guilty; if otherwise, he stood acquitted. An infraction83 of the rules not only rendered the ordeal void, but was punishable by a fine of 120 shillings.
The Judgment of the Ploughshares
Instead of carrying iron of a given weight a stipulated84 distance, an accused person might traverse barefoot a certain space in which nine hot ploughshares were laid lengthwise. To this species of judgment Queen Emma, mother of Edward the Confessor, is alleged85 to have submitted, when charged with adultery with Alwyn, Bishop86 of Winchester. The precise nature of this trial is more than usually obscure, and there is some reason for doubting whether Blackstone's account is accurate. He states that the accused person was blindfolded87 and that the ploughshares were placed at irregular intervals—evidently with the design that the person might escape contact with some of the irons: possibly all. Blackstone's authority, Rudborn, in his story of the trial of Queen Emma, conveys a totally different impression of the proceedings—at any rate, on that occasion. He says distinctly that she was not blindfolded, and that she pressed each ploughshare with the whole weight of her body: "Emma vero nullam mamphoram sive pannum ante oculos habens—super novem vomeres novem passus faciens et singulos eorum totius corporis pleno pressens pondere."
On such occasions the following collect was in use: "Lord God Omnipotent88 ... we invoke90 Thee, and, as suppliants91, exhort92 Thy majesty93, that in this judgment and test Thou wilt94 order to be of no avail all the wiles95 of diabolical96 fraud and ingenuity97, the incantations either of men or of women; also the properties of herbs; so that to all those standing98 around, it may be apparent that Thou art just and lovest justice, and that there is none who may resist Thy majesty. And so, O Lord, Ruler of the heavens and the earth, Creator of the waters, King of Thy whole creation, in Thy holy name and strength, we bless these ploughshares, that they may render a true judgment; so that, if it be so that that man is innocent of the charge in this matter which we are discussing and treating of amongst us, who walks over them with naked feet; Thou, O omnipotent God, as Thou didst deliver the three youths from the fiery99 furnace, and Susanna from the false charge, and Daniel from the den8 of lions—so that Thou mayest see fit, by Thy potent89 strength, to preserve the feet of the innocent safe and uninjured. If, moreover, that man be guilty in the aforesaid matter; and, the Devil persuading, shall have dared to tempt100 Thy power, and shall walk over them; do Thou, who art just and a Judge, make a manifest burn to appear on his feet, to Thy honour and praise and glory; to the constancy and confidence in Thy name, moreover, of us Thy servants; to the confusion and repentance102 of their sins of the perfidious103 and blind; so that, against their will, they may perceive, what willingly they would not—that Thou, living and reigning104 from ages to ages, art the judge of the living and the dead. Amen."
The Judgment of the Boiling Water
When the ordeal was by boiling water, the priest first performed mass and then descended105 to the place of trial, bearing a cross and a book of the gospels. After he had chanted a litany, he exorcized and blessed the water, which was to be boiled. He then stripped the accused of his clothes and arrayed him in ecclesiastical vestment of the kind worn by an exorcist or a deacon; sprinkled some of the water over him, caused him to drink of it, and gave him the cross and the gospels to kiss. The priest having said, "I have given to thee this water for a sign to-day," wood was laid under the cauldron, which might be of iron, of brass106, of lead or of clay. As the water grew warmer, prayers were recited by the priest, and it continued to be heated until it lowed to boiling. The accused then said the Lord's Prayer, and signed himself with the sign of the cross; and the cauldron having been quickly set down beside the fire, the judge held suspended in the water a stone, which the accused, in the name of God, had to draw forth at the depth of his wrist or his elbow, according as the ordeal was single or triple. On the third day his hand was inspected, and his innocence or guilt determined107.
The Judgment of Cold Water
The cold water ordeal is in some ways the most interesting of all. In this instance the accused was thrown into a pond or tank, which was technically108 described as the fossa or "pit." If he floated, he was adjudged guilty; if he sank, his innocence was regarded as divinely proved. It is sometimes stated "if he floated without any appearance of swimming," but swimming appears to have been precluded109 if it be true that his thumbs were tied to his toes, or he was bound hand and foot! Grimm explains the principle of this test by tracing it to an old heathen superstition110 that the holy element, the pure stream, would receive no misdoer within it. King James I. in his "Demonologie," however, lays it down in the case of witches that they having renounced111 their baptism, the element with which the holy rite is performed will justly reject them. This elucidation112 is in exact accord with the ancient formula of consecration113 pronounced over the accused, which was as follows:
"May omnipotent God, who did order baptism to be made by water, and did grant remission of sins to men through baptism; may He, through His mercy, decree a right judgment through that water. If, namely thou art guilty in that matter, may the water which received thee in baptism not receive thee now; if however, thou art innocent, may the water which receive thee in baptism receive thee now. Through Christ our Lord."
The priest afterwards exorcized the water, saying to it:
"I adjure76 thee, water, in the name of the Father Almighty, who did create thee in the beginning, who also did order thee to be separated from the water above ... that in no manner thou receive this man, if he be in any way guilty of the charge brought against him; by deed, namely, or by consent, or by knowledge, or in any way; but make him to swim above thee. And may no process be employed against thee, and no magic, which may be able to conceal114 that" [i.e., the circumstance of his guilt].
The Judgment of the Morsel115
A fifth form of the ordeal was the test of eating consecrated116 bread and cheese. This was known as the corsned, or morsel of execration117. The priest wrote the Lord's Prayer on the bread, of which he then weighed out a certain quantity—ten pennyweights—and so likewise with the cheese. Under the right foot of the accused he set a cross of poplar wood, and holding another cross of the same material over the man's head, threw over his head the theft written on a tablet. He placed the bread and cheese at the same moment in the mouth of the accused, and, on doing so, recited the conjuration:
"I conjure118 thee, O man, by the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost and by the four-and-twenty elders, who daily sound praises before God, and by the twelve patriarchs, the twelve prophets, the twelve apostles, the evangelists, martyrs119, confessors, and virgins121, by all the saints and by our Redeemer, our Lord Jesus Christ, who for our salvation122 and for our sins did suffer His hands to be affixed123 to the cross; that if thou wast a partner in this theft or didst know of it, or hadst any fault, that bread and cheese may not pass thy gullet and throat, but that thou mayest tremble like an aspen-leaf, Amen; and not have rest, O man, until thou dost vomit124 it forth with blood, if thou hast committed aught in the matter of the aforesaid theft. Through Him who liveth."
The following prayer and exorcism were also used and ordered to be repeated three times:
"Holy Father, omnipotent, eternal God, maker125 of all things visible, and of all things spiritual, who dost look into secret places, and dost know all things, who dost search the hearts of men, and dost rule as God, I pray Thee, hear the words of my prayer; that whoever has committed or carried out or consented to that theft, that bread and cheese may not be able to pass through his throat.
"I exorcize thee, most unclean dragon, ancient serpent, dark night, by the word of truth, and the sign of light, by our Lord Jesus Christ, the immaculate Lamb generated by the Most High, conceived of the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin120 Mary—Whose coming Gabriel the archangel did announce; Whom seeing, John did call out: This is the living and true Son of God—that in no wise mayest thou permit that man to eat this bread and cheese, who has committed this theft or consented to it or advised it. Adjured by Him who is to come to judge the quick and the dead, so thou close his throat with a band—not, however, unto death."
The Judgment of the Psalter
Thieves were sometimes tried by means of two pieces of wood and a psalter. One of the pieces having a button on the top was inserted in the psalter above the verse: "Thou art just, O Lord, and righteous are Thy judgments126." The book was then closed and pressed firm, and then the projecting button was placed in a hole made in the other piece of wood, from which the psalter now hung. The wood was held by two persons on opposite sides of the psalter, and the accused having been placed before them, one of them said thrice to the other: "He has the thing" (i.e., the stolen article). The other thrice answered: "He has it not." Thereupon the priest declared: "This He will deign127 to make manifest unto us, by Whose judgment are ruled things terrestrial and things celestial128. Thou art just, O Lord, and righteous are Thy judgments. Turn away the evils of Thy enemies, and destroy them with Thy truth."
The fate of the accused depended on the miraculous129 turning of the psalter. If the direction was from left to right he was innocent; if from right to left, he was guilty. It would appear from the prayer, in which the priest invoked130 Divine revelation, that he held the book, and therefore it is natural to assume that, consciously or unconsciously, his opinion must have influenced its movement. The prayer ran:
"Omnipotent, everlasting131 God, who didst create all things from nothing, and didst form man from the clay of the earth, we pray Thee, as suppliants by the intercession of Mary the most holy Mother of God ... that Thou do make trial for us concerning this matter about which we are uncertain; so that if so be that this man is guiltless, that book which we hold in our hands shall [in revolving] follow the ordinary course of the sun; but that if he be guilty that book shall move backwards132."
There were other forms of procedure, in some of which, as in the trial of the cross and the touching of the bier, the supposed criminal was confronted with his victim. Ordeals133 were abolished in England in the year 1219; but the tradition did not die, and in the time of the Commonwealth134, Hopkins, the notorious witchfinder, ridiculed135 in "Hudibras," employed the cold-water ordeal for the conviction of witches. "The suspected person," says Sir Walter Scott, "was wrapped in a sheet, having the great toes and thumbs tied together, and so dragged through a pond or river. If she sank, it was received in favour of the accused; but if the body floated (which must have occurred ten times for once, if it was placed with care on the surface of the water) the accused was condemned136."
That the issue of the ordeal might be arranged appears to have been recognized even in the Middle Ages. Thus, fifty Englishmen, it is said, having been ordered by William Rufus to be tried by the hot iron, every one of them escaped unhurt. Thereupon the King announced that he would try them again by the judgment of his court and not abide137 by the so-called judgment of God, "which was made favourable138 or unfavourable at any man's pleasure." By the Assize of Northampton (1176) suspected persons, who had been acquitted by the water ordeal, were liable to banishment139, though again acquitted by the "judgment of God."
Trial by battle, though obviously based on the same principle, was technically distinguished140 from the ordeal or judgment. The former appears to have arisen in the countries of the North, where it was known as the holmgang, the combats taking place on islands. Among the English this mode of settling differences was not much in favour either before or after the Norman Conquest; and the statutes141 of William I. contain provisions whereby the natives were permitted to substitute the more familiar ordeal for the trial by battle.
"It was also decreed there that if a Frenchman summon an Englishman for perjury142 or murder, theft, homicide, or 'ran'—as the English call evident rape143, which cannot be denied—the Englishman shall defend himself as he prefers, either through the ordeal of iron or through wager144 of battle. But if the Englishman be infirm, he shall find another who will do it for him. If one of them shall be vanquished145 he shall pay a fine of forty shillings to the King. If an Englishman summon a Frenchman, and be unwilling146 to prove his charge by judgment or by wager of battle, I will, nevertheless, that the Frenchman purge himself by an informal oath."
In subsequent reigns147 wager of battle was infinitely148 more common, and great encouragement was given to it by the martial149 race, whose ideas and habits were imposed on the subject population. The principles were established and the procedure regulated by the "Assises de Jérusalem" (1099), whose ordinances150 were received and recognized throughout Europe as a code of law and honour. For a general statement of conditions and effects we cannot do better than turn to the pages of the almost impeccable Gibbon.
"The trial by battle," he says, "was established in all criminal cases which affected151 the life, or limb, or honour, of any person; and in all civil transactions of or above the value of one mark of silver. It appears that in criminal cases the combat was the privilege of the accuser, who, except in the charge of treason, avenged152 his personal injury, or the death of those persons whom he had a right to represent; but wherever, from the nature of the charge, testimony could be obtained, it was necessary for him to produce witnesses of the fact. In civil causes the combat was not allowed as the means of establishing the claim of the demandant; but he was obliged to produce witnesses, who had, or assumed to have, knowledge of the fact. The combat was then the privilege of the defendant153, because he charged the witness with an attempt by perjury to take away his right. He came therefore to be in the same position as the appellant in criminal cases. It was not, then, as a mode of proof that the combat was received, nor as making negative evidence (according to the supposition of Montesquieu), but in every case the right to offer battle was founded on the right to pursue by arms the redress154 of an injury; and the judicial combat was fought on the same principle, and with the same spirit, as a private duel. Champions were only allowed to women, and to men maimed or past the age of sixty. The consequence of a defeat was death to the person accused, or to the champion, or witness, as well as to the accuser himself; but in civil cases the demandant was punished with infamy155 and the loss of his suit, while his witness and champion suffered an ignominious156 death. In many cases it was the option of the judge to award or to refuse the combat; but two are specified157 in which it was the inevitable result of the challenge: if a faithful vassal158 gave the lie to his compeer, who unjustly claimed any portion of their lord's demesnes; or if an unsuccessful suitor presumed to impeach160 the judgment and veracity161 of the court. He might impeach them, but the terms were severe and perilous162: on the same day he successively fought all the members of the tribunal, even those who had been absent; a single defeat was followed by death and infamy; and where none could hope for victory it is highly probable that none would adventure the trial."
Second only in importance to the "Assises de Jérusalem" are the "Grand Coutumier de Normandie" and Beaumanoir's "Coutumes de Beauvoisis." As regards England, the forms of procedure are narrated163 by Bracton and Britton; and Selden in his treatise164 "De Duellis" cites a number of cases, both civil and criminal, in which resort was had to trial by battle.
When an appellor offered to do battle in person, it was his duty to say: "Sir, A complains to you of B, who is there, that he has assassinated165 C; and if he deny it A is ready to prove it with his person against the person of B, and to slay166 him or make him confess in the space of an hour, and here is his pledge." If he offered to do battle by a champion, the formula was: "Sir, A complains to you of B, that he has assassinated C; and if he deny it A is ready to prove it if he shall not bring his champion on the day; and to slay, etc., and see here his pledge." The defendant replied in the following terms: "Sir, B denies and contradicts the assassination167 imputed168 to him by A, and is ready to defend with his person against A's person; and see here his pledge."
The combatants were to be armed according to their quality; and the arms and armour169 of knights171, who should do battle in a case of homicide or assassination, are duly set forth. They had to fight on foot; their lances were to be of equal length, and their shields half-a-foot higher than their persons, and pierced with two openings through which they could see their adversary172. The arms had to be shown to the Court, and each champion was obliged to make oath on the Gospels that he had upon him neither writing, charm, nor any other arms than those shown to the Court. The combatants were then placed and fought. Near at hand stood the warders of the field, so that they might catch the words "I repent101" in the event of their being uttered. In that case they said to the other party, "You have done enough"; and he who had been vanquished was taken to the lord, by whose order he was trained to the gallows173 and hanged. Similar treatment was paid to a combatant who had been slain174, even if he had not said "I repent." The same procedure was observed where the champions were of inferior rank, save that their arms were not knightly175. If the case were not one of homicide or assassination, knights fought on horseback and in armour, with the same consequences to the vanquished. His arms were forfeited176; and, if the charge were treason, his heirs were deprived of their inheritance. Combatants of lower than knightly rank fought on foot with shields and spears of equal length. If anyone not a knight170 struck a knight, he lost his right hand, "because of the honour and dignity which a knight has, and ought to have, over all other kinds of persons."
We may now refer to some typical examples. In the reign41 of Henry III. Hamon le Stare was appealed for robbery by Walter de Bloweberme; and the record is specially177 interesting on account of a contemporary drawing of the fight and subsequent execution of the vanquished.
In a MS. of Merton College, Oxford, occurs a note of a case in the time of Edward I. R. de B. having demanded the advowson of a church against the Prior of Sens, the latter waged battle. On the appointed day his champion appeared, "and in the open field the duel was fought." The Prior's champion was struck down, and upon this the Prior's attorney came forward and surrendered the advowson. Accordingly, judgment was given that R. should recover seisin, and that the Prior should be in mercy. The same MS. contains a comment by the Judge (Saham) to the effect that if, after battle joined, at the second or third assault the tenant178 acknowledge the tenement179 to be the right of the demandant, and for that acknowledgment the demandant grant to the tenant that he shall hold of him for life, and that afterwards the tenement shall revert180 to him (the demandant), that acknowledgment is as stable as if a fine were levied181 in a writ5 of warranty of charter.
In Hil., 29 Edward III., a writ of right was brought by the Bishop of Salisbury against the Earl of Salisbury for the Castle of Salisbury. Battle was waged; but on the accoutrements of the champions being examined by the Justices, a further day was assigned on the ground that the coat of the Bishop's champion had been found to contain several rolls of prayers and charms. In this instance no battle took place, as a compromise was arranged, whereby the Bishop was to pay the Earl 1,500 marks, and judgment was given for the Bishop on the Earl making default. With regard to charms, it may be remarked that there is copied on the fly-leaf of a MS. volume of reports, temp. Edward I. and II., in a contemporary hand, a charm comprising a list of the names of God, to be recited only in special cases, one of which was "par37 doute de plai." We may add that ecclesiastics182 not unfrequently retained a champion not for one occasion, but permanently183, and he was in receipt of regular pay. Richard de Swinfield, Bishop of Hereford, followed this course, giving a bond to Thomas de Bruges in consideration of the said Thomas performing the duties of champion. Similarly, by a deed dated London, April 28, 42 Henry III., one Henry de Fernbureg was engaged for the sum of 30 marks sterling184 to be always ready to fight as the Abbot of Glastonbury's champion in defence of the right which he had in the manors185 of Cranmore and Pucklechurch, against the Bishop of Bath and Wells, the Dean of Wells and other their champions whatsoever186.
Naturally, however, the judicial combat was an institution in which the court and the aristocracy had a greater interest than the church. It has been suggested, with much probability, that the office of the King's Champion originated from this custom. In any case, members of the royal house arranged, and even participated in, duels187 of this order; and one of the best accounts of the practice has been preserved in a long and elaborate epistle addressed to Richard II. by Thomas Duke of Gloucester and Constable188 of England. The following are extracts:
"The king shall find the field for to fight in. And the lists shall be lx paces of length and xl paces of breadth in good manner; and the earth be firm, stable, and hard, and even, made without great stones, and the earth be plat; and the lists strongly barred round about and a gate in the east and another in the west with good and strong barriers of vij foot of height or more.... The day of battle the King shall be in a sege or scaffold there where they shall be.... When the appellant cometh to his journey, he shall come to the gate of the lists in the east in such manner as he will fight with his arms and weapons assigned to him by the court, and there he shall abide till he be led in by the Constable, so that when he is comen to the said gate, the Constable and Marshal shall go thither189. And the Constable shall ask him what man he is which is comen armed to the gate of the lists, and what name he hath, and for what cause he is comen. And the appellant shall answer, 'I am such a man, A. de K., the appellant, the which is comen to this journey, &c., for to do, &c.' And then the Constable shall open the visor of his bassinet, so that he may plainly see his visage, and if it be the same man that is the appellant, then shall he make open the gates of the lists, and shall make him enter with the same arms, points, victuals190 and other lawful necessaries upon him, and also his counsel with him, and then he shall lead him afore the King, and then to his tent, where he shall abide till the defendant be comen. In the same manner it shall be done of the defendant save that he shall enter in at the west gate of the lists.
"The Constable's clerk shall write and set in the register the coming and the hour of entering of the appellant, and how he entered the lists on foot; and also the harness of the appellant, and how he is armed, and with how many weapons he entered the lists, and what victuals and other lawful necessaries he bringeth with him. In the same manner shall be done to the defendant.... And the appellant and defendant shall be searched by the Constable and Marshal of their points of arms, otherwise called weapons, that they be vowable without any manner of deceit; and if they be other than reason asketh they shall be taken away, for reason, good faith, and law of arms will suffer no guile191 nor deceit in so great a deed. And it is to wit that the appellant and defendant may be armed upon their bodies as surely as they will."
Previously it had been said: "And the Constable shall make take heed192 that none other before or after the appellant or defendant bring more weapons nor victuals other than were assigned by the court." The "points" assigned by the court were the long sword, the short sword, and dagger—no other knife great or small or any other "instrument or engine of point." The combatants had each to swear on the mass-book that they were thus armed, and that they had no stone of virtue nor herb of virtue nor charm nor any other enchantment193. Also they were made to take each other by the hand to do all their true power and intent on each other, and make their opponent either yield or give up the ghost. All but two lieutenants194 of the Constable and two knights were ordered to quit the lists.
The Constable sat in front of the King as his "Vicar general" and regulated the combat. "The Constable schall say wt ye voice as foloweth, 'Lessiez lez aler'; that is to say, 'lat them goo and reste awhile'; 'lessiez lez aler & faire leur devoir depdieu'; that is to say, 'lat them goo and doo ther devour195 i goddes name.' And this seyde eche man schal depte fro bothe pties soo that they may incountre & doo that them semeth best."
From that time forth neither appellant nor defendant might eat or drink without leave and licence of the King; and it was the Constable's duty, in case the King commanded the parties to separate, rest, or abide, for whatever reason, to see that this took place in such a way that they should be in the same "estate and degree" in case the King should order the resumption of the combat. He was also to have good "hearkening and sight," if either spoke196 to other of yielding or otherwise, for to him and to none other belonged the witness and the record of the words from that time forth.
In this battle, supposed to be on account of treason, he that was convicted and discomfited197 was disarmed198 in the lists by command of the Constable, and a corner of the lists broken "in reprove of him." Through this he was drawn199 out by horse through the lists from the place where he was disarmed to the place of justice, where he was beheaded or hanged—"the which thing appertaineth to the Marshal."
"And if it happen so that the King would take the quarrel in his hand and make them accorded without more fighting, then the Constable taking the one party and the Marshal the other shall lead them before the King, and he showing them his will, the said Constable and Marshal shall lead them to the one part of the lists with all their points and armour as they are found, and having when the King took the quarrel in his hand as is said. And so they shall be led out of the gate of the lists evenly, so that the one go not before the other by no way and nothing, for sen he hath taken the quarrel in his hand, it should be dishonest that either of the parties should have more disworship than the other. Wherefore it hath been said by many ancient men that he that goeth first out of the lists hath the disworship and this as well in cause of treason as in other cause whatsoever it be."
It cannot be repeated too often or too clearly understood that the duel was not exclusively a chivalrous200 custom, confined to those of high station. Like the ordeal, it was prescribed, as a mode of juridical determination, for burgesses and others, though, as we have shown, equality of rank was postulated201 in the combatants no less than equality of "points." By way of illustration we may turn to the annals of Leicester, where wager of battle was enforced on the townsmen for the settlement of their disputes. We have seen that knights undertook to bring matters to a conclusion within the space of one hour. Honest burgesses, less expert in the use of lethal202 weapons, and either less courageous203 or less callous204 in taking human life, appear to have shown extremely poor "sport" in their involuntary matches. At Leicester a combat is recorded to have commenced at 6 a.m. and continued till 3 p.m., when it was terminated through one of the parties falling into a pit. The character of the affair and the behaviour of the champions occasioned a great scandal; and the townsmen, in order to prevent a repetition of the incident, engaged to pay the Earl their lord three pence for each house, on condition that the "twenty-four jurors who were in Leicester from ancient times should from that time forward discuss and decide all pleas they might have among themselves."
In London and other chartered towns parties to a quarrel could not be made to fight against their will. The rule was that wager of battle did not lie between two freemen without the consent of both; and a case is on record in which one citizen, having been charged with felony and robbery, offered to defend himself with his body. The appellor declined dereignment by battle, and so it was decided205 that the accused should be tried by the Middle Law, with eighteen compurgators.
The duel was employed for the determination not only of criminal, but of civil causes, and in such controversies206 the demandant, whatever his condition, might not engage in the combat himself, but was represented by a champion, who occupied the position of a witness. The claim would be made in some such form as the following:
"I demand against B. one hide of land in such a vill (naming it) as my right and inheritance, of which my father (or grandfather, as it might be) was seised in his demesne159 as of fee, in the time of Henry I. (or, after the first coronation of the King, as it might be), and from which he received produce to the value of fifty shillings at least (as in corn, hay, and other produce); and this I am ready to prove by my freeman John, or if anything should happen to him, by him or him"—several might be named, though only one might wage battle—"who saw this."
Or the form might conclude: "And this I am ready to prove by my freeman John, whom his father on his death-bed enjoined, by the faith a son owes his father, that if he ever heard of any plea being moved concerning this land, he would dereign (or prove) this, as what his father had seen or heard."
The tenant might then defend himself in person or by deputy at his option. The demandant's champion was not to be a person hired for reward, and if he was convicted of receiving money or vanquished in a duel on the point of right, not only did the demandant lose his suit, but the champion forfeited his legem terr?—that is, he could never act in a similar capacity again—and was fined sixty shillings nomine recreantis?—for cowardice207. In the reign of Henry II. these arrangements were modified, and the tenant might put himself on the assise. "The assise," says Glanville, "is a royal benefit conferred on the nation by the prince in his clemency208, by the advice of his nobles, as an expedient whereby the lives and interests of his subjects might be preserved, and their property and rights enjoyed, without being any longer obliged to submit to the doubtful chance of the duel. After this the calamity209 of a violent death, which sometimes happened to champions, might be avoided, as well as the perpetual infamy and disgrace attendant on the vanquished, when he had pronounced the infestum et inverecundum verbum." The horrible word was "creaunt" (or craven).
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1
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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4
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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5
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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writs
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| n.书面命令，令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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warranty
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| n.担保书，证书，保单 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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9
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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12
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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14
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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15
purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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16
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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inculpated
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| v.显示（某人）有罪，使负罪( inculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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19
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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perjured
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| adj.伪证的，犯伪证罪的v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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dwarfs
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| n.侏儒，矮子（dwarf的复数形式）vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的第三人称单数形式） | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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futility
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| n.无用 | |
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embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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40
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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41
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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42
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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43
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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45
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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46
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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47
bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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48
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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49
abjured
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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50
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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51
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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52
prosecutor
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| n.起诉人；检察官，公诉人 | |
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53
onus
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| n.负担；责任 | |
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54
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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55
absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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56
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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57
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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58
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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59
absconded
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| v.（尤指逃避逮捕）潜逃，逃跑( abscond的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
monetary
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| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
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61
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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62
immersion
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| n.沉浸；专心 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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64
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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tongs
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| n.钳；夹子 | |
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hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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sanctimony
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| n.假装神圣 | |
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71
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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certified
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| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
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abstinent
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| adj.饮食有度的，有节制的，禁欲的；n.禁欲者 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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adjure
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| v.郑重敦促(恳请) | |
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adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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78
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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79
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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80
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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82
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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83
infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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84
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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85
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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86
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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87
blindfolded
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| v.（尤指用布）挡住（某人）的视线( blindfold的过去式 )；蒙住（某人）的眼睛；使不理解；蒙骗 | |
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88
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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89
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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90
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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91
suppliants
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| n.恳求者，哀求者( suppliant的名词复数 ) | |
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92
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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93
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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94
wilt
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| v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎；(指人)疲倦，衰弱 | |
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95
wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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96
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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97
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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98
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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99
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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100
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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101
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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102
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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103
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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104
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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105
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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106
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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107
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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108
technically
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| adv.专门地，技术上地 | |
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109
precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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110
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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111
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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112
elucidation
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| n.说明，阐明 | |
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113
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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114
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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115
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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116
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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117
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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118
conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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119
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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120
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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121
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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122
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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123
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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124
vomit
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| v.呕吐，作呕；n.呕吐物，吐出物 | |
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125
maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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126
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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127
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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128
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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129
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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130
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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131
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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132
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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133
ordeals
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| n.严峻的考验，苦难的经历( ordeal的名词复数 ) | |
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134
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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135
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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137
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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138
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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139
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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140
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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141
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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142
perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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143
rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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144
wager
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| n.赌注；vt.押注，打赌 | |
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145
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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146
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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147
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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148
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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149
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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150
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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151
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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152
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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153
defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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154
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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155
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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156
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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157
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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158
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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159
demesne
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| n.领域，私有土地 | |
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160
impeach
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| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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161
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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162
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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163
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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165
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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166
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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167
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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168
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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169
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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170
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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171
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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172
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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173
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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174
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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175
knightly
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| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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176
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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178
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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179
tenement
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| n.公寓；房屋 | |
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180
revert
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| v.恢复，复归，回到 | |
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181
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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182
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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183
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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184
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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185
manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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186
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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187
duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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188
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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189
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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190
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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191
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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192
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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193
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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194
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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195
devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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196
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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197
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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198
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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199
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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200
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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201
postulated
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| v.假定，假设( postulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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202
lethal
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| adj.致死的；毁灭性的 | |
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203
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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204
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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205
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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206
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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207
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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208
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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209
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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