It was on the 5th[82] of May, 1789, that the Spanish ship anchored in Friendly Cove1 of Nootka Sound bearing Martinez with his instructions for occupying the port and planting a permanent colony that should be a substantial proof of the Spanish claim and serve as a center for spreading Spanish sovereignty over all the coast. Just ten days before this[83] Colnett had sailed from China with instructions and equipment to make it, an English port.[84] During the next two months, while the Englishman was crossing the Pacific, the Spaniard was making good use of the time. When the latter reached Nootka there seems to have been no visible sign that the English had ever occupied the place or even intended to occupy it. The only evidence of civilization was one vessel2 under a Portuguese3 captain with Portuguese instructions and a Portuguese flag. It soon became known that there was also an American ship a few miles away up the sound.
It has never been conclusively5 proved that the house which Meares built the summer before had entirely6 disappeared. In a letter written three years later to the Spanish commandant[313] at that time the American captains, who had spent the winter of 1788-89 at Nootka, declared that when Martinez arrived there was no trace of Meares’s house in the cove; that there had been a house, or rather a hut, when they arrived in the fall, but that, prior to his sailing for the Sandwich Islands, Captain Douglas had pulled it to pieces, had taken the boards on board the Iphigenia, and had given the roof to Captain Kendrick, who had used it as firewood.[85]
While there is no proof that the statement of these gentlemen is not true, yet they were too plainly prejudiced in favor of the Spanish to permit their testimony7 to be taken for its full face value in the absence of any corroborating8 evidence. There is, however, some indirect evidence to support their statement, and its value is the greater because of its being indirect, and still greater because it comes from the side of the English to whose interest it would have been to maintain the contrary. This appears in the extract which Meares quotes from the journal of the Iphigenia. In the entry made two days after his return from the Sandwich Islands and two weeks before the arrival of Martinez the writer says: “[We] sent some sails on shore and erected9 a tent to put our empty casks in.”[86]
If their house had still been standing10 they would doubtless have used it for this purpose instead of erecting11 the tent. Further, the fact that no mention is made of the house in this journal is pretty conclusive4 proof that it was not in existence on their arrival. Meares’s narrative12 of the departure of the Iphigenia in the preceding autumn is silent on the subject. In fact, there is no statement made even in Meares’s memorial that his house was still standing; but the memorial is so written, doubtless intentionally13, that the casual reader would infer that the house was still there and that evidences of English occupation were unquestionable. This is doubtless what has led most historians who have touched upon the subject, among whom are some of the best, into the error of implying or openly declaring that there was[314] a substantial English colony when the Spanish expedition arrived.[87]
It was also this failure of Meares to tell the whole truth that led the British Parliament and ministry15 into the error of believing that their rights to the place were unquestionable and that the conduct of the Spanish commandant was little better than high-handed robbery.[88] It is, then, pretty safe to assert that there was no indication whatever of English occupation when Martinez arrived, and that he was consequently perfectly16 justified17 in taking possession for Spain and in maintaining his position by force if it should become necessary. The question, therefore, is not, Was he justified in his first act? but, Were his subsequent acts of violence necessary to maintain his position?
Captain Kendrick, of the American ship Columbia, which Martinez found at Nootka, and Captain Gray, of her consort18, the Lady Washington, which was out on a trading[315] cruise at the time, were slightly involved in the relations between the Spanish and English commanders. But the vessel under Portuguese colors furnishes the center of interest for the first month of Spanish occupation.
This vessel was the Iphigenia, which had sailed from China in company with the Felice, under Captain Meares, in the spring of 1788, but which had separated from the latter vessel, had spent the summer in trading on the coast of Alaska and had rejoined her consort in the autumn at Nootka, where they again separated, the Felice, under Meares, sailing for China with the furs collected by both vessels19, and the Iphigenia, under Douglas, accompanied by the small vessel, the Northwest America, built at Nootka during the summer, going for the winter to the Sandwich Islands.[89] Returning to the American coast in the spring of 1789, the Iphigenia had reached Nootka sixteen days before the arrival of Martinez. Four days after her the little vessel, her consort, arrived, and preparations were immediately made to send the latter out on a trading cruise, that they might not be worsted in competition by the American sloop21, the Lady Washington, which had just returned from a six weeks’ cruise to the southward and would soon set out on a similar trip to the northward22. In four days more the necessary repairs were made, and on April 27 the Northwest America set out to trade with the natives to the northward,[90] not returning, and consequently not being of any further interest for six weeks, at the end of which time she assumes considerable importance.
The double national character of the expedition to which the Iphigenia belonged has already been discussed.[91] When, on May 5, the Spanish ship appeared, it was evidently thought better—for reasons which are not disclosed—to present the appearance of a Portuguese rather than an English ship. During the first few days all of the commanders seem to have been on the best of terms. According to the journal of the Iphigenia, Douglas was invited to dine on board the Spanish ship on the day of Martinez’s arrival.[316] Three days later the officers of the Iphigenia and of the Spanish vessel all went to dine with Kendrick, the captain of the American ship, and the next day the officers of the American and Spanish ships dined on board the Iphigenia.
Thus, up to the 9th of May the utmost harmony prevailed. Douglas had acquainted Martinez with the distressed23 condition of his ship and the latter had promised to relieve him as far as lay in his power. On the 8th the Portuguese instructions and passport of the Iphigenia had been presented to Martinez.[92] These seem to be what started the difficulty. In his account to the Viceroy, Martinez says:
On my arrival in it [the port of San Lorenzo de Nootka] I found a packet boat, with its captain (flag) and passport of the Portuguese nation, but its supercargo (who was really the captain), its pilot, and the greater part of its crew English.[93]
The passport was signed by the governor and captain-general of the port of Macao, in China, and began:
Be it known that from the port of this city is sailing for the coasts of North America the sloop named the Iphigenia Nubiana. It belongs to Juan Carvalho,[94] a subject of the same master of this port, and is of 200 tons burden having artillery26, powder, balls, arms, and munitions27 necessary for its defense28, and carrying as its captain Francisco Josef Viana, also a subject of the same Crown, and of competent ability.[95]
The instructions were addressed to Viana, captain of the sloop Iphigenia Nubiana, and signed by Juan Carvalho. Besides the perplexity of the double nationality of the vessel, Martinez’s suspicions were aroused by what he considered an obnoxious29 clause in the instructions. It read:
In case of your meeting on your voyage with any Russian, Spanish, or English vessels, you will treat them with the greatest possible friendship and permit them (if they demand it) to examine your papers that they may see the object of your voyage, taking care at the same time to avoid surprise, if they should attempt to divert you from your voyage. In such case you will resist force by force and protest against such violent and illegal proceedings30 before a tribunal at the first port in which you arrive, giving also an estimate of the value of the ships and cargoes31. You will send to us at Macao a copy[317] of said protest, with a narrative of all that shall have occurred, and another such to Francisco Josef Bandieras and Geronimo Ribeiro Nores, our correspondents at Lisbon, and likewise to the Portuguese ambassador, at the Court of the nation of the aggressor, in order that our Sovereign may demand satisfaction. If, perchance, in such conflict you should have the superiority, you will take possession of the vessel and its cargo25, conducting them, with the officers, to Macao, in order that they may be condemned32 as legal prize and the officers and crew punished as pirates.[96]
Rightly or wrongly, Martinez thought that these instructions justified him in demanding an explanation. Since this is the first of the vessels seized, and in order to show that the Spanish commander considered that he was acting33 under instructions and with full authority, the whole of the first of a series of affidavits34 regarding the affair is here quoted:
On board the frigate36 of His Majesty37 named Our Lady of the Rosary, alias38 the Princesa, on the 13th[97] day of the month of May, 1789, I, an ensign of the royal navy, Don Esteban José Martinez, appointed commander in chief of this expedition by the most excellent Se?or Viceroy Don Manuel Antonio Florez for occupying and taking possession of this port of San Lorenzo de Nootka, where I am anchored, declare: That, in virtue39 of the Instructions and other superior orders, dated the 23d of December of the year last passed, 1788, and according to an order of His Majesty in Arto. 17, Tito. 5, Trato. 6, of the royal orders for the navy, I ought to order and leave ordered to appear before me Don Francisco Josef Viana, an inhabitant of Lisbon and captain of the packet boat named the Iphigenia Nubiana coming from Macao, which I found on the 5th of the present month anchored in this aforesaid port, and likewise that he should be accompanied by the so-called supercargo, M. William Douglas, in order that each one, in so far as he is involved, may vindicate40 himself, in view of the charges which I have to make against them, according to the cited article of the royal orders, on account of sections 18 and 19 of the instructions which the said captain presented to me on the 8th of the present month.
This affidavit35 was signed by Martinez before the notary41, Canizares. Following it is one by the interpreter of the expedition saying that he delivered the above order, and then comes a long one giving an account of the interview that followed.
Viana, the captain, Douglas, the supercargo, and Adamson, the first pilot, immediately answered the summons, and repaired on board the Princesa. Martinez began by demanding[318] an explanation for their having anchored in a port of the Spanish dominions42 without a license44 from that Monarch45. They replied that they were there in virtue of their passport from the governor of Macao; that, as to this port’s belonging to the Spanish dominions, they were ignorant of it, since the fact had not been published at the European Courts; and that they were informed by the first article of their instructions that this coast had been discovered by the Portuguese Admiral Fonte in 1640.[98] To this last Martinez responded that Portugal was at that time under the dominion43 of Spain. He likewise charged them to tell who this Carvalho was that had given such despotic instructions as the minister of a sovereign would hardly have given; to which they answered that he was the owner of the vessel. He then charged them with articles 18 and 19 of their instructions (the objectionable clauses quoted above). They replied that the articles in question had been misinterpreted; that they ordered Viana, in case his crew mutinied and he met with the vessel of a foreign nation, to appeal to that vessel for assistance in imprisoning46 his own crew and conducting them to Macao, and that the mutinous47 crew were the ones to be punished as pirates. Martinez insisted that this was not the true import of the articles, but a clumsy pretext48. Considering their defense unsatisfactory, according to the cited article of the orders for the royal navy, Martinez demanded in the name of the King that they should surrender themselves as prisoners of war. The affidavit giving account of this was signed by Viana, Douglas, and Martinez before Canizares.[99]
This is Martinez’s account of the arrest, written at the time or very soon thereafter, since it bears the signature of Viana and Douglas, and they would have been most unlikely to sign it if they had not been compelled to do so while in captivity49. It is very doubtful whether Martinez was truthful50 in his report of the clumsy fabrication offered by Viana and Douglas in defense of the objectionable clause. To have offered such, expecting it to be believed, they would have had to be either very stupid or absolutely certain that Martinez and all his associates were entirely ignorant of the Portuguese[319] language—a very unlikely circumstance. This false defense may have been invented by the Spanish commander to give more color to the justice of the arrest. It would be more charitable and possibly more just to suppose that owing to his imperfect understanding of the language that they used, or its imperfect translation by his interpreter, he understood them to say this when they really said something very different. It is quite evident that his first translation of what he considered the objectionable clause in their instructions was incorrect. For in his rendering52 of it in the above account of the investigation53 he makes the clause read that Viana was to treat with respect all English, Russian, and Spanish vessels whose force was superior to his own, but, if he had the superior force, he was to seize them and carry them to Macao, where their crews should be tried as pirates. This is what he referred to when he spoke54 of their being so despotic. It is impossible to understand how, in a correct translation, he could have seen anything so obnoxious as he claimed to see. If, however, this rendering had been the correct one, it would have made the Iphigenia virtually a pirate ship, and Martinez would have been fully55 justified. But if his first translation was faulty, his later one was correct, as will be seen by comparing the quotation56 from it given above with the instructions of the Merchant Proprietors57 to Meares, the English commander of the expedition. They correspond almost word for word, differing only in the details necessary to give the appearance of a Portuguese instead of an English expedition.[100]
[320]
This error of Martinez is brought out in Douglas’s account of the investigation. He says:
[Martinez] told me my papers were bad; that they mentioned I was to take all English, Russian, and Spanish vessels that were of inferior force to the Iphigenia, and send or carry their crews to Macao, there to be tried for their lives as pirates. I told him they had not interpreted the papers right; that though I did not understand Portuguese I had seen a copy of them in English at Macao,[101] which mentioned, if I was attacked by any of those three nations, to defend myself, and, if I had the superiority, to send the captain and crews to Macao to answer for the insult they offered. The padries and the clerk read the papers over, and said they had interpreted the papers right.[102]
The American commanders say that the capture was due to a misinterpretation.[103] If Martinez did make this mistake and later was led to restore the vessel by the discovery of it, he remains58 entirely silent regarding it, giving other reasons for the release, as will be seen.
Between May 13, when the Iphigenia was seized, and May 25, when she was released, part of her officers and crew were detained on board Martinez’s ship, the Princesa, and part on the San Carlos, the other Spanish ship, which had reached Nootka a week later than the commander’s. Of the conduct of the Spanish during these twelve days while they held the Iphigenia prisoner there are the most divergent accounts in the different sources.
According to the account of Douglas, a deaf ear was turned to his plea that he had been forced to enter the port because of the distress24 of his vessel, which was such that, had he entered a port of the Spanish dominions of South America he would have been allowed to repair his damages and[321] depart in peace, and that consequently to take him prisoner in a port to which the King of Spain had never laid claim was a piece of injustice59 that no nation had ever attempted before. His offer to leave the port immediately in spite of his distress, if permission should be granted, was refused; he and his crew were most inhumanely treated, and their valuable personal effects and even their very clothes were stolen; Spanish colors were hoisted60 on their vessel and it was looted of its provisions and articles for trading with the natives and anything else that the Spaniards fancied. When his vessel was restored a very meager61 supply of provisions was sent on board, and an account presented which listed five times the quantity actually sent and charged five times their cost; he was compelled to sign a paper saying that Martinez had found him in distress and in want of everything, had supplied him with all necessary to take him to the Sandwich Islands, and had not interfered62 with his navigation; another paper was forced upon him by which he agreed that, if his papers should be found to be bad, the vessel was to be delivered up at Macao, and before he was allowed to sail a letter was demanded from him to Captain Funter, of the North-West America, ordering the latter to sell the schooner63 to Martinez; but, not having authority either to sell or to order another to sell, he said nothing in the letter that he left about selling the vessel, but advised Funter to act to the best of his judgment64 for the benefit of his employers.[104]
According to the account of the American captains, on the other hand, the officers of the Iphigenia “were treated with all imaginable kindness, and every attention paid them.”
The vessel while in the possession of the Spaniards, from being a wreck65 was put in complete order for the sea, being calked, rigging and sails repaired, anchors and cables sent from the Princesa, etc. On the 20th Don Martinez supplied them with every kind of provisions they were in need of, for which Captain Douglas gave him bills on Cravalia, the before-mentioned merchant of Macao. On the 31st the Iphigenia sailed and was saluted67 by the Spanish fort, and the commodore accompanied them out of the harbor, giving every assistance with boats, etc. When Captain Douglas took his leave of the commodore he declared he should ever entertain a sense of Don Martinez’s kindness,[322] deeming his conduct relative to the vessel no more than his duty as a King’s officer. Upon the whole, we both believe the Iphigenia’s being detained was of infinite service to those who were concerned in her.[105]
Vancouver, in giving the substance of a letter written later by Viana to Quadra, represents Viana as saying that he was imprisoned68, was well treated, and on being liberated69 his vessel and cargo were completely restored and he was furnished what he needed.[106]
It is plain that neither the account of Douglas nor that of the American commanders can be accepted for its full value, but that the truth lies between them. The fact that the former on his release turned northward and spent a month trading, and later made a successful trip to the Sandwich Islands and China, shows that his ship was not so destitute70 of provisions as his journal would make it seem; and the fact that he purchased a cargo of furs from the natives shows that he had not been so nearly robbed of his articles of trade as he declared. Further, knowing that this journal passed through Meares’s hands before it was published, and knowing this gentleman’s tendency to distort the truth, when there was a possibility of thereby71 strengthening his case, one can not help suspecting that the journal was tampered72 with so that it would exhibit Martinez’s treatment of the vessel in as unfavorable a light as possible. But the testimony of the American commanders must be discounted also, since their prejudice in favor of the Spaniards is very conspicuous73. This would be suspected because of their intimacy74 with Martinez; but the extravagant75 statements of the letter itself show a decided76 prejudice. It was written three years after the events which it discusses, and errors in date indicate that it was produced merely from memory. The statements from Viana’s letter are too indirect to be of much value.
In the series of affidavits which Martinez submitted to the Viceroy concerning the arrest and detention77 of the vessel, there is what appears to be a wholly unimpassioned account. These affidavits seem to have been written and sworn to before the notary, each on the day on which the event that it[323] records occurred. The first one, in which Martinez gives his reasons for calling to account the officers of the Iphigenia, is quoted in full above. The second, in which the interpreter says that he delivered Martinez’s orders, has been referred to, and the substance has been given of the third which recounts the investigation of Douglas and Viana and their arrest. The fourth tells of the formal act of seizing the vessel, the replacing of the Portuguese colors by the Spanish, and the imprisonment78 of the crew. These four are dated May 13. A letter to Martinez, dated May 15, written by Tovar, who had been placed in command of the captured ship, tells of a bundle of papers which he had found belonging to Douglas. In the fifth affidavit, dated May 16, Martinez says that in view of this letter of Tovar he had ordered the papers of Douglas to be taken in charge, and the sixth affidavit, of the same date, is signed by the English interpreter and says that no suspicion attached to Douglas’s papers.[107]
On May 17, in the seventh affidavit, Martinez says that on account of the difficulty of sending the captured vessel to San Blas, owing to the scarcity79 of men to man her, he has concluded to release her, but has ordered an inventory80 to be made, that he may bind81 the owner to pay the value of the ship and cargo in case the Viceroy shall declare her to have been good prize. The inventory was completed May 22, and signed on board the Iphigenia the same day by Tovar, the temporary commander, and by Viana, the Portuguese captain, in whose presence it had been made. The eighth affidavit, signed on May 25, declares that the inventory should be embodied82 in the account. An itemized list follows, covering five pages of manuscript and indicating that the Iphigenia was by no means destitute of general supplies, though there might have been a lack of those necessary to man the ship. Immediately following the inventory is the bond signed by Viana and Douglas, captain and supercargo of the Iphigenia, for Juan Carvalho, the owner, and by Kendrick and Ingraham, of the American ship, as witnesses, and finally by Martinez, all in the presence of Canizares, the[324] notary. This obliges the owner to pay the value of the ship and cargo, as shown by the attached inventory, in case the Viceroy should decide that the vessel was good prize on account of having been found anchored in the port of Nootka without having a passport, permission, or license from His Catholic Majesty for navigating83 or anchoring in seas or ports belonging to his dominion.[108] The ninth affidavit, signed May 26, formally submits to the Viceroy the preceding account of the measures taken in view of the instructions submitted by the captain of the Iphigenia.[109]
On May 31, after a dinner on board the Spanish commander’s ship, at which the Iphigenia’s officers and those of the American ship were present, the Iphigenia was accompanied out of the harbor by the officers of the other two, and, after a farewell salute66 from the Spanish guns, sailed away, ostensibly for Macao, by way of the Sandwich Islands. At midnight Douglas gave orders to turn north for a trading cruise, having, as he says, “no idea of running for Macao with only between 60 and 70 sea-otter skins which I had on board.”[110]
The next occurrence of interest at Nootka was in connection with the North-West America. Mention has been made of Martinez’s futile84 attempt to get a letter from Douglas ordering Captain Funter to sell the schooner to Martinez. It will be recalled that this vessel, on returning from the Sandwich Islands, had reached Nootka four days later than her consort, the Iphigenia, had been repaired as soon as possible, and had set out on a trading trip before the arrival of the Spanish commander. Having carried on a profitable trade for six weeks, and being seriously in need of provisions, she returned to Nootka June 8 in hope of meeting there the vessel that was expected from Macao with stores. For some reason not wholly plain Martinez took possession of the schooner as soon as she arrived. Meares says that the[325] Spanish commander was angered when he learned that the letter which Douglas had left for Funter was not the desired order for the latter to sell his schooner, and gave vent51 to his anger by seizing the vessel.[111] The American captains say that when Martinez learned later of the bankruptcy85 of Carvalho, on whom he had accepted bills in payment for supplies furnished to Douglas, he justified himself as holding the schooner in security for the debt.[112] Martinez gives a partial explanation in an affidavit of June 12. Learning, he said, that the schooner belonged to Carvalho and was connected with the Iphigenia, which he had seized on account of her instructions, he therefore took possession of this vessel also, and submitted an inventory to the Viceroy, together with that of the larger ship. He fails to explain why he did not release her; but he doubtless considered explanation unnecessary, since he had given as his only reason for not detaining the larger vessel his inability to man her.[113] He would not have been consistent in not detaining her unless he had released her also on bond; and there was no need for doing that, since she required so few men. Doubtless the other two motives86 suggested had their influence also.
The English commanders give the same extravagant account of robbery and barbaric treatment at the hands of the Spaniards that were given in the case of the other vessel—the Spanish flag was hoisted; the officers and men were imprisoned; the vessel was repaired, refitted, rechristened the Gertrudis and sent on a trading trip for the benefit of the Spaniards, in which they bartered88 away the articles of trade that they found on board; every possible effort was made by bribery89 and intimidation90 to induce Funter and some of his men to man the vessel for the Spaniards and show them where trade was good, but without avail; the men were kept in confinement91 for a month and then shipped for China on board one of the American vessels, which they were compelled to assist in manning to keep from being[326] wrecked92.[114] It must be admitted that at the best the provocation93 was sufficient to excuse some exaggeration, which is the more to be expected when it is noticed that the account was not written until several months after the occurrence of the events recorded. But that the Spanish commander meant to show a certain amount of justice and even generosity94 is evident from the fact that he later transferred to another English vessel all of the furs collected by the schooner except twelve, which were either lost or detained by the Spaniard.[115] And still later, when Funter and his men were sent to China on the American vessel, Martinez shipped to their credit 96 skins to pay their wages besides the cost of their passage.[116] He also transferred provisions from an English ship to the American captain for the maintenance of Funter and his men.[117] The purpose seems to have been to punish the owners, but to avoid working immediate20 hardship to the officers and crew.
Another event of the Spanish operations is the taking formal possession of the port, which occurred June 24.[118] In the seven weeks that had intervened since the arrival of the Spanish expedition, besides the seizure95 and disposition96 of the two vessels just discussed, a fort had been constructed on the top of a high hill which commanded the entrance to the port, and had been occupied by a garrison97 and a battery of ten cannon98. Three houses had also been built—a workshop, a bakery, and a lodging99 house.[119] The ceremony had not been performed earlier because they were awaiting the[327] arrival of the Aranzazu, that it might be given greater solemnity; but that ship not coming, it was decided to delay no longer.[120] The instrument of possession is a long, very formal, and high-sounding document. The right of Spain is based on the discovery of Nootka in 1774 and the bull of Pope Alexander VI of May 4, 1493. The instrument bears the signatures of Martinez and Haro, commanders of the two vessels; of Tovar, the first pilot; of the two chaplains, and of the four missionaries100, and is attested101 by Canizares, the notary.[121] From the fort and the vessels a salute of 21 cannon was fired in honor of the King, and at a splendid banquet on board the commander’s ship all of the officers of the Spanish ships, and several foreigners, drank to that sovereign’s health.
These foreigners, Martinez says, were of the English nation and the American Congress [Colonies], and the ceremony was performed without any contradiction by them.[122] Through Kendrick and Ingraham, officers of the American ship, he had made the Englishmen understand that the Spaniards had been the first discoverers of the port. He had proved this by having the Americans—since they also understood the Indian dialect—talk with the natives, who had described the clothes of the first comers. And as a further and more conclusive proof he laid before the Indians the flags of various nations, including the old Spanish flag,[123] and the last was recognized by the old chief as the one borne by the first vessel.[124]
One more occurrence should be noted102 before the arrival of the English expedition under Colnett that gave rise to the most important event of the summer. This occurrence is the coming of the Princess Royal, commanded by Hudson,[328] subject to the orders of Colnett. This vessel left China earlier than her consort and reached Nootka on June 15[125], where she remained a little more than two weeks. A letter written by Hudson, a copy of which is in the Spanish archives, gives a detailed103 account of his stay at Nootka on this occasion. On his approach in the evening he was met by two launches. Being alarmed, he demanded to know whether they were armed and received answer in English that they were, but only with a bottle of brandy. Martinez, of the Spanish ship, Kendrick, of the American, and Funter, of the captured English schooner, came on board and remained all night. The next morning, the 16th, they were towed into the harbor, and saluted by the guns of the two Spanish ships and the fort. In the afternoon Hudson and Martinez accompanied Kendrick up the sound 6 miles to his vessel, the Columbia, where they remained that night. On the 11th Hudson returned to his vessel, where he received a note from the Spanish commander demanding his motive87 for anchoring in the sound, and informing him that the port belonged to the King of Spain. On the 18th Hudson replied that during his voyage of sixteen weeks and three days from Macao in continual storms his ship had been badly damaged; this, with the failure of wood and water, had caused him to anchor where he was, and he hoped that Martinez would permit him to supply his losses, upon which, with permission, he would depart. In a note of the same day Martinez replied that Hudson’s explanation was perfectly satisfactory and that he might supply his needs and depart when he wished.
This shows that the utmost harmony and good will prevailed. Hudson’s vessel was present when the Spaniards took formal possession of the port, and he was doubtless one of the Englishmen who were at Martinez’s sumptuous104 banquet and are mentioned as not disputing the act of possession. This is the English vessel, also, to which Martinez transferred the furs taken from the North-West America, as mentioned above.
[329]
On July 1, his ship being ready to leave, Hudson notified Martinez that he intended to sail the next morning. The latter, after a little hesitation105, gave his consent, and also furnished Hudson with a circular letter to all commanders of Spanish ships which he might encounter ordering them to let him pass. The next morning, July 2, the launches from the American ships towed the Princess Royal out of the harbor; and having had to wait all day for a breeze she sailed away at 10 o’clock in the evening, returning eleven days later, at the close of the important events to be discussed in the next chapter.[126]
Comparing the actions of Martinez, which have been discussed in this chapter, with his instructions given in the foregoing chapter, it is seen that it would not be difficult for him to justify106 his seizure of the Iphigenia and the North-West America. The last clause of the eleventh article orders him to endeavor, as far as possible, to prevent intercourse107 and commerce with the natives. It is difficult to see how he could have carried this out in any other way. Knowing the general policy of Spain, which was to prevent all foreigners from trading with the Spanish dominions, and feeling himself responsible for maintaining that policy along this whole coast, he might easily have felt it his duty to employ harsh means, being satisfied that nothing less would be effectual. Having in mind the recent treatment accorded to the governor of the islands of Juan Fernandez because he allowed a vessel that had been in his power to continue its voyage to these very coasts, it is not strange that he should be unwilling108 to incur109 similar disgrace because of too great leniency110.[127] It would seem, however, that he was inconsistent in not seizing also the Princess Royal, unless, indeed, he believed what he embodied in the circular letter which he gave to Hudson for other Spanish commanders. In this he declared that the purpose of the voyage was discovery; that he had seen Hudson’s commission to that effect. Martinez may have known nothing to the contrary at the time, and what he said was doubtless true; but it was not the[330] whole truth. But if he was too lenient111 this time, he did not err14 in that direction on Hudson’s return, as will appear.
If Martinez felt it necessary to treat the English ships with such harshness, can his mild treatment of the American ships be justified? These are the very ships that are referred to in articles 14 and 15 of the above-mentioned instructions. It will be recalled that he was there given authority, in case of his meeting with them, to deal with them as appeared proper. The suspicion was mentioned in another place that the purpose of these ships was to find a port in which to establish a colony. On encountering them at Nootka, Martinez inspected their papers and found that this was not their purpose. He says that his interpreter found nothing in their papers derogatory to the rights of Spain; that their purpose was to circumnavigate the globe; that there seemed no reason for interfering112 with their course nor placing them under bond, as he had done the packet boat from Macao; but that, nevertheless, he had required them, in the name of his Sovereign, not to return to these seas or coasts without bringing a passport and special permit, since that Monarch had prohibited every foreign nation from navigating the coasts of America.[128] His allowing the American ships to trade unmolested for the two months hardly seems consistent, unless his reason was what might be implied from the latter part of the letter just referred to. He tells of the assistance afforded him by the American commanders in his dealings with the English and the Indians, since they conversed113 in both of those languages. He might have considered it better to allow them for a time to violate the letter of the strict Spanish regulations than to lose their services in establishing himself in a position to prevent all such violations114 in the future. His intimacy with the Americans was so noticeable that the Englishmen frequently accused the latter of collusion with the schemes of the Spaniard.
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cove
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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4
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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5
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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6
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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7
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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8
corroborating
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的现在分词 ) | |
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9
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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12
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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13
intentionally
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| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
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14
err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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15
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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17
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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18
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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19
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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20
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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21
sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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22
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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23
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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24
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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25
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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26
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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27
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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28
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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29
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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30
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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31
cargoes
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| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
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32
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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33
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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34
affidavits
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| n.宣誓书，（经陈述者宣誓在法律上可采作证据的）书面陈述( affidavit的名词复数 ) | |
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35
affidavit
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| n.宣誓书 | |
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36
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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37
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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38
alias
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| n.化名；别名；adv.又名 | |
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39
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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40
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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41
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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42
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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44
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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45
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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46
imprisoning
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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47
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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48
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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49
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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50
truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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51
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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52
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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53
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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54
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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55
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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56
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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57
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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58
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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59
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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60
hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
meager
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| adj.缺乏的，不足的，瘦的 | |
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62
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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63
schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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64
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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65
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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66
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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67
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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68
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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70
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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71
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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72
tampered
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| v.窜改( tamper的过去式 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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73
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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74
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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75
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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76
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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77
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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78
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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79
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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80
inventory
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| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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81
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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82
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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83
navigating
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| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的现在分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
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84
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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85
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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86
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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87
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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88
bartered
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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90
intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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91
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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92
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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93
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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94
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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95
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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96
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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97
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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98
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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99
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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100
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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101
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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102
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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103
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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104
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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105
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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106
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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107
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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108
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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109
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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110
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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111
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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112
interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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113
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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114
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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