The English ship from China, the Argonaut, Captain Colnett, whose equipment and instructions have already been discussed, arrived at Nootka late in the evening of July 2, 1789. She had neared the coast some distance north the previous evening. Sailing southward, she was visited in the morning by some Indians, who told of five vessels3 in Friendly Cove4, but could not identify them. The officers conjectured5 that the ships belonged to Mr. Etches, one of the merchants interested in their proposed colony. They hastened to join them. As their vessel2 approached the entrance they saw the sloop6 Princess Royal pass out and sail away. This increased their confidence, since she was their consort7. Shortly after they passed the sloop they saw two launches approach in the growing darkness. A voice in Spanish asked permission to come on board and was answered in the affirmative. The leader of the party was the Spanish commander, Martinez. Two hours earlier he had been notified from the port of the approach of a ship. Thinking it to be the Aranzazu, which he had been anxiously expecting for some weeks from San Blas with provisions, he had hastened to welcome her in.
The events that follow this meeting of Martinez with Colnett, the commander of the English expedition, are the real genesis of the Nootka controversy8. Had the vigorous measures of the Spanish commander stopped with the seizure of the two vessels already discussed, the matter would probably never have reached the cabinets of London and Madrid. Since these events are so important, a detailed9 account is given. This is drawn10 from five separate narratives12, all written by men who were present and took part in them. One is the letter of Martinez, written at the close of the events, giving his official account to the Viceroy. Another is a letter[332] from Colnett to the same official, written some three months later. These two are unpublished. The third is a second account by Colnett, written nine years later, appearing as a footnote to his published narrative11 of a subsequent voyage. The fourth is a series of letters, written while the events were in progress, by Duffin, second in command to Colnett, but really in control during most of the time. The fifth is the letter, written three years later, by the American captains, who were eyewitnesses13 of most of the events.[130]
At the first meeting each commander was disappointed at finding the other very different from the person whom he expected. Martinez at once presented to Colnett a letter from Captain Hudson, of the Princess Royal, saying that the bearer was commander of two ships of His Catholic Majesty14 anchored in Friendly Cove; that the writer had received all possible aid from him and had departed. The letter had been written that very morning, and put Colnett somewhat at his ease. He invited Martinez and his party, among whom were the officers of the American ships, down into the cabin, where they drank freely together. The Spaniard was very courteous15, declared that the vessels under his command were in great distress16 from the want of provisions and other necessaries, and urged the English commander to go into port in order to supply their needs, inviting17 him to stay for some time. Colnett, in his letter to the Viceroy, says that he consented to stay, provided he should be permitted to build a sloop, for which he had the materials on board; but this being refused, he said that he could not stay longer than the next day.
[333]
On the other hand, Martinez says that Colnett claimed to have come under authority from the King of England, with orders to take possession of Nootka, construct a fort, establish a factory, and plant a colony, for which he had brought 29 Chinese laborers18; that having learned this his interpreter made the Englishman understand that Martinez had already taken possession of the port in the name and under an order of the King of Spain; that thereupon the English captain claimed the land for His Britannic Majesty on the ground of Cook’s discovery, adding that his company had purchased the rights to the place which were acquired the previous year by the Portuguese19 company, their vessels, the Iphigenia and the North-West America, being also included in the purchase. To refute the Englishman’s arguments, the Spaniard declared that a Spanish expedition had discovered the port four years earlier than Cook;[131] that he himself had accompanied the expedition, and from him the spoons had been stolen which Cook tells of purchasing; that the Portuguese company had done wrong in selling land which was not theirs but belonged to the King of Spain, not only this port being the property of that Crown, but all the coast as far as Prince Williams Sound. Colnett, the Spaniard continues, was unable to reply to these well-founded arguments. The American captains say:
Colnett asked if he would be prevented from building a house in the port. The commodore, mistaking his meaning, answered him he was at liberty to erect20 a tent, get wood and water, etc., after which he was at liberty to depart when he pleased; but Captain Colnett said that was not what he wanted, but to build a blockhouse, erect a fort, and settle a colony for the Crown of Great Britain. This was refused.
Colnett, in his published account, says that he hesitated, being uncertain whether to enter the port, but—
The Spaniard, observing my unwillingness22 to comply with his request, assured me on his word and honor, in the name of the King of Spain, whose servant he was, and of the Viceroy of Mexico, whose nephew he declared himself to be, that if I would go into port and relieve his wants I should be at liberty to sail whenever I pleased.
Martinez’s plea of distress and his solemn promise, with Hudson’s letter, the Englishman says, influenced him to[334] enter the harbor, and, as there was a calm, he allowed the Spanish boats to assist in towing his vessel into the cove. Among the party that had come out in the launches was the pilot of the captured English schooner23. He told Colnett of the situation in the cove—the Spanish war ships, the fort, the formal possession, the seizure of the Iphigenia and North-West America, and the arrival and departure of Captain Hudson. He advised Colnett to anchor outside the cove until morning, but the latter, depending on the Spaniard’s honor, entered and brought up between the Spanish ships at about midnight.
The next morning, July 3, everything seems to have been harmonious24. Colnett visited the fort and other Spanish establishments, and on invitation of Martinez took breakfast on board the Spanish vessel, the Spanish commander returning the compliment by dining on board the Englishman’s ship. The latter was urged to delay his departure for a day, but being unwilling21 to do so it was arranged that the Spaniard should send a launch in the afternoon to tow the English vessel out, and on the return of the boat Colnett should send the supplies, a list of which had already been agreed upon. The launch not coming as soon as expected, a request was made that it be sent at once. Martinez asked to see Colnett’s papers before the latter should depart. After some hesitation25 the Englishman took them on board the Spanish ship. The Spaniard was still in doubt whether he should allow the Argonaut to depart, sometimes saying that she could, at other times that she could not. Finally he declared that she could not go that day. He produced a book in which he showed what he said was an order from the King of Spain to seize all English vessels found on the coast. Colnett declared that he would sail at once, with or without permission, unless the Spaniard fired on him, in which case he would haul down his colors and surrender. Thinking it presumption26 for Colnett to talk as if he were an agent of the English King, though he was really sent only by a commercial company, Martinez declared himself the personal representative of the King of Spain and commander in chief of the port. Colnett replied that he had been in His Britannic Majesty’s service for twenty years, and that he then carried a governmental license27, which he produced. He endeavoured[335] to show the injustice28 of the Spaniard’s conduct, reminding him of his promise on his word and honor, made the evening before. Warm words followed, and each commander seems completely to have lost his temper. Each tells of violence, either threatened or inflicted29, by the other. At Martinez’s order Colnett was seized and made a prisoner.
From the accounts it is impossible to decide which officer was the more at fault in the quarrel. It was the unfortunate outcome of anger on both sides, and doubtless was not premeditated by either. The real explanation appears to be that given in the letter of Duffin. Eight days after the quarrel he wrote: “I have every reason to suspect there was a misunderstanding between the two parties, for the linguist30 spoke31 English very imperfectly, and in all likelihood interpreted as many words wrong as right.” It seems, then, to have been a faulty translation that caused the quarrel which later threw two continents into a feverish32 excitement in anticipation33 of war.
After the seizure had been made, however, a plausible34 excuse was not wanting to the Spaniard. He says that he imprisoned35 Colnett because the latter would likely have gone elsewhere on the coast and established a post from which it would have been impossible to dislodge the English without the force of arms. This is doubtless exactly what would have happened, and in view of Martinez’s instructions and of what he knew to be the policy of his country with regard to the coast, he was entirely36 justified37, from the Spanish standpoint, in preventing by force what he could not have prevented otherwise. Indeed, had he allowed the English expedition to depart unmolested, and had the English colony been established elsewhere, he probably would have been seriously taken to task for not attempting to prevent it. Martinez’s account to the Viceroy was such as to make it seem that he at no time had any intention whatever of allowing Colnett to leave. He says nothing of his promise and pledge to that effect which the English commander says that he made. But though the Spaniard concealed39 the fact from his superiors, the other accounts indicate unmistakably that he really intended, at first, to allow the Argonaut to depart, and that his promise to her commander was made in good faith. Possibly he had begun to doubt whether the Viceroy[336] would approve his proceedings40 respecting the two vessels already seized, and did not wish to involve himself further until he had that official’s decision. In view of this he may have concluded to let all other vessels pass without scrutinizing41 them too closely. His treatment of the Princess Royal indicates such intent, and his promise to Colnett was consistent with it. After a day’s consideration, he may have concluded to go through the form of an investigation42, at least, that he might make a plausible report of it, but with the deliberate intention of closing his eyes to anything that might prove derogatory to Spain. However the fact may be accounted for, it is clear that Martinez was wavering between two opinions and that the quarrel forced his decision. Duffin, in his letter of July 12 [11], which seems to be the fairest of all the accounts, speaking of events after the seizure, says:
The commodore’s passion now began to abate43 a little, and he sent for me from the San Carlos, where I was imprisoned. When I came to him, he seemed to profess44 a very great friendship for me, and appeared to be exceedingly sorry for what, he said, his officers compelled him to do. He declared to me that he had given Colnett permission to depart, and would have assisted him all in his power but that Captain Colnett insisted on erecting45 a fort opposite his.
A little further on, after telling of Colnett’s turning over to him all control of affairs, the same writer continues:
I have endeavored to convince the Spaniards, had we known this place had been taken possession by the King of Spain, we would not, on any consideration, have come near it; I have likewise wished to persuade him to peruse46 the South Sea Company’s grant and our instructions, which he refuses, and tells me it would avail nothing now to do it, as his officers insist on his going on with what he acknowledges he too rashly and hastily began, and without deliberating what might hereafter be the consequence.
That the English captain was somewhat to blame for what had occurred is clear from his own behavior, as related in Duffin’s letter of July 14 [13]. The writer, speaking of Colnett, says:
I have endeavored to persuade him to draw out every particular concerning our being captured, to send to his employers, which he refuses. His objection is that he has involved himself and everyone else in difficulties that he is not able to extricate48 himself from, and therefore declares to me that he will have no more concern with the charge of the vessel.
[337]
This refusal to give the particulars of his arrest occurred after his recovery from what Duffin spoke of at the time as insanity49, but what Colnett himself refers to as delirium50. Meares’s publication of Duffin’s statement concerning the commander’s insanity caused some hard feeling when Colnett learned of it; and the statement was publicly denied later by Meares.[132] Whatever it may be called, the immediate51 cause was his capture. The malady52 lasted for ten days. As a result of it, the whole control was left in the hands of Duffin, the second in command. The latter’s statement concerning the captain is as follows:
Captain Colnett has been in such a state of insanity ever since the vessel has been captured by the Spaniards that we are obliged to confine him to his cabin. Yesterday morning he jumped out of the cabin window, and it was with great difficulty his life was saved. His constant cry is that he is condemned53 to be hanged. I sincerely hope for his speedy recovery, but am apprehensive54 he never will recover his former senses again. I understand from the boy, Russell, that it is a family disorder55 and that they all have symptoms of madness more or less.
The next day he wrote: “Captain Colnett is much better to-day, and, in general, discourses56 very rationally.” It was at this time that Duffin made his vain attempt to draw out the particulars of the capture. Duffin seems to blame Colnett.
On the afternoon of July 3, immediately after seizing Colnett, Martinez had taken possession of the Argonaut, had run up the Spanish flag, and had imprisoned all of the officers and crew, removed them from their own ship, and confined them on board the two Spanish vessels. Of the events that followed during the next ten days, while preparations were being made to send the vessel to San Blas for the Viceroy to decide whether she was good prize, there are greatly divergent accounts, as in the case of the other captured ships. It is significant that the further the writing was removed from the event the blacker is the picture drawn in the English accounts of the Spaniard’s cruelty. Doubtless the most authentic57 is the one first written—the letters of Duffin, already referred to.
After a little time Colnett and Duffin, with two other officers, were allowed to return to their own ship. On the 11th[338] Duffin wrote: “I am at present in possession of my cabin, as are also the rest of us, and the commodore behaves with great civility, by obliging us in every liberty that can be expected as prisoners.” This is pretty strong evidence that there was nothing very barbaric about Martinez’s treatment, since Duffin had no motive58 for concealing59 the truth. What he wrote had to be by stealth, he says, and was taken by Mr. Barnett, an Englishman of the crew of the North-West America, who was going to China on board the American ship. Under these circumstances he would probably not have represented the Spaniard’s conduct more favorably than it deserved. Many of the supplies and stores on board the English ship were appropriated by the Spaniards; but not without arrangement for compensation, as would be inferred from later English accounts. Speaking of their appropriation60, Duffin says:
They have taken of our stores to themselves all our pitch, tar61, canvas, twine62, some provisions of all kinds, guns, ammunition63, the chief of our copper64, and many other articles that we were not acquainted with, all the officers being prisoners, some on board one vessel and some on board the other. We have great expectations that the vessel will be delivered up at San Blas. The commodore promises me, if she is, everything that he has taken to himself shall be replaced at that port; but there has been a number of things taken out of the vessel by theft that he knows nothing of. Nevertheless, if any, and the vessel is returned, they must undoubtedly65 make it good.
According to the same writer, Martinez tried to buy all of the copper on board, offering to give bills for the same, but it was refused on the ground that if his orders allowed him to capture the vessel they would undoubtedly allow him to capture the cargo66 also. The Spaniard, he says, wanted the copper to trade for furs, which he shipped to Macao by Captain Kendrick [of the American ship Columbia], who traded for him on shares. This is the way in which the man in command at the time spoke of what later accounts designate as plundering67 by the Spaniards.
That the promise of compensation was made in good faith is proved by the documents which Martinez submitted to the Viceroy. One is dated at San Lorenzo de Nootka, July 5, 1789, and is a “List of the provisions and other stores which have been taken at the expense of the royal treasury68 from the captured English packet boat Argonaut, for my subsistence[339] in this port; all of which are to be restored to Capt. James Colnett from the royal treasure of the department of San Blas, in case the Most Excellent Se?or Viceroy of New Spain releases the vessel.” An itemized statement carefully describing each article is given. Another document dated July 13 is a “List of the artillery69, balls, and other armament found on board the captured English ship Argonaut, belonging to the free commercial company of London, which remain in my possession at the disposal of his excellency, awaiting his superior determination.” Inclosed with these is a “List of the names of the captain, officers, crew, and passengers which the Argonaut carried.” Among the officers there were 12 Englishmen and 1 Spaniard; of the sailors, 4 were English, 7 Portuguese, and 3 Filipinos; the passengers were 29 Chinese; to these were added Colnett’s servant, who was a Sandwich Islander, and Duffin’s, who was a Bengalese. In all, there were 58 persons. Another list includes only the 16 Englishmen, and states that they are to be sent to San Blas on board the captured ship Argonaut. Still another list includes the Portuguese, the Filipinos, the Chinese, and the two servants, who were to be sent on the Aranzazu and the other vessels that might come from San Blas. The one Spaniard had entered the service of Martinez.[133]
On July 13, after the above documents relating to the capture of the Argonaut were sealed up and the vessel was ready to be sent as a prize to San Bias70, the Princess Royal, which had left ten days before, returned and was seized by Martinez. He says that his motive for the seizure was his wish to prevent her from carrying news of the capture of the other vessel to the company, and thus to forestall71 their taking measures against him before he could be re?nforced.[134] This seems a poor excuse since the Englishmen shipped on board the American vessel could carry the news just as well.
Hudson’s letter to the Viceroy gives his account of the seizure. On leaving Nootka on July 2 he had intended to[340] sail northward72, but a storm had driven him southward and he had been unable to return for several days. On July 13 he had succeeded in getting back opposite the entrance to Nootka Sound, and being anxious to know whether Colnett had arrived, and, if he had, wishing to get from him some needed supplies and instructions for his future conduct, he determined73 to enter in his launch, leaving his vessel in the open. He had no fears of maltreatment since Martinez had dealt so liberally with him before. He was met by a Spanish launch, was told that Colnett was there and was sick and in trouble, was requested by Martinez to enter the port, and was invited on board the Spanish launch. He found it completely armed. His own pistol was taken from him and his launch was taken into possession. When he reached the Princesa Martinez informed him that he was a prisoner, as was also Colnett, and that the fault was all the latter’s. Hudson was urged to give orders for his ship to come in, but refused, and the Spaniards prepared to take her by force. Seeing the futility74 of resisting, he advised his lieutenant75 to surrender. The vessel was taken at midnight and brought in the next morning. Captain Hudson does not mention here his brutal76 treatment at the hands of the Spaniards, which is related in other English accounts.[135] He says that he was allowed to go on board his own ship or anywhere else in the port that he chose.
The two English vessels left Nootka for San Blas, where they were to await the disposition77 of the Viceroy. The Argonaut sailed July 13, in charge of Tovar as prize captain. In Colnett’s letter to the Viceroy he tells of the hardships that he suffered on the voyage. His belongings78 had been transferred to the mate’s cabin, a very small room. Each night at 8 o’clock he was locked in this, and the door was not opened until morning. He was not allowed to have any intercourse79 with his officers except in the daytime. The commandant[341] at Nootka had either asked or taken all of his chickens and other fresh provisions, so that he had a slight attack of scurvy80. His mouth, he said, ulcerated, and the captain of the prize refused to allow him to have his bread toasted for fear of destroying his teeth! Whenever there was a storm the hatchways were closed, and he almost smothered81. The heat increased each day. One night he asked repeatedly for a glass of water, but it was too great a favor, and he had to wait until morning. His own condition was bad enough, but when he got to San Blas he learned that the men of his crew had suffered much more than he. They had been closely confined in irons for many days, though there were only 8 of them and four times as many to guard them.[136] Their chests had been broken into, and most of their clothes and personal belongings had been taken. Colnett had lost many articles that he valued very highly. After their arrival at San Blas, August 15, they received better treatment.[137] The Princess Royal arrived at San Blas on August 27, just a month after she had left Nootka. She carried 12 English and 2 Portuguese prisoners.[138]
On August 29, Hanson, second pilot of the Argonaut, committed suicide. The only known cause was melancholy82, according to the statement of the Viceroy drawn from a detailed account sent to him by the commandant of San Blas.[139] In Colnett’s published account he says that it was because of Hanson’s despair at the treatment which he had received. The same writer states that several others became sick and died.[140] Colnett may have exaggerated somewhat the hardships of the voyage, but the letter seems to be a truthful83 account. Their condition, at the best, was a bad one, and they were probably confined more closely than was necessary and their wants not attended to as they might have been. It is likely, however, that most of the harsh measures taken by[342] the prize crew were the result of excessive caution rather than wanton cruelty.
Martinez’s operations at Nootka after sending his prizes to San Blas are of minor84 interest. He carried on some explorations in the neighborhood, studied the customs of the natives, and made, in his diary, a full report of the country and its inhabitants. On December 6 he reached San Blas, having returned in consequence of an order from Florez dated February 25, 1789.[141] This date shows that the events at Nootka during the summer had nothing to do with his recall, since the order was given shortly after the expedition had sailed.
When Martinez reached San Blas he had with him an American ship and schooner which he had captured just as he was leaving Nootka. He had hesitated for some time, uncertain whether he should set them free, but had finally decided85 to take them to San Blas to be acted on by the Viceroy. Revilla-Gigedo, who had succeeded Florez in the viceroyalty, set them free, on the ground that the Americans had not molested38 the Spanish settlements.[142] The names of the vessels do not appear in this letter. They were doubtless the Eleanora and the Fair America, under Captain Metcalf.[143]
Martinez also brought with him the 29 Chinese that he had taken from the Argonaut. To save the expense of keeping them the Viceroy said that he had decided to have them brought to Mexico, liberated86, and given employment; or, if they preferred, they would be sent to the colonies and mission settlements of California.[144] Meares, in his memorial, declared that these Chinese laborers were detained at Nootka by Martinez and put to work in the mines that had been opened on the land belonging to Meares. Nothing appears[343] in the Spanish documents concerning any such mines. It has been stated elsewhere that Meares gave 70 as the number of Chinese taken to Nootka by Colnett. This is probably an exaggeration, since the number 29 is repeated several times in the Spanish documents, and in two places a complete list of their names is given.[145] From what will be stated later, it seems that the Viceroy’s scheme for liberating47 them in Mexico was not carried out.
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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eyewitnesses
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| 目击者( eyewitness的名词复数 ) | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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schooner
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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hesitation
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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linguist
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| n.语言学家；精通数种外国语言者 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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scrutinizing
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| v.仔细检查，详审( scrutinize的现在分词 ) | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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peruse
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| v.细读，精读 | |
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liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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tar
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| n.柏油，焦油；vt.涂或浇柏油/焦油于 | |
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twine
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| v.搓，织，编饰；（使）缠绕 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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futility
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| n.无用 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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scurvy
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| adj.下流的，卑鄙的，无礼的；n.坏血病 | |
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smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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