“Dicetur in posterum subjectum Rom? Mediolanum.”—Arnulphus.
The revolt of the Milanese people against the nobles was associated with the great agitation1 for the reform of the Catholic Church, initiated2 and carried on in the eleventh century by S. Giovanni Gualberto, San Romualdo and his disciple3, Peter Damiano, and by the Cluniac monk4, Hildebrand, afterwards Gregory VII. This movement had its political aspect. The spiritual supremacy6 to which these men aimed to restore the dishonoured7 and discredited8 Papacy included domination over the temporal powers. The first step to be accomplished9 was unity10 of government within the Church’s own body, and the suppression of the virtual independence, based on feudal11 dominion12, of the great metropolitan13 Sees, Milan, Ravenna and others outside Italy. Divining with sure instinct where the power of the future lay, they allied14 themselves with those democratic forces to which the Ambrosian Church was now fatally opposed, in a fierce attack upon the great Lombard See.
Much laxity of discipline prevailed among the higher clergy15 of Milan, whose pride and splendour was famous throughout Europe. They lived like great feudal barons16; armed cap à pie, they led their vassals17 forth18 to battle, nor in their domestic manners were they more rigid19. They were, moreover, obstinately20 attached by long custom to the two practices which the severer 27spirits in the Church had condemned22 and fought against for centuries, simony and marriage, both closely bound up with their feudal constitution and polity. They stoutly23 maintained that the ordination24 of married men as priests was sanctioned by St. Ambrose himself in his writings, nor did they demur25 to the marriage of those already in Orders, though the sentence of the great Doctor on this point was more doubtful. In fact, they married with the same unconsciousness of sin as their untonsured brethren did. The natural consequence was that the offices and benefices of the Church were bequeathed from father to son, and tended to become hereditary26 in certain favoured families. It followed as inevitably27 that bishoprics, abbacies and all offices carrying with them worldly possessions, came to be trafficked in like any other sort of estates. The investitures of them were granted by the feudal superior for fixed29 and regular fees, graduated according to the value of the office, a practice resulting from the introduction by Charlemagne of the system of feudal tenure30 into the ecclesiastical body politic5. Thus there were few among the dignitaries of St. Ambrose who had not paid, according to the current price, for their spiritual rank and its accompanying temporalities, and the possession of ecclesiastical benefices, either to be held or disposed of at will, had become a form of wealth which, vitiated though its origin might be, was wound in inextricably with the complicated existence of Milanese society.
It was natural that the successive decrees of the Popes from Clement32 II. (1046-1047) onwards against simony and marriage should have been disregarded in Milan. The renunciation of the benefices which provided them with a livelihood33, and the putting away of the wives and children to whom they were bound by the ties of innocent and natural affection, were sacrifices too 28hard for men whose vocation34 was rather worldly than spiritual. Nothing less than a social revolution could overthrow35 the rooted customs of the Ambrosian Church.
Such a revolution, in the heaving and unstable36 eleventh century, was, however, easily excited. The discontent of the lower orders with the aristocracy increased as their lately-won privileges generated the desire for a further share of power, and their particular animus37 against the ecclesiastical nobles was strengthened by a deep and widespread aspiration38 for religious purity and truth among many of the humblest people. The agitation against the real and supposed scandals in the lives of the clergy was taken up with fury in the poorest parts of the city.
A revolutionary party grew up, which became known among its opponents by the opprobrious40 name of Patarini, a term used in Milan to denote heretics, and derived41 perhaps from Patari, rag-sellers, who with their customers represented the lowest class of the people. And though the aim of the revolutionists was a social and moral, not a doctrinal, reform, there probably prevailed much freedom of thought and religious opinion among them. The heresy42 of the Catharists—better known under the name of Albigenses, by which they were called later in the south of France—was taking wide hold in North Italy at this time. The strange Manichean ideas of these sectaries, who believed in a dual44 principle of good and evil governing the world, must have found ready acceptance in pessimistic souls who saw the pride and luxury of the great on one side, and the misery45 of the oppressed and enslaved masses on the other. Their ideal of extreme bodily purity, rising to an asceticism46 which, by denying the flesh even the mere48 satisfaction of its needs aimed at the liberation of the spirit from its thraldom49 to the Devil by the self-extinction of the human race, contrasted 29their lives sharply with the luxurious50 habits of the majority of the orthodox clergy, and by sanctifying hunger and privation, gave a new dignity and self-respect to the down-trodden poor. Moreover, their stern rejection51 of all pleasure and selfish ambition gave them leisure and courage to devote themselves to the sick and suffering, so that many joined themselves to their company from the impulse of gratitude52. They led in fact the evangelic life, though their dark and despairing tenets were utterly53 alien to the spirit of Christianity. They clung to their peculiar55 faith with a lofty enthusiasm which persecution56 could not subdue57.
The confusion of the Catharists, or Catari, with the Patarini probably arose from the similarity of the names, and the natural tendency of the orthodox to confuse the different forms of thought outside their own dogmatic boundaries. The Patarini sympathised with the Catharists only in their practice of purity and evangelic simplicity58 of life. There is little doubt, however, that the Catharists mingled59 with the poorer classes of the city whence the Patarini were recruited, and must have taken advantage of the confusion of ideas resulting from the revolt against the old customs and authority to spread their doctrines61.
Among the Milanese clergy themselves there was a small party zealous63 for reform. The first to raise open protest against simony and ‘concubinage’ was one of these, a noble ecclesiastic31 called Anselmo da Baggio. Ariberto’s vacant throne had been filled by the appointment of one Guido, a creature of the Emperor Henry III., who in securing his election, had partly recovered that sway over Milan which Ariberto had wrested64 from Conrad. Guido was a weak man, with an uneasy conscience himself about simony, since he had paid the usual fee to the emperor 30as his feudal superior for the confirmation65 of his election. Thinking to rid himself of the troublesome zeal62 of Anselmo, he procured66 his election to the bishopric of Lucca, and thus endowed him with new power. Anselmo was one of the principal allies and agents of Hildebrand, by whose influence he was raised later to the papal throne, where, as Alexander II., he was able to wield67 all the arms of Rome against his native Church. Another leader of a more popular class soon rose up to take his place in Milan, a certain deacon and student of letters named Arialdo. This man became the soul of the movement. He was joined by Landolfo da Cotta, one of the highest order of clergy, like Anselmo da Baggio. Landolfo was a fiery68 and eloquent69 speaker, a zealot whose body was consumed by disease and his soul by enthusiasm. The two went about preaching in public places and stirring up the poorer classes, and soon gathered together a formidable following. Invading the churches, they drove the clergy from the altars, and pursuing them with contumely and violence, sacked their houses and forced them to sign an engagement to consort70 no more with women. The whole city was in an uproar71; all the sons of disorder72 rushed to join the rioters. Archbishop Guido summoned a synod of his clergy at a safe distance from the city, and thence fulminated an anathema73 against the ringleaders. Arialdo and Landolfo immediately hastened to Rome to make their complaint before the throne of Peter (1057). They returned accompanied by the Bishop28 of Lucca and Cardinal74 Hildebrand himself, sent by Pope Stephen X. to examine into the accusations75 laid against the Archbishop and his clergy. Their arrival raised a new and tremendous uproar. The Milanese, deeply jealous of the ancient episcopal glory and prerogatives77 of their city, rallied to the side of their own clergy at 31this attempt of the Pope to interfere78, and the legates, having hastily and in secret condemned the Archbishop as simoniacal, and all his practices as abominable79, departed, leaving matters worse than before.
As soon as the Roman attack had been driven off, and the issue appeared to be confined within the city, the masses again joined Arialdo. The clamour of bells and trumpets80 filled the streets and called the people to assemble in the great Roman theatre, where Arialdo and Landolfo inflamed81 their minds to fury by discourses82 against the clergy. There were daily riots in the streets. The clergy were supported by the nobles and by all the peaceable spirits, who, however, had none of the energy and zeal of their opponents, and soon wearied of the continual disorders83 and tumults85. The struggle continued with intermittent86 uproar, and two years after the mission of Hildebrand, the Pope made a new attempt at intervention87 (1059). This time with the Bishop of Lucca there came instead of Hildebrand, whose soul contained no balm to pour upon angry passions, the famous Peter Damian. The contemplative of Fonte Avellana, fierce ascetic47 as he was, and inflamed with impatience88 and contempt for luxurious priests, nevertheless possessed89 the gift of persuading and winning men. The difficulties which had defeated the earlier legation met him also. The Ambrosian clergy stood out for the ancient freedom of their Church and Diocese and the independence of its jurisdiction90. Enormous crowds gathered round the episcopal palace, thirsting for the blood of the new representatives of the papal pretensions91, and the popular fury rose to a height when at a great assembly which Peter convoked92 to hear his message he placed the Archbishop of Milan on his left hand, giving the place of pre-eminence on his right to the Bishop of Lucca, as delegate of the Pope. But the sound of his voice 32calmed the tumult84 as he rose and eloquently93 proclaimed the glory of the Ambrosian Church and of the many martyrs95 who had sanctified it with their blood, and so skilfully96 and with such moving words did he reprove its abuses, that before long Archbishop, dignitaries and the whole immense throng98 of clerics, trembling with emotion and penitence99, were prostrate100 before the altar, acknowledging their sinful practices and vowing101 to renounce102 them for the future. The success of the preacher was confirmed by the subsequent visit of Archbishop Guido to Rome, in answer to a summons from Nicholas II. There for the first time in history the Primate103 of Milan was constrained104 to promise obedience105 to the Pope of Rome, and to receive from him the symbolic106 ring of investiture.
This humiliation107 of their episcopal prince was a bitter grief to the noble party in Milan. Veneranda est Roma in Apostolo. But Milan is not to be despised in Ambrose, cries Arnolfo the chronicler. ‘It will be said in future that Milan is subject to Rome.’ And though Rome had won a lasting108 advantage, the moral effect of Peter Damian’s mission soon died out. The old ecclesiastical system and usage was not so easily overthrown109. Two years later (1061) the conflict was resumed with new fervour by the Patarini, encouraged by the accession of their ally, Anselmo of Lucca, to the Papal throne. Moreover, a new champion of reform had arisen in Erlembaldo, a warrior110 lately returned from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and brother of the now dying Landolfo. Bold as a lion, breathing out fire and slaughter111 against the Ambrosians, Erlembaldo was a formidable foe112 for the timid Archbishop and his party, who were inspired by no confidence in the virtue113 of their cause. He appeared in the arena114 of conflict bearing the standard of the Church, with which he had been solemnly trusted by 33Pope Alexander, who did not hesitate to rekindle115 the flames of civil war in his native city.
The cruel scenes witnessed before were now renewed in Milan. Blood was spilt in the streets, churches were invaded and sacked, priests dragged bodily from the altars, their houses burnt, their wives misused116. But when Arialdo and his lieutenant117 began to condemn21 the ceremonial usages peculiar to the Ambrosian Church, the citizens turned against them, and finding the opposition118 too strong, the two missionaries119 appealed to Rome and procured the excommunication of the Archbishop. This only aggravated120 the wrath121 of the Milanese. The Patarine leaders were abandoned by all but a few of their most devoted122 followers123, and when Archbishop Guido appeared before the altar of the Cathedral Church with the Bull of excommunication in his hands, the fury of the immense assembly knew no bounds. The reformers were set upon in the sanctuary124 itself, and Arialdo was so badly beaten that he was left for dead. Guido, taking advantage of the momentary125 turn of the tide in his favour, laid an interdict126 upon the city until it should rid itself of Arialdo. The zealot was forced to fly, and a little later he fell into a snare127 which had been laid for him, and was betrayed into the hands of the Archbishop’s niece, lady of a castle on Lake Maggiore, by whose command he was carried in a boat to a lonely island and there cruelly done to death.
The cause of reform was thenceforth glorified128 by the memory and example of a martyr94. Arialdo was shortly afterwards canonised by Pope Alexander. His loss inflamed his party to new zeal and drew to it a great access of adherents129. Erlembaldo and a priest called Liprando di San Paolo now led the crusade, carrying it on with such fury of sword and fire that they became virtual masters of the city. The Archbishop, 34wearied out by the endless strife130 and the insidious131 attempts of Rome to depose132 him, renounced133 his See, and the nobles, outnumbered by the rioters, abandoned the disorderly city and sought peace and safety in their castles and country palaces.
The contest now centred on the election of a new Archbishop. Neither of the rival claimants put forward by the two parties succeeded in establishing himself on the episcopal throne. Chaos134 prevailed in the Ambrosian Church. Erlembaldo, strengthened by the accession of Hildebrand as Pope Gregory VII., usurped135 the whole authority in the city and throughout the archdiocese. He swept far and wide like an avenging136 sword, driving priests from their benefices, and tearing them from the altars. Half Lombardy cowered137 under his rude and noisy tyranny, and his name became a by-word of terror throughout Italy.
But two appalling138 conflagrations139, which followed one another in 1071 and 1073, and laid waste the city, deprived the people of all heart for the contest with the aristocrats140. Moreover, Erlembaldo’s tyranny was beginning to produce a reaction. The nobles, regaining141 courage, leagued together for a great effort to liberate142 the city from his authority. By means of promises and gold, they won a large number of the humble39 citizens to their side, and at last they appeared one day in force in the city, seeking their enemy. The populace, awed143 by their numbers and magnificent martial144 array, were little disposed to face them. Followed by a few only of the most faithful and zealous of the Patarini, Erlembaldo, mounted upon his war-horse, and in full armour145, upholding the banner of the Roman Church, flung himself into the midst of his foes146, and fell, pierced by a hundred swords.
With his death the war ended. There was none to take his place. The city, exhausted147 by the long strife, was glad to rest. The nobles returned to their 35homes and their old place in the city, and in spite of the persecution which they had suffered for twenty years, the Ambrosian clergy resumed their old practices to a large extent.
Nevertheless, the design of the great Hildebrand was achieved. The supremacy of Rome had been proclaimed, and acknowledged in the hearing of the whole world. The prestige of the greatest of the provincial148 Sees had suffered a blow from which it never recovered. So much was the episcopal power of Milan weakened that Gregory VII. was able to subtract many of its suffragan Sees and join them instead to other archdioceses; and before the century was over, the victory of the Pope over the Emperor Henry IV., in the famous quarrel of investitures, obliged the Ambrosian See to yield temporal as well as spiritual allegiance to the successors of St. Peter.
And though the Milanese clergy still clung for a while to their wives, and benefices continued to be bought and sold, these doubtful practices fell more and more into disrepute. Simoniac ecclesiastics149 gradually disappeared. The accusation76 of this sin was, however, long used by Rome as a means of gaining further advantages over the See of Milan, or driving out a prelate approved perhaps by the Emperor and obnoxious150 to the papal interests. It was equally useful to the people in making new encroachments on the privileges of the aristocratic clergy.
The gradual concentration of authority in Rome was greatly assisted by the influence of the monastic orders, who belonged as bodies to no particular diocese, but looked to the Pope as their supreme151 head, and were little disposed to be submissive to the prelates in whose jurisdiction a monastery152 might chance to be. In 1130, Bernard of Clairvaux and his white-robed monks—who seemed to the people, we are told, wonderful as angels 36from heaven—appeared in Milan, and gave an immense impulse to the monastic movement there. The rise of the mendicant153 orders of St. Francis and St. Dominic a century later brought a vast increase of strength to the Papacy. In Milan, as everywhere, the friars gained immense influence among the masses of the people. The See of Milan was by this time completely subjugated154. It was greatly diminished in wealth and importance. The Pope exercised supreme jurisdiction in the archdiocese, and his legates constantly interfered155 in the government, assuming the highest place and authority with the acquiescence156 of the Archbishop. Deeply indeed had the See of St. Ambrose sunk since the days of the great Ariberto!
But the same movement which had defined the position of Rome, had by the process of strengthening and raising the walls of the fold, thrust an enormous number of Christians157 into the doctrinal wilderness158 outside, and the Church was now menaced by the great spread and increase of heresy. Heresy was, in fact, the fatal legacy159 of Hildebrand’s policy. While the Papacy, absorbed in its struggles with the Empire, could spare no energy to check them, the great sect43 of the Catharists, unhindered by worldly ambitions, had been quietly growing in numbers and strength, till in the twelfth century it was become a fully97 organised Church, divided into dioceses and governed by its own bishops160. These sectarians were now generally called Patarini; the name of Hildebrand’s old allies had become synonymous with the enemies of the Church. The deep gulf161 between the Catharists and the orthodox Church was crossed by a chain of religious associations which had sprung up all over Lombardy, in protest against the luxury and scandalous manners of both clergy and laity162, and were founded, like the original Patarini, upon moral rather than doctrinal principles. Many of them hovered163 37indeed in thought upon the vague borderland between orthodoxy and heresy, and were touched by that Northern difference of religious sentiment which, after many temporary ebullitions, produced at last the Protestant revolution. In the thirteenth century fifteen different sects164 are enumerated165 in the city—the Catharists, the Believers of Milan, the Arnaldists, followers of Arnald of Brescia, the Poor Men of Lombardy, and others that were mostly local varieties of the same sects. Poverty and humility166 were, as their name denotes, the distinctive167 attributes of the Poor Men, while their doctrine60 was suspect enough to forbid their adoption168 into the Church. The large embrace of Rome succeeded, however, in enfolding another association of kindred type, the Umiliati, or Humble Ones, which was destined169 to become enormously powerful in Milan.
This order is said to have been founded early in the eleventh century by some Milanese nobles who had been captives in Germany, and who, converted to serious thoughts by the weariness of confinement170, vowed171 that on their return they would live a holy and Christian54 life. It was a society of men and women, living in their own homes with their families, but distinguished172 from their neighbours by humility, industry and devoutness173. A century later, under the influence of St. Bernard, they formed themselves into a regular order, with a rule obliging them to strict moral virtue and to the observance of all religious duties. They devoted themselves especially to the manufacture of woollen stuffs, one of Milan’s chief industries. Very soon out of the first order a second was formed, which adopted a monastic life of greater austerity, the men and women, including many married couples, living side by side in separate cloisters174, and in course of time a third order arose, composed of men only, who took sacerdotal orders, and were called Canons. Thus the 38association, from a kind of religious guild175, tended to develop into a regular order. But its rule had never been fixed or confirmed by any papal sanction, and it remained for two hundred years practically independent of Rome. Nor were its doctrines during this time free from unorthodox thought; we find the Umiliati included in the condemnation176 of heretical sects uttered by successive Popes from time to time in the intervals177 of their political cares. They shared the virtue of simplicity, at least, with the various bodies of Poveri who hovered half in and half out of the pale of Holy Church.
In the latter part of the twelfth century the order—in obedience perhaps to that widely diffused178 evangelical spirit which generated the great Franciscan movement a little later—had been developing and spreading very extensively. Its votaries179 went about preaching repentance180 in the squares and open places of the different cities, and persuaded numbers of noble persons, as well as plebeians181, to abandon the sins of the world and the flesh, and to live according to the pious182 and simple vows183 of the order, either in monasteries184 or in their own homes. Their efforts were opposed by the bishops and regular clergy, who were disposed to look upon all zeal as heretical. But Pope Innocent III., recognising their virtue and their influence on the people, resolved to secure the somewhat loose orthodoxy of the brethren, and to direct their fervour and piety185 to the service of the Church. He extended his favour to them, and bestowed186 upon them the doubtful blessing187 of a formal rule, which, with the privileges, included the restrictions188 and severe discipline of a regular monastic order. This little pleased the Umiliati, and they made a touching189 appeal to Innocent’s successor, Honorius III., to relieve them from their new obligations, bringing forward an ancient formula, given them, they declared, by St. Bernard, to the observance of which they had already 39bound themselves. But the Pope absolved190 them against their will from their old vows of obedience and insisted on the observance of Innocent’s rule.
Thus the death-blow was dealt to the original spirit of the institution. After a short period of increased fervour and activity, in which they became the terror of their old spiritual kinsfolk, the heretics, the order followed the course of most other monastic bodies. Humility and poverty were exchanged for papal favours and honours, and for rich possessions, and before long corruption191 and laxity crept in among the brethren. The sacerdotal order became the first and most important, while those who followed the original rule of simplicity, humility and purity, living in their own homes, were called the Third Order. The brethren acquired in time great wealth from the woollen industry, which they continued to pursue, and later on they were largely employed in the public offices of the city, and especially in its financial concerns. Thus they gradually became very powerful, and under the tyrannies of the Visconti and Sforza, provided Milan with many great statesmen. In the sixteenth century the vast possessions of the order, in the form of commendas and prebends, etc., were practically owned by a few great families, and the actual number of the brethren had fallen to less than a hundred. Cardinal Carlo Borromeo procured the suppression of the ancient brotherhood192 in 1570, on the ground of the vices193 and luxury of its members. He risked his life by this step, since the degenerate194 brethren were not ashamed to employ assassins to attempt the murder of their spoliator. The possessions of the order were distributed among other convents, and their principal House, the Brera, which had belonged to them since the twelfth century, was handed over to the Jesuits.
The desire to define and purify doctrine, and to strengthen the Church, produced under a series of 40determined Popes a fierce outburst of persecution in the thirteenth century. In Milan, where heterodox opinions were held by many of the most powerful as well as the lesser195 citizens, it was the signal for repeated bouts196 of civil war and constant struggles between the Pope and the rulers of the city. The introduction of the Dominicans into Milan in 1220 gave an enormous advantage to the cause of orthodoxy. As soon as the people saw the Christ-like virtues197 of poverty and humility and evangelising ardour, hitherto associated in their minds only with the condemned Patarini, displayed by these approved Catholic orders, they followed the Friars with enthusiasm, careless indeed of doctrine, but believing and trusting those who lived as they did themselves and mingled with them freely, understanding their sorrows and needs. It is doubtful whether St. Dominic himself was ever in Milan, but his famous disciple, Peter of Verona, was sent there in 1232 by the Pope, with full authority to search out and punish heretics. Peter carried out his mission with merciless zeal. His name, made terrible by its unsparing use as authority for the infliction198 of torments199 and fiery death, came to be feared throughout Lombardy. So bitter a hatred200 did he rouse by his stern interpretation201 of the awful word, not peace but a sword, that he himself fell a victim to the weapon of his predilection202. On a morning in 1252, as he was returning on foot with a single companion from Como to Milan, two assassins sprang out upon him from an ambush203 and smote204 him to death with a sword. The sword, transfixing his skull205, is familiar to us all in medi?val and Renaissance206 art as the ornament207 and emblem208 of the Saintly Inquisitor.
The murder of Peter Martyr was not inspired by heretical revenge alone. Motives209 of worldly policy had a share in the deed. The division of orthodoxy 41and heresy virtually followed that between the two great parties in the State, the aristocracy and the people, and the conflict between them repeated to some extent the great Patarine struggle two centuries earlier, though now, in the reversal of issues the Patarini were associated with the aristocrats against Rome. The murder of Peter was committed at the instigation of some of the nobles. The Archbishop himself, Fra Leone da Perego, a Franciscan, a man of notable character and ambition, who hated Peter, both as the agent of papal arrogance210 and usurpation211 in Milan, and as the exalter of the rival order of the Dominicans, was possibly not unaware212 of the plot. But the political aspect of the doctrinal warfare213 belongs to an epoch214 which we have not yet reached in our story of the city. It is enough to say here that the murder of Peter of Verona was of the greatest service to the cause of orthodoxy and the Church. It excited universal execration215 of the heretics, and the Dominican, elevated to the ranks of the Martyrs, was far more powerful with his cloven brow than even when alive. From this time forward heresy rapidly lost ground, and with the gradual quieting of party passion, under the domination of a single family in the city, it lost all political force, and died away in insignificance216 and oblivion, till the great reawakening of religious controversy217 in the sixteenth century.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
agitation
|
|
| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
initiated
|
|
| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
disciple
|
|
| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
monk
|
|
| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
politic
|
|
| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
supremacy
|
|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
dishonoured
|
|
| a.不光彩的，不名誉的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
discredited
|
|
| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
unity
|
|
| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
feudal
|
|
| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
dominion
|
|
| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
metropolitan
|
|
| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
allied
|
|
| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
clergy
|
|
| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
barons
|
|
| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
vassals
|
|
| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
rigid
|
|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
obstinately
|
|
| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
condemn
|
|
| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
stoutly
|
|
| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
ordination
|
|
| n.授任圣职 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
demur
|
|
| v．表示异议，反对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
hereditary
|
|
| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
inevitably
|
|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
tenure
|
|
| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
ecclesiastic
|
|
| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
clement
|
|
| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
livelihood
|
|
| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
vocation
|
|
| n.职业，行业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
overthrow
|
|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
unstable
|
|
| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
animus
|
|
| n.恶意；意图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
aspiration
|
|
| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
humble
|
|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
opprobrious
|
|
| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
derived
|
|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
heresy
|
|
| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
sect
|
|
| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
dual
|
|
| adj.双的；二重的，二元的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
misery
|
|
| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
asceticism
|
|
| n.禁欲主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
ascetic
|
|
| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
thraldom
|
|
| n.奴隶的身份，奴役，束缚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
50
luxurious
|
|
| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
rejection
|
|
| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
gratitude
|
|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
persecution
|
|
| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
subdue
|
|
| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
simplicity
|
|
| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
mingled
|
|
| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
doctrine
|
|
| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
doctrines
|
|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
zealous
|
|
| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
wrested
|
|
| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
confirmation
|
|
| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
procured
|
|
| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
wield
|
|
| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
fiery
|
|
| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
eloquent
|
|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
consort
|
|
| v.相伴；结交 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
uproar
|
|
| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
disorder
|
|
| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
anathema
|
|
| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
cardinal
|
|
| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
accusations
|
|
| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
prerogatives
|
|
| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
interfere
|
|
| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
abominable
|
|
| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
trumpets
|
|
| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
inflamed
|
|
| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
discourses
|
|
| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
disorders
|
|
| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
tumult
|
|
| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
tumults
|
|
| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
86
intermittent
|
|
| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
intervention
|
|
| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
impatience
|
|
| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
jurisdiction
|
|
| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
pretensions
|
|
| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
convoked
|
|
| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
eloquently
|
|
| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
martyr
|
|
| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
martyrs
|
|
| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
skilfully
|
|
| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
throng
|
|
| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
penitence
|
|
| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
prostrate
|
|
| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
vowing
|
|
| 起誓，发誓（vow的现在分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
renounce
|
|
| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
primate
|
|
| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
constrained
|
|
| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
obedience
|
|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
symbolic
|
|
| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
humiliation
|
|
| n.羞辱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
lasting
|
|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
overthrown
|
|
| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
warrior
|
|
| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
slaughter
|
|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
foe
|
|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
virtue
|
|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
arena
|
|
| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
rekindle
|
|
| v.使再振作；再点火 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
misused
|
|
| v.使用…不当( misuse的过去式和过去分词 )；把…派作不正当的用途；虐待；滥用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
lieutenant
|
|
| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
missionaries
|
|
| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
aggravated
|
|
| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
wrath
|
|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
sanctuary
|
|
| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
momentary
|
|
| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
interdict
|
|
| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
snare
|
|
| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
glorified
|
|
| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
adherents
|
|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
strife
|
|
| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
insidious
|
|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
depose
|
|
| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
renounced
|
|
| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
chaos
|
|
| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
usurped
|
|
| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
avenging
|
|
| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
cowered
|
|
| v.畏缩，抖缩( cower的过去式 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
appalling
|
|
| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
conflagrations
|
|
| n.大火（灾）( conflagration的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
aristocrats
|
|
| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
regaining
|
|
| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
liberate
|
|
| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
awed
|
|
| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
martial
|
|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
armour
|
|
| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
foes
|
|
| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
exhausted
|
|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
provincial
|
|
| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
ecclesiastics
|
|
| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
150
obnoxious
|
|
| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
monastery
|
|
| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
mendicant
|
|
| n.乞丐；adj.行乞的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
subjugated
|
|
| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
interfered
|
|
| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
acquiescence
|
|
| n.默许；顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
Christians
|
|
| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
wilderness
|
|
| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
legacy
|
|
| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
bishops
|
|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
gulf
|
|
| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
laity
|
|
| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
hovered
|
|
| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
sects
|
|
| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
enumerated
|
|
| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
humility
|
|
| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
distinctive
|
|
| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
adoption
|
|
| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
confinement
|
|
| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
vowed
|
|
| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
devoutness
|
|
| 朝拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
174
cloisters
|
|
| n.（学院、修道院、教堂等建筑的）走廊( cloister的名词复数 )；回廊；修道院的生活；隐居v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
guild
|
|
| n.行会，同业公会，协会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
condemnation
|
|
| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
intervals
|
|
| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
diffused
|
|
| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
votaries
|
|
| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
180
repentance
|
|
| n.懊悔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
plebeians
|
|
| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
182
pious
|
|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
vows
|
|
| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
monasteries
|
|
| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
piety
|
|
| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
bestowed
|
|
| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
blessing
|
|
| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
restrictions
|
|
| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
189
touching
|
|
| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
absolved
|
|
| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
brotherhood
|
|
| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
degenerate
|
|
| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
lesser
|
|
| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
bouts
|
|
| n.拳击（或摔跤）比赛( bout的名词复数 )；一段（工作）；（尤指坏事的）一通；（疾病的）发作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
virtues
|
|
| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
198
infliction
|
|
| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
199
torments
|
|
| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
200
hatred
|
|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
201
interpretation
|
|
| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
202
predilection
|
|
| n.偏好 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
203
ambush
|
|
| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
204
smote
|
|
| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
205
skull
|
|
| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
206
renaissance
|
|
| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
207
ornament
|
|
| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
208
emblem
|
|
| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
209
motives
|
|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
210
arrogance
|
|
| n.傲慢，自大 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
211
usurpation
|
|
| n.篡位；霸占 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
212
unaware
|
|
| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
213
warfare
|
|
| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
214
epoch
|
|
| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
215
execration
|
|
| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
216
insignificance
|
|
| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
217
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |