“... Venne il dì nostro
O milanesi, e vincere bisogna.”—Carducci.
After the blows and humiliation1 which the Milanese Church suffered in the eleventh century from the united attack of Rome and the people, it was no longer able to stem the popular movement towards freedom. Throughout the long civil war the incipient2 Republic had been developing and gradually limiting, more and more, the domination of the archbishop and the nobles. This process, which was being repeated everywhere in Lombardy, was greatly favoured by the weakness of the Empire during the long minority of Henry IV. The cities, freed from the intervention4 of a foreign suzerain, were able to shake off to some extent the rule of feudalism. The great war waged later by Gregory VII. and his kindred spirit, the Gran Contessa Matilda, against Henry IV. and the claims of imperialism7, promoted, with the power of the Papacy, the freedom of the Communes, and showed in these two great elements of the national life unity8 of aim, Italy’s best defence against the stranger.
By the end of the eleventh century Milan was, in all its external relations, practically a free city, owning little more than nominal9 allegiance and a ceremonious reverence10 to the Emperor, and allying herself now with him, now with his resolute11 foe12 Matilda, or defying the 43one and the other, as it pleased her best. Within the community itself the principle of popular freedom and representation was recognised in the government, and by means of constant insurrections the lower orders had forced the nobles to recognise their rights. The Commune, whose birth historians have dated from the great revolution of 1066 when Lanzone kept Archbishop Ariberto and the nobles in exile for three years, was now in full being. The institution about this time of elective magistrates13, whose title of Consuls15 revived the old Latin tradition of the city, marks the emancipation16 of the young Republic from the archiepiscopal despotism. But the share of the ordinary citizens in the privileges of this Constitution was still much restricted. The Consuls appear to have been chosen exclusively at first from the higher class, whose hereditary17 habit of authority fitted them to govern, and under a constitutional form these officials tended to repeat the old aristocratic oligarchy18. But the nobles had no longer any legal support in their attempts to tyrannise, and the whole system of government was in a state of flux19, and subjected to ceaseless modifications20 and change by the continual revolts of the people, who, by the simple force of numbers, made their strength felt, and vindicated21 their growing pretensions22 to a larger part in the affairs of their city.
The same vitality23 which had won Milan her own freedom impelled24 her to the oppression of the weaker communities around her. Her first fulfilment of this tragic25 law of progress was the destruction of her neighbour, Lodi, a strong and flourishing community, whose rivalry26 was a constant menace to her own trade and prosperity. There was a long-standing27 hatred28 between the two cities. The times lent abundant pretext29 to the Communes to make war upon one another. The quarrel between Empire and Church entangled30 them all in its 44immense web. Each, in embracing the one or the other cause, was guided by its local sympathies and antipathies31, and reflected the general strife32 on a smaller scale in its relations with its neighbours.
In 1111, Milan, ally of the Church, scarcely waiting till Lodi’s protector, the Emperor Henry V., had turned his back for the time on Lombardy, attacked the smaller city in full force, and ruined it to the foundations. The miserable33 inhabitants, sternly forbidden to rebuild their old homes, made poor little hamlets in which to shelter themselves in the vicinity, and there dragged on a poverty-stricken existence under the oppressive yoke34 of their conquerors35, who jealously deprived them of every means of recovery. Yet the wonderful vitality which animated37 these young Italian communities preserved Lodi from utter despair, and smouldered in her, ready to burst out in revolt on the first opportunity.
Milan’s next enterprise was the subjugation38 of Como, which was fast developing into a rich and powerful community, strong in the possession of a lake navy. That city, however, resisted with great vigour39, retaliating40 with frequent success upon her aggressors, and before she was finally subdued41 the war dragged on for ten years. Nearly all the North Italian cities united with Milan against her, and she was finally captured and burnt down in 1127, and her inhabitants compelled to swear fealty43 to Milan. During the quarrel for the Empire between Lothair and Conrad, after the death of Henry V., and the preoccupation of each of those monarchs44 in turn with the affairs of Germany, the great Lombard city pursued her sovereign way unchecked. Pavia, the old royal city, and her chief rival, whose subjugation was to cost Milan yet three centuries of almost ceaseless warfare46, now felt, as often before, the strength of her arm, and was compelled to bow to 45her will in the general councils of Lombardy, and, with powerful Cremona and the rest of North Italy, to follow her lead.
But the aggressive and tyrannic conduct of the great city was preparing for her an awful day of retribution. In 1152, the death of the Emperor Conrad and the election of his nephew, Frederick Barbarossa, opened a new era for Italy. The young monarch45, half barbarian47, half Paladin, was resolved to restore the power of the Empire in Italy. The first step towards this end was the reduction of the chief vassal48, Milan, to the obedience49 which she had so long forgotten. Her sins against her neighbours gave him a pretext. One day, at a Diet at Constance (1153), two citizens of Lodi, bearing heavy crosses upon their shoulders, to signify the grievous afflictions which Milan had put upon their community, entered the hall, and kneeling before the Emperor, besought50 his protection and help. Frederick, having listened to their tale, swore to punish their arrogant51 and usurping52 foe. He straightway despatched an envoy53, named Sicherius, to the Milanese, commanding them to cease from oppressing Lodi. But so little was the distant power of the Empire feared, in comparison with that of the great Lombard city near at hand, that when the two Lodigiani, who had undertaken their mission without the knowledge of their fellow-citizens, returned home, and proclaimed the benevolent54 intentions of the new monarch, the people were inexpressibly dismayed. With woeful countenances55 they execrated56 the ‘most stupid men’ who had brought them into this plight57, and when Sicherius appeared shortly after, they entreated58 him to abandon his journey, lest he should bring the vengeance59 of Milan upon them. The envoy, however, not daring to disobey the imperial mandate60, proceeded on his way, and presented his letters in Milan. The Consuls read them, flung them on the ground, and stamped them 46under foot, imperial seal and all, with fury and contempt. Sicherius himself escaped with difficulty from their hands. Returning to Lodi, he told his tale, and the unhappy citizens prepared themselves for immediate61 ruin.
But Milan, having recovered calmness and begun to contemplate62 her rash act with some trepidation63, spared them for the time, and awaited the development of events. This was not slow. Frederick, deeply offended, descended64 upon Lombardy in the following year, with an enormous host, fully65 resolved to humble66 the arrogant Milanese. He held a great Diet at Roncaglia. Hither with the rest of the princes and magnates of Italy came the Consuls of Milan, and offered all the ceremonial tokens of submission67 and reverence. But the impossibility of reconciling the differences between the monarch and the Republic quickly became evident. Milan utterly68 refused to release Lodi and Como from her rule. The Emperor soon proceeded to open hostility69 against the city. But he found his task no light one. Milan’s sister communities were still withheld70 by fear from lending aid to her foe, whose glittering show of authority they held for transitory and insubstantial. Even Lodi was only persuaded with difficulty to forswear her forced oath of fealty to her oppressor and give credence71 to Frederick’s promises of protection. Her diffidence was well justified72. Frederick contented73 himself with besieging74 and destroying Milan’s faithful ally, Tortona, capturing a few outlying castles and laying waste her territory, and then, intent on compelling Pope Hadrian to confirm his election by crowning him in Rome, he passed on southwards (1155). The defiant75 Milanese immediately proceeded to rebuild Tortona and to wage fierce war with the Pavesi, who, true to their traditions, had given enthusiastic obedience to the new representative of the Empire. Meanwhile Frederick, having received the imperial diadem76, made his way back through the eastern 47parts of Italy, translating his heroic aspirations77 into a reality of fire and blood and spoliation, and finally, having exhausted78 his treasury79, returned into Germany. His unlucky protégés of Lodi were abandoned to the mercy of their enemies. Their villages were surprised and captured by the Milanese, and the people compelled to flee in the darkness of night. ‘Who, seeing the women stumbling along the way, with their little ones, some in their arms, some clinging to their garments, some falling behind wailing—who seeing them fall into the ditches in the darkness and the rain, would not have been sad and moved to compassion80? Who would not have been melted into tears?’ cries the chronicler Morena. Many died from the hardships which they suffered, and the rest took refuge in hamlets and in friendly Cremona. For the second time the Milanese destroyed their homes and razed82 their city to the ground.
The other allies of the Emperor also suffered the vengeance of the arrogant city. Novara and Pavia and other communes had to lament83 defeat and devastation84. Thus Milan prepared for the new coming of the Emperor, who, all well knew, was but biding85 his time and gathering86 strength for the work of punishment. In 1158 he crossed the Alps again, followed by a mighty87 host of vassals88. He proceeded directly against Milan. The citizens, who had fortified89 themselves during his absence with an immense fosse and huge earthworks which enclosed a much wider circuit than the old walls, calmly awaited his attack. With his company of tributary90 kings and princes and archbishops, the Emperor sat down with all solemn preparation round the city. To each gate was allotted91 a prince in command of an army. Seeing the magnificent array and the determined92 purpose of the invader93, Milan’s fickle94 allies, one and all, sent their forces to join him, anxious to propitiate95 the stronger party, and not unwilling96 to 48strike a blow at their domineering leader. No less than a hundred thousand fighting-men surrounded the city. Milan was confronted with the fate which she had pitilessly inflicted97 on others. Struck by sudden dismay, or persuaded by treacherous98 counsels, she had hardly endured the siege for a month before she surrendered and humbled99 herself to acknowledge the supremacy100 of the Emperor. Satisfied with her prompt submission, Frederick confined his revenge to the exaction101 of his full imperial rights, a penalty grievous enough to a community so long accustomed to complete freedom. She was compelled to take the oath of fealty to the Emperor, to restore to him the regalia—which consisted chiefly of the produce of certain taxes—to renounce102 all pretensions of sovereignty over Lodi and Como, and to accept an imperial legate as her supreme103 magistrate14.
Frederick’s victory was, however, little more than a mockery. Milan’s vitality and spirit of independence were too strong to be so easily subdued. As soon as the Emperor had passed on to another part of Italy, she boldly broke the newly-established peace and assaulted the German garrisons104 left behind in Lombardy. Her example fired many of the other cities to violate the obedience which they had sworn to the Emperor, and the whole of North Italy was soon in arms again. Too rashly, however, had the Milanese disregarded the nature of him whom they were defying. Vowing106 to accomplish his purpose without mercy this time, Frederick hastened back. Before attacking Milan again, he encamped before her devoted107 ally, the small city of Crema, which, after a siege conducted with barbarous ferocity, he captured and burnt. Still delaying his vengeance on the chief offender108, he spent two years in laying waste the Milanese territory and capturing her castles, and having effectually destroyed her 49sources of supply, he sat down once more (1161) before the city marked by his implacable will for destruction.
The siege lasted for seven months. No noble deeds of valour and chivalry109 distinguished110 the German Paladin’s emprise; he accomplished111 his work by the slow and cruel hand of famine. Every gate was closely blockaded, and all compassionate112 bearers of food from outside to the starving people were almost without exception captured, and either ruthlessly scourged113 or maimed of the right hand. Frederick showed the besieged114 none of the respect due to gallant115 foes116. He strung up his prisoners on gallows117, nobles and plebeians118 alike, in the view of their kinsfolk and friends within, or sent them back sightless into the city. Within the walls, hunger reached such a pitch that in their madness husbands and wives, fathers and sons, turned upon one another. The hideous119 selfishness of bodily need disfigured the gaunt faces in the streets, while the spectacle of the mutilated wretches120 who had passed through the Emperor’s hands, breathed into all hearts dreadful apprehensions122 of their future fate. In their despair the people cried out for surrender, and at last the Consuls, aware of the inflexibility123 of the foe, and fearing that to resist longer was to sacrifice the entire people to the extremity124 of his vengeance, threw themselves upon the mercy of the Emperor, and surrendered the city at discretion125 (1162).
The scenes which follow paint vividly126 for us the tragedy of the great city’s downfall. The magnitude of the punishment which Frederick meted127 out to Milan invests him with a kind of sublimity128. This was his opportunity to deliver a blow which should resound129 to the four corners of the earth, and accomplish, once for all, by the horror of its mere130 narration131, the subjugation of the rest of rebellious132 Lombardy. None knew better 50than this medi?val monarch how to surround his revenge with all those awful aspects and illusions of terror that impress the minds of men. Day after day, processions of citizens, with bowed heads, and ropes round their necks, presented themselves before him at his command, as he sat enthroned in state in rebuilt Lodi, the Empress Beatrice at his side, his vassal kings and princes on either hand, and still the doom133 of the city remained unspoken. The eight Consuls—some of the noblest patricians135 of Milan—came, holding their naked swords in their right hands, and swore to do the will of the Conqueror36. Next appeared three hundred cavaliers, and kissing the Emperor’s foot, delivered up to him the Milanese standards; while to Mastro Guitelmo, a man much revered136 by his fellow-citizens, was committed the bitter charge of laying the keys at his feet. Still another mark of humiliation was demanded of them, and a day or two later came the Sacred Car itself, with the banner of the Cross, and all the most venerable insignia of the Republic, to be surrendered for the completion of Milan’s shame.
Then at last the voice from the throne spoke134, commanding that beside every gate of the city the fosse should be filled up and the walls destroyed, so that he might march in in triumph. Milan—who for centuries had proudly claimed the right of keeping all sovereigns excluded from the enclosure of her walls—was now herself to lay low her defences to admit a victorious137 monarch. A few days later Frederick made his entrance with his army over the ruined walls, and the dreadful fiat138 went forth139, dooming140 the great city to complete destruction. The inhabitants were ordered to quit their homes, taking with them what they could carry. No entreaty141, no tears, even of his own followers142, could move Frederick’s resolve. The piteous spectacle of the outcast people, huddled143 in masses outside 51the walls in the bitter cold of March, homeless, not knowing where to go, and uttering loud lamentations, could not change his inexorable purpose. With an extremity of cruelty he committed the work of ruin to Milan’s neighbours and bitterest foes—the men of Lodi, Pavia, Novara, Como, Cremona—all burning to retaliate144 a thousand wrongs. They threw themselves with fury upon the doomed145 buildings, each community satiating its vengeance on the quarter facing towards its own city. In a very few days an incredible amount of destruction was wrought146. But it was the work of months to raze81 to the ground the towers, the fine palaces and public buildings, many of them surviving from the days of the Roman Empire, and the crowded habitations of a vast population. The churches and religious houses alone were spared, and for a while the campanile of the Cathedral, a tower of admirable beauty and height, which had not its like, they say, in all Italy, still rose untouched above the ruins, a beacon147 of consolation148 to the despairing people. But at last, the implacable decree of the conqueror pronounced its sentence, and that, too, fell. Finally not more than a fifth part of the fair city, which men called the flower of Italy—the May City—was left standing.
From the spectacle of burning Milan, which he watched with his own eyes, the magnanimous Avenger149 passed on with his Empress to celebrate the Feast of Olives at Pavia! Frederick was now the dread121 of all Italy. The trembling cities of Lombardy crept to his feet and kissed them. The crown of Italy, hitherto withheld from him and now conceded by fear, was set upon his head. As for the Milanese, crowded in the poor villages and suburbs around their ruined city, and barely able to exist, they were fain to accept any conditions which he imposed.
But the great Emperor’s fortunes had reached the 52flood, and the turn was at hand. To have made his triumph enduring he must have exterminated150 all Lombardy. While the Milanese people breathed, the Republic lived in spirit, only awaiting the least relief from the pressure of the conqueror to take substance once again. And now that its sins and arrogance151 had been wiped out by such an awful expiation152, the hatred and jealousy153 of the sister Communes changed to compassion. The deep roots of a common nationality began to stir. Moreover, all were enslaved alike, all groaned154 together under the intolerable oppression of the imperial officers who had been substituted for their old system of self-government. ‘They who had been used to live without restraint at ease and in liberty, and to dispose of their own affairs according to their will, held this bondage155 as the deepest shame, saying among themselves that it was better to die than to suffer such shame, such dishonour,’ writes Morena. Ground down with grievous and irregular taxation156, their noblest citizens flung as hostages into the governors’ dungeons157, their industry and commerce strangled, they began to regard war even with the terrible Barbarossa as preferable to this degradation158 and slow ruin. Their spirit of revolt was encouraged by that great counterbalancing power to the Empire, the Papacy, which after a period of schism159 and depression was lifting its head once more. In Alexander III., now completely victorious over the rival Pope Victor, nominated by Barbarossa, the Communes found that inspiration and direction which it was Rome’s traditional part to give to the cause of freedom and nationality. The papal excommunication laid upon their oppressor gave the consecration160 of a religious cause to rebellion. Fomented161 by secret emissaries from Rome, the movement grew and gathered head. Disturbances163 broke out everywhere 53in North Italy, and culminated164 in a meeting of envoys165 from five Communes—Brescia, Bergamo, Cremona, Mantua, Ferrara—with the delegates of Milan at a convent near Bergamo (1167), and the formation of a defensive166 alliance, which was to become the famous Lombard League. The first thing resolved on by the allies was the rebuilding of Milan and the protection of the city from every foe until she should grow strong enough to defend herself. A week or two later the unhappy Milanese, huddling167 together in their wretched hovels, and momentarily expecting a second destruction from their old enemies of Pavia, were rejoiced at the sight of the horsemen of Bergamo, with their banner displayed, riding swiftly to their succour. Troops from the other friendly cities followed. The Milanese were solemnly conducted into their ruined city on the 27th April 1167, and the work of restoration began. With marvellous rapidity new walls and dwellings168 grew up. Gathering confidence and strength every day, the League soon broke into active hostility against those communities which remained faithful to the Emperor, and the castles occupied by his garrisons. Lodi was compelled by force to join the new fellowship. Fresh accessions came continually, and by the end of the following year the League numbered twenty-three cities, all sworn to resist the usurpations of the emperor with the sword. Pavia, almost alone, remained aloof169, faithful to her hate of Milan.
Frederick, returning hastily from a campaign against the Pope, found his castles captured, Milan re-risen defiant from her ashes, and all North Italy armed against him. The Emperor was not equal to this new situation. His former triumph had, in fact, only been achieved by the aid of a part of the cities themselves, and his German levies170, diminished by fighting and pestilence171, were powerless to contend with a vast hostile combination 54of all together. His army and his very person were in utmost peril172. There was one way only of salvation173 for him—retreat. In a manner very different to the majesty174 of his coming, with furtive175 haste, unknown even to his allies, he stole back to Germany early in 1168.
Six years passed before the Emperor felt himself strong enough to confront his rebellious vassals again. In his prolonged absence the Lombard League had acquired mighty strength. Milan had arisen from her chastening of shame and sorrow stronger and more honourable176 than before. Renouncing177 her old vexatious claims upon her smaller neighbours, she now contented herself with the dignity of leadership among the Communes. The League gathered itself together to meet the new onslaught of Barbarossa, and though he spread terror and desolation throughout the land, his effort to subdue42 the steady resistance of the cities was fruitless. His purpose was contrary to the laws of nature, and the stars in their courses fought against him. Pavia, Como and the Marquis of Montferrat supported him alone of all North Italy. In May 1176, impatient to strike a crushing blow against the rebels, Frederick was marching with new reinforcements from Germany to join his Lombard allies when, a few miles from Milan, between Busto Arsizio and Legnano, he encountered the Milanese army, which had come forth with the Sacred Car in its midst to stay his progress. A great battle took place. Driven back at first by the Teuton cavalry178, the Republican soldiers, who had taken a desperate vow105 to conquer or to die, rallied around the Caroccio, and fought with such obstinate179 courage that they beat back every assault of the foe, and at last, with a sudden rush, utterly routed them and drove them into flight. The slain180, the captives, and the fugitives181 drowned in the Ticino could not be numbered. The monarch’s treasure-chest 55fell into the hands of the victors, and a more precious booty still, his shield, his banner and his lance. His very person was missing after the battle, and the Empress, waiting in the Castle of Baradello, clothed herself in black and mourned him for dead. He had, however, escaped in safety, and a few days later made his way to Pavia.
The splendid victory of Legnano decided182 once and for all the fate of Lombardy. Frederick realised at last the strength of the despised citizen forces, and condescended183 to seek for peace. In the following year (1177) at Venice was held that famous meeting of Pope, Emperor and the Consuls of the Lombard Communes, at which legend and art express the humiliation of the invader and the triumph of Italy, by picturing the monarch prostrate184 beneath the foot of the Pope. A truce185 of six years was agreed upon at this Congress, and at the end of that period the famous Peace of Constance (1183) finally confirmed to the cities all the privileges for which they had so nobly fought. The right of self-government, of war and peace, the possession of the regalia, with other minor3 prerogatives186, were secured to them in perpetuity, and the only dues to be paid by them to the Emperor were a ceremonial fealty, an annual tribute, certain supplies when he visited the country in person, and the acceptance of his legate as the ultimate judge in the courts of judicature.
Thus did Lombardy win freedom. For reborn Milan, her new position and dignity was signalised in 1186 by the appearance of her late foe and oppressor in the character of a gracious guest, and the celebration of the marriage of his son, Henry, King of the Romans, with Constance of Sicily, in the basilica of St. Ambrogio. But the narrow crooked187 streets that had grown hastily up around the churches, and the few surviving fragments from the destruction of 1162, were no image of the imperial 56Milan of the past, nor did the fair words and mutual188 promises of friendship which passed between Frederick and the citizens express the real feelings of either party. When, sick at the failure of his worldly projects, the yet vigorous warrior189 turned his ambition to that holier enterprise, the conquest of the Sepulchre of Christ, and leaping one hot day into an insignificant190 stream in Syria, was drowned in its shallow flow, all Milan broke into rejoicing. Nor was there ever kindness between the Republic and his descendants. The Milanese consistently opposed and thwarted191 the policy of Henry VI., and after his early death did their utmost to depress the House of Suabia by warmly supporting Otho IV. against the interests of Henry’s infant son Frederick.
During the reign5 of Otho, while the political field was divided between him and the young Suabian prince, the disputed imperial authority had no power to harm, and Milan was free to resume the interrupted process of development and expansion. As before, this process was not a peaceful one. The subsidence of the Teutonic flood had left behind bitter dregs in Lombardy in the shape of new causes of feud6 and animosity between individual Communes. Relieved from the pressure of Frederick’s tyranny, the cities readjusted themselves on the lines of their former divisions. The Lombard League broke up into warring elements, and the restless land fermented192 with a cruel internecine193 strife.
57
ATRIUM OF ST. AMBROGIO
58But when, some years later, Frederick II., grown to manhood, had cast off the bondage in which the Pope had fettered194 his youth, and seated on the imperial throne proved himself indeed the third blast of Suabia, heir in spirit as in blood of his mighty grandsire, the Communes proved true to one another, and to the newly threatened cause of freedom, and the great Lombard League, with Milan at its head, sprang to life again to face the tyrant195. During the long and desolating196 wars 59which Frederick’s ambition inflicted upon North Italy, Milan steadfastly197 fought against him, even when most of her fellows had been induced by fear or self-interest to desert the good cause. Late in 1237 her army, which had marched to the aid of the Brescians, was surprised by the imperial host at Cortenuova and suffered a crushing defeat. Multitudes of her soldiers perished, and the Sacred Car itself, stuck fast in morasses198, had to be abandoned in the retreat. Its defenders199 were able, however, to save the Cross and Banner, and break the car to pieces. Frederick’s exultation200 over these fragments, upon which he bound the captive Podestà of Milan, Pietro Tiepolo, son of the Doge of Venice, and dragged him, in imitation of a Roman triumph, through the streets of Cremona, is a measure of the importance which he attached to his victory over the Lombard city.
With the defeat of Cortenuova the cause of the Communes seemed lost. All trembled beneath the heel of the conqueror, save Milan and the ‘lioness’ Brescia, and one or two others. To the Emperor’s summons to surrender at discretion the Milanese returned messages of defiance201. They had the support of the Pope, whose emissaries, the mendicant202 friars, mingled203 everywhere with the masses of the people, exhorting204 them to resistance. In 1239, Gregory proclaimed a crusade against the oppressor, whose destruction thus became a sacred obligation upon the faithful. The Cross and the Sceptre, irreconcilable205 emblems206, now confronted each other with a clear and definite issue.
A year and a half passed after Cortenuova before Frederick actually invaded the Milanese territory. The Republic, heartened by the magnificent example of Brescia, whose successful resistance to a nine months’ siege had delayed the Emperor’s designs against the 60chief city and greatly dimmed his military glory, went boldly forth to meet him. A noble of gigantic stature207, named Ottobello da Mandello, towering in his mail of proof over friends and foes alike, led the citizen knights208 undauntedly against Frederick’s Saracen troops from Sicily, whose dark faces and infidel garb210, joined to ferocious211 courage, made them a name of terror throughout Italy. With the Milanese fought Gregorio da Montelungo, papal legate, and the Franciscan Fra Leone da Perego, afterwards Archbishop of Milan, besides a great number of friars, Minor, Preaching and Umiliati, who not only, girding themselves with swords and putting on helmets, displayed the false image of soldiers, but also excited the citizens to the conflict by promising212 absolution to all who offended the person of the Emperor or of any of his followers, as Frederick himself complained in a letter to the King of England. No regular pitched battle, however, took place. The Republicans fought with the stratagem213 of those attacked in their own country, and by cunningly entangling214 the enemy amid their streams and canals, opening dams and loosing the waters upon him, plunging215 him into hidden pitfalls216, and surprising him with sudden attacks in his most embarrassed moments, drove him by the aid of sword and flood out of their territory.
Six years later (1245) the Emperor again invaded the Milanese country, which in the meanwhile had been laid bare by a desolating war of several years with his ally, Pavia. But fortune was still against him. His son Enzo, newly created King of Sardinia, encountering a citizen force one day, ventured himself too boldly in single combat with a Republican knight209, and was overthrown217 and made prisoner. Frederick, having obtained his release, withdrew his army, and made no further attempt to subdue the great Lombard city.
61Thus was Milan’s account with the House of Suabia closed for ever. With the failure of Frederick’s fortunes and his death in 1250 was extinguished the last appearance of that great medi?val idea—the Holy Roman Empire—as a dangerous element in Italian politics. The imperial tradition might linger on and cause a temporary disturbance162 from time to time in the peninsula, influencing the vicissitudes219 of its internal quarrels, but it had no longer power to revolutionise or molest220 the settled constitution of the free Lombard Communes. The medi?val triumph of Italy over the foreigner was accomplished. In the course of the last two centuries, Milan, in whose development is mirrored that of all Lombardy, had completely asserted and defined her nationality. In her Church, in her constitution, law and sentiment, she was now one at last with the rest of Italy. It remained for her, leader in the long struggle now happily determined, to produce in the epoch221 of Strong Men which was about to succeed the epoch of the People, the man strong enough to overthrow218 all rivals and to weld the many independent cities and States of the peninsula into a united Italy under an Italian king. How she tried to do this and failed will be seen later.
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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incipient
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| adj.起初的，发端的，初期的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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16
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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17
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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19
flux
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| n.流动；不断的改变 | |
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modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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26
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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29
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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30
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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32
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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35
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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36
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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37
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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38
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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39
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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40
retaliating
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的现在分词 ) | |
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41
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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42
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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43
fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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44
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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45
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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46
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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47
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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48
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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49
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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50
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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51
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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52
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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53
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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54
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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55
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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56
execrated
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| v.憎恶( execrate的过去式和过去分词 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
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57
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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58
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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60
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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61
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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62
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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63
trepidation
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| n.惊恐，惶恐 | |
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64
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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65
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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66
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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67
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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68
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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69
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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70
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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71
credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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72
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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73
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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74
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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75
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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76
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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77
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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78
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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79
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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80
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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81
raze
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| vt.铲平，把(城市、房屋等)夷为平地，拆毁 | |
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82
razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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84
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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85
biding
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| v.等待，停留( bide的现在分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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86
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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87
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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88
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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89
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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90
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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91
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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93
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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94
fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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95
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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96
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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97
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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99
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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100
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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101
exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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102
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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103
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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104
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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105
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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106
vowing
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的现在分词形式） | |
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107
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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108
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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109
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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110
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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111
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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112
compassionate
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| adj.有同情心的，表示同情的 | |
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113
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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114
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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116
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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117
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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118
plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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119
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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120
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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121
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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122
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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123
inflexibility
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| n.不屈性，顽固，不变性；不可弯曲；非挠性；刚性 | |
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124
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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125
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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126
vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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127
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
sublimity
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| 崇高，庄严，气质高尚 | |
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129
resound
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| v.回响 | |
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130
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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131
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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132
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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133
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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134
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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135
patricians
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| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
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136
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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138
fiat
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| n.命令，法令，批准；vt.批准，颁布 | |
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139
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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140
dooming
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| v.注定( doom的现在分词 )；判定；使…的失败（或灭亡、毁灭、坏结局）成为必然；宣判 | |
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141
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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142
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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143
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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144
retaliate
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| v.报复，反击 | |
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145
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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146
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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147
beacon
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| n.烽火，（警告用的）闪火灯，灯塔 | |
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148
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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149
avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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150
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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152
expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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153
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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154
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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155
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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156
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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157
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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158
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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159
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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160
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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161
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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163
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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164
culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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166
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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167
huddling
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| n. 杂乱一团, 混乱, 拥挤 v. 推挤, 乱堆, 草率了事 | |
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168
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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169
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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170
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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171
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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172
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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173
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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174
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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175
furtive
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| adj.鬼鬼崇崇的，偷偷摸摸的 | |
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176
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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177
renouncing
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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178
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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179
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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180
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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181
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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182
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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183
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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184
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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185
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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186
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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187
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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188
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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189
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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190
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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191
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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192
fermented
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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193
internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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194
fettered
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| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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196
desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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197
steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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198
morasses
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| n.缠作一团( morass的名词复数 )；困境；沼泽；陷阱 | |
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199
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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200
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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201
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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202
mendicant
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| n.乞丐；adj.行乞的 | |
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203
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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204
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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205
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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206
emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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207
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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208
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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209
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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210
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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211
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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212
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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213
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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214
entangling
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| v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的现在分词 ) | |
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215
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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216
pitfalls
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| （捕猎野兽用的）陷阱( pitfall的名词复数 )； 意想不到的困难，易犯的错误 | |
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217
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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218
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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219
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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220
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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221
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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