§4; 1. NOT MANICHEAN
The Church commonly labelled the heresy5 "Manichean," but the label was a libel. The word suited well the purpose of the Church, because the name "Manichean" had had for centuries sinister6 associations, aroused the utter detestation of the orthodox and brought down upon those accused of it the severest penalties of Church and State. It recalled the conflicts of the early Church with Gnosticism. It exercised a subtle fascination7 over Augustine, and although he afterwards combated it, yet even as Bishop8, according to Julian of Eclanum—no mean critic—"he was not entirely9 free from its infection." The aggressiveness of Manicheism, albeit10 characteristically insidious11 and secretive, had, at the {10} appearance of Catharism, become a spent force. The contrary opinion is based on inference, not historical data. The Dualism of the Manichees was not the Dualism of the Catharists, and there were other differences even more separative. No Manichean writer or leader or emissary has left the slightest trace of his name or influence upon Catharist propaganda. The eagerness with which this weapon was forged by the Church and the success with which it was wielded13 make us suspicious of its justice. Even Bernard of Clairvaux denies that the Catharists originated from Mani.[3]
§ 2. NOT PRISCILLIAN
Much the same may be said of the view, less widely held, that Catharism was a resurgence14 of Priscillianism, of the survival of which we have evidence as late as the beginning of the seventh century. It passed the Pyrenees into France. There was undoubtedly15 a close connection between Aragon and Toulouse. In their Dualism and Asceticism16, in their study and canon[4] of the Scriptures17 the two movements had points of resemblance, but this is the utmost that can be said in favour of the theory. The Catharists neither claimed to have had their origin in Spain nor attempted to find there a favourable soil for planting their tenets. The slight support that they received was given for political or family reasons only. They used its nearer valleys and mountains as places of refuge, not spheres of propaganda.
§ 3. NOT DONATIST
The resemblance between the Donatists and Albigenses, in their attitude on the unworthiness of ministers {11} affecting the validity of sacraments and even of the Church itself, affords no historical ground for the theory that that Schism18 left any seeds in France to germinate19 only after several centuries. That Schism was confined to North Africa. Apart from the presence of five Gallic Bishops20, or assessors with the Bishop of Rome in the trial, Caecilian v. Donatus, ordered by the Emperor in A.D. 313, and the Council held at Arles in the following year, France had no interest in the Donatist controversy21. The opposite was the case, for the Gallic Bishops were directed to intervene, and the Council was held in Gaul, because Gaul was immune from it, and its doctrinal isolation22 presumed an impartial23 platform for the disputants. Another point of resemblance between Donatists and Albigenses was that both alike objected to the coercive interference of the State in Church affairs.[5] But this and the unworthiness of ministers are "marks" of a Church which have been discussed in all ages, and are no evidence of historical connection.
§ 4. PARTLY PAULICIAN
We reach firmer ground in seeking a connection between the Catharists and the Paulicians. We cannot go so far as to say with Reinéri, himself once a Catharist, that the movement sprang from Bulgaria and Dalmatia, but there is evidence to show that the Catharists themselves did not dispute some affinity24. Paulician (corrupted into poplican, publican, etc.)[6] was an early appellation25 of the Catharist; and a comparison of their tenets and organization proves that there was too much in common to be ascribed to mere26 accident. In the ninth century the Paulicians of Armenia saw that circumstances were favourable for the dissemination27 of their creed28 among {12} the Slavonic people. For in the early part of that century the Greek monks29, Methodius and Cyril, had converted Bulgaria to Christianity, and its King, Boris, who wished to be on friendly terms with both the Frankish Kingdom and the Byzantine Empire, was baptized, and took the name of Michael after his godfather Michael III, the Byzantine Emperor. A special feature to be remembered in this work of conversion31 is that these two monks translated the New Testament32 from the Greek into the Bulgar language, and drew up a liturgy33. They relied not only upon the spoken word, but also upon the written word "in a tongue understanded of the people"—a method of evangelization common to the Paulicians, Albigenses and Waldenses. Not only so, but the version current amongst the Western heretics can be shewn to be based upon the Greek and not upon the Vulgate. The Doxology of the Lord's Prayer is found in the New Testament of the Slavs and of the Catharists, derived34 from the later Greek MSS., but does not occur in the earliest codices or in the Vulgate. In Prov. viii. 22 the Catharists read ?κτισε ("created") with the LXX, but the Vulgate (possedit) ?κτ?σατο ("possessed"). The Hebrew ????? may be rendered by either, but the former, frequently quoted by the Arians, to the alarm and perplexity of Hilary, against Athanasius, furnished the Church with grounds upon which to base a charge of Arianism against the Catharists. In the archives of the Inquisition of Carcassonne is a Latin version of the Apocryphal35 Narrative36 of the Questions of St. John and the Answers of Jesus Christ, at the end of which is a note: "This is a secret document of the heretics of Corcorezio, brought from Bulgaria by Nazarius their Bishop, full of errors."
The insistence37 upon the right of every nation to have the word of God in its own language was a principle common to Paulicians and Catharists, while the Papacy, {13} holding that such a practice contributed to schism as well as heresy, endeavoured to thrust one version, the Latin, upon the whole Church, and refused permission to any but the clergy38 to read the Scriptures. The Oriental Church was scarcely more compliant39. Sergius, of Tavia in Asia Minor40, one of the ablest of the apostles of Paulicianism, was won over to the sect by a personal study of the Scriptures which, he had been taught, were to be read only by the clergy.[7] The story which comes from the Paulicians of Galatia of Asia Minor might be transferred almost word for word to describe similar conversions41 to Catharism in Gallia of France.
Reverting42 to Bulgaria, Boris had desired to give Christianity an authoritative43 and organized position in his dominions44, and for this purpose applied45 to Constantinople for a Bishop. Being refused, he appealed to Rome. But from the Pope he received an even sterner rebuff. However, jealousy46 gave what justice denied; for the Patriarch of Constantinople, on hearing of Rome's refusal, altered his tone and gave the King more than he asked, viz. one Archbishop and ten Bishops. We may be certain that these Greek prelates would do nothing to mitigate47 the antipathy48 which the Slavo-Greeks would feel towards Rome, and this antipathy deepened into a settled hatred49 when Rome, later, denied them the right to have the Scriptures in any language but Latin. These troublous times the Paulicians of Armenia, ever zealous50 propagandists, seized upon for spreading their doctrines51. Their asceticism appealed strongly to monks in Bulgaria, Thrace, etc., and in many a monastery53 Paulicians were welcomed. Persecution54 also drove them westward55, and when in A.D. 969 the Emperor Tzimisces established them in Philippopolis, it was a comparatively easy matter for them to transmit their doctrines along the {14} great trade routes through Bosnia and Dalmatia across and around the Adriatic to Lombardy and France.
At Philippopolis the Paulicians would find a sect called the Euchites already in possession, and, as the latter professed56 both an absolute and a mitigated57 Dualism, the two bodies would readily fraternize. The Euchites derived their name from ε?χ?, because they regarded prayer as superior to all other Christian30 duties. But their Slavonic name was Bogomile, which, according to Euthymius, means "God, have pity,"[8] owing to their frequent use of this phrase in worship. Now "Bogomile" was a name frequently applied to the Catharists, nor did the Catharists repudiate58 it. Moreover, as will be shewn later, there is a close correspondence between the doctrines and practices of the Paulicians and Bogomiles and those of the Albigenses. These prevailed everywhere throughout the Byzantine Empire, and Crusaders and pilgrims could not fail to come across them. What more probable, then, than that Crusaders straggling and struggling homeward from defeat and disaster in Palestine, to which they had gone at the summons and with the blessing59 of Holy Church, should lend a sympathetic ear to those whose doctrines were commended by personal asceticism and communal60 philanthropy? The blessing had turned to a curse. They returned with the loss not only of health and wealth, but of reverence61 for and faith in Rome. The Pagan had beaten the Christian. Is it surprising that Catholicity should succumb62 to suggestions for a new version of Christianity which gave them a plausible63 and picturesque64 solution of the conflict between good and evil? Is it surprising that the soldiers of the conquered Cross should be the channels by which {15} this concept flowed over those very countries from which these disgruntled warriors65 had set forth66? Nor must we overlook the pilgrims and the Western mercenaries in the employ of the Eastern Emperors bringing back with them at least information of these sects67, even though they did not agree with them.
Again, there is some evidence that the Cathari were prepared to show deference68, if not actual subordination, to the Paulicians. At the Synod held A.D. 1167 in St. Felix de Caraman[9] near Toulouse, at which were present Catharists from Lombardy and Italy, as well as France, Nicetas, the Paulician "Bishop" of Constantinople, attended by request and presided. His ruling that an absolute and not a relative Dualism was the true Creed of Catharism was accepted. The consecration69 which certain "Bishops" had received from Bulgaria he declared to be invalid70, and he reconsecrated them by the imposition of his hands. The "Perfects," fearing lest the Consolamentum[10] which they had received from such "Bishops" might also be invalid, received the rite12 again from this "Bishop" of the strict Paulicians. He instituted to the Sees of Toulouse, Carcassonne and the Valley of the Aran three "Bishops" whom these Dioceses had respectively elected. Lastly, he was consulted as to the delimitation of the Dioceses of Toulouse and Carcassonne, and his arbitration71 was accepted by all parties. His decision was avowedly72 based upon Eastern and primitive73 precedent74, viz. of the Seven Churches of Asia—not by following the existing municipal and political boundaries of the State, but by considering solely75 the spiritual interests of the Church. The courtesy of inviting76 an eminent77 co-religionist to preside over the Synod's deliberations, and the impartiality78 to be expected from a disinterested79 stranger, fail to satisfy the terms of {16} the equation. The authority which Nicetas exercised, acceptance of his consecration and consolamentum in place of the previous ones acknowledged as invalid through a doctrine52, erroneous because out of harmony with that of the East, can only be explained on the ground that this Paulician Bishop of the East came to the West as the duly accredited80 representative of a foster-mother to her daughter Churches.
The title by which the heretics were most widely known was that of Cathari. Unquestionably[11] derived from καθαρ??, "pure," it points to Eastern associations. First met with in the second half of the twelfth century, it is the only appellation used of the heretics by Reinéri and Moneta.
That a Gnostic element, undefined and indefinable, underlay81 and mingled82 with the Catholicism of the working classes cannot be denied, and if we can identify the sources of one or two strong streams feeding the Albigensian heresy, these do not necessarily exclude others whose sources evade83 us. In A.D. 890 Agobard, Archbishop of Lyons, discovered Gnostic elements in his antiphonary. The Declaration of Belief which a century later (A.D. 991) Gerbert published on his appointment to the Archbishopric of Rheims was obviously called forth by the prevalence of Docetic and Dualistic teaching in his Province: "I believe that Christ was the Son of God, that He took a human form from His mother, and in that body suffered, died and rose again. I believe that one and the same God was the originator of both the Old and New Testaments84, that Satan was not {17} originally evil, but had fallen into evil; that our present body and no other would rise again; that marriage and eating meat were both allowable."
In A.D. 1016 an Armenian anchorite was detected in Rome and denounced as a heretic, and scarcely escaped with his life. As "Armenian" became synonymous with heretic, we may assume that Armenians were frequent visitors to other places in the West, and that their heresy was Paulician.
§ 5. PARTLY INDIGENOUS
It is not therefore to Spain or Africa that we must look for the origin of the Albigensian heresy, but rather to the East, for in that direction the names Manichean, Bogomile, Bulgar, Paulician, Poplican[12] and Catharist point, but we can only speak in generalities. We cannot say of this heresy: "In the year —— a band of missioners under —— came to France to convert it to Catharism," as we can say of the English Church: "In the year 597 a band of missioners under Augustine came to England to convert it to Christianity." When we have stretched our historical data to their utmost capacity, when we have made full allowance for the devastation85 wrought86 by friend and foe87—by friend in the destruction of the records against themselves of the Inquisition, by foe in the destruction of heretical literature—we are convinced that the imports from the East fail in quantity and quality to account for the Albigensian heresies as we find them in full vigour88 and variety. Their germs might have been found almost {18} anywhere in Western Christendom in the Middle Ages, but the stimulus89 to growth came not from without, but from within. It was a spontaneous outburst of a profound discontent with a Church which by its Ultramontanism opposed all national independence, and by its unspirituality forfeited90 all respect for its creed. Just as the Church turned back to Aristotelian and Platonic91 philosophy to illuminate92 the mystical element—the relationship between the outward and the inward—in its own entity93 and in its Sacraments—a philosophy which had long lain dormant94 in her midst—so the Catharists turned back to Dualistic Gnosticism to illuminate the origin of good and evil, and its bearing upon ecclesiastical organization. But whereas the students of the North were attracted to dialectics, the light-hearted of the South of France were drawn95 to picturesque myths. It was an age when men everywhere, and especially in France, were devoting themselves to a reconsideration of the Church, in its essence, its doctrines and its activities; but while the Church forced facts to suit philosophic96 theories, the Catharists adopted and devised Dualistic theories to suit the facts. The Church claimed that its doctrines, such as that of the Holy Roman Empire or of Transubstantiation, were not new, but inherent in and developed from the authority and teaching of its Divine Head. The Catharists maintained that they were corruptions97 and profanities, weeds not fruit, and only when they were swept away would the Christian Church be pure and therefore powerful. How far circumstances favoured them falls now to be considered.
[3] Sermones in Cant98. LXVI.
[4] Priscillianists rejected the Pentateuch but highly esteemed99 the Apocryphal "Ascension of Isaiah," and the "Memoirs100 of the Apostles."
[5] Quid est imperatori cum ecclesia? ('Optatus,' III, c. 3.)
[6] v. infra, p. 17, note.
[7] Neander, "Ch. Hist." Vol. V pp. 346 seq. (Bohn).
[8] This has been questioned. The word probably means "The friend of God" (Theophilus). So Gieseler, who says that the complete sentence in Slavonic for "Lord, have mercy" (Kyrie eleison) would be "Gospodine pomilui" (Schmidt Vol. II, pp. 284 seq.).
[9] A significant connection with Asia Minor.
[10] v. infra, p. 83.
[11] In Lombardy called Gazari. Mosheim thought Gazari to be the original form (and Cathari a corruption) from Gazar, the ancient Chersonese of the Taurus. But there is nothing to show there were Dualists there. Neander, while deriving101 Gazzari from the same place, distinguishes them from Cathari. Ketzer is the common German word for "heretic."
[12] To the several solutions proposed of this word (v. Du Cange s.v.), I would add the suggestion that it is a popular abbreviation of Philippopolicani, Philippopolis bei
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
heresies
|
|
| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
indigenous
|
|
| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
favourable
|
|
| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
sect
|
|
| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
heresy
|
|
| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
sinister
|
|
| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
fascination
|
|
| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
albeit
|
|
| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
insidious
|
|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
rite
|
|
| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
wielded
|
|
| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
resurgence
|
|
| n.再起，复活，再现 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
asceticism
|
|
| n.禁欲主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
scriptures
|
|
| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
schism
|
|
| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
germinate
|
|
| v.发芽；发生；发展 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
bishops
|
|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
isolation
|
|
| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
impartial
|
|
| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
affinity
|
|
| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
appellation
|
|
| n.名称，称呼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
dissemination
|
|
| 传播,宣传,传染(病毒) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
creed
|
|
| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
monks
|
|
| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
conversion
|
|
| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
testament
|
|
| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
liturgy
|
|
| n.礼拜仪式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
derived
|
|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
apocryphal
|
|
| adj.假冒的，虚假的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
insistence
|
|
| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
clergy
|
|
| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
compliant
|
|
| adj.服从的，顺从的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
minor
|
|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
conversions
|
|
| 变换( conversion的名词复数 )； （宗教、信仰等）彻底改变； （尤指为居住而）改建的房屋； 橄榄球（触地得分后再把球射中球门的）附加得分 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
reverting
|
|
| 恢复( revert的现在分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
authoritative
|
|
| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
dominions
|
|
| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
applied
|
|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
mitigate
|
|
| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
antipathy
|
|
| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
hatred
|
|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
zealous
|
|
| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
doctrines
|
|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
doctrine
|
|
| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
monastery
|
|
| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
persecution
|
|
| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
westward
|
|
| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
mitigated
|
|
| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
repudiate
|
|
| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
blessing
|
|
| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
communal
|
|
| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
reverence
|
|
| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
succumb
|
|
| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
plausible
|
|
| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
picturesque
|
|
| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
warriors
|
|
| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
sects
|
|
| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
deference
|
|
| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
consecration
|
|
| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
invalid
|
|
| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
arbitration
|
|
| n.调停，仲裁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
avowedly
|
|
| adv.公然地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
primitive
|
|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
precedent
|
|
| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
solely
|
|
| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
inviting
|
|
| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
eminent
|
|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
impartiality
|
|
| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
disinterested
|
|
| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
accredited
|
|
| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
underlay
|
|
| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的过去式 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起n.衬垫物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
mingled
|
|
| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
evade
|
|
| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
testaments
|
|
| n.遗嘱( testament的名词复数 )；实际的证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
devastation
|
|
| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
wrought
|
|
| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
foe
|
|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
vigour
|
|
| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
stimulus
|
|
| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
forfeited
|
|
| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
platonic
|
|
| adj.精神的；柏拉图（哲学）的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
illuminate
|
|
| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
entity
|
|
| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
dormant
|
|
| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
philosophic
|
|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
corruptions
|
|
| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
cant
|
|
| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
esteemed
|
|
| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
memoirs
|
|
| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
deriving
|
|
| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |