In order to understand the situation, political and ecclesiastical, in Southern France we must bear in mind that the Gauls of the West and the Galatae of the East were of the same stock, and that each branch, though several nations intervened, retained unimpaired its racial characteristics. Galli, Galatae, Keltae are but different forms of the same word. Livy would speak of Gauls in the East; Polybius of Galatians in the West. The Gauls were a warm-hearted people, but unstable2 in their friendships, impetuous and courageous3 in war, but unable to wear down a foe4 by stubborn endurance. As C?sar noticed: "sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles, et novis plerumque rebus5 student;" an opinion endorsed6 in modern times by one of their own nation—Thierry: "Une bravoure personnelle que rien n'égale chez les peuples anciens—un esprit franc, impétueux, ouvert à toutes les impressions, éminemment intelligent—mais, à c?té de cela, une mobilité extrême, point de constance, une répugnance marquée aux idées de discipline et d'ordre." To these traits may be added vivid imagination, a fondness for song and poetry, a love of nature so intimate that allegory became reality.
Gaul had become one of the perpetual conquests of Rome and had submitted to its governmental system, but nothing could eradicate8 its racial peculiarities9. The {20} Gaul was an individualist, the Roman an imperialist, and hence the Gaul might be conquered, but never destroyed. Now this imperialism10 which the Church took over from the State was developed vigorously and rapidly under Pope Gregory VII and his successors, and the insistence11 of it aroused a corresponding reaction in Gaulish nationalism. The Church had condemned13 Nominalism as inimical to Catholic unity15, and had adopted the opposite scholastic16 theory of Realism as most agreeable to the theory of the Holy Roman Empire. This theory, however, now declared to be a dogma of the Catholic faith, struck at the root of national and individual independence. Such an independence France had constantly shewn, and it may be traced not only to the racial antipathy17 between Gaul and Pelagian, but to the fact that Western Gaul had never lost touch with its Eastern kin18. Its Christianity from the earliest times was on Eastern rather than Western lines. Its monasticism was of the Oriental type. The letter which the Christians20 of Gaul in A.D. 177, describing the sufferings and deaths of the martyrs21 in the persecution22, sent to "the brethren in Asia and Phrygia, having the same faith and hope of redemption with us," can only be explained on the assumption that they were of the same kith and kin. In fact, one of the martyrs, Alexander, was a Phrygian.[13] The Gallican Liturgy23 was Eastern (Ephesian), not Western.
§ 2. SLAVONIC
The spirit of independence which pervaded24 Southern France would be strengthened by its constant communication with Slavonia, for the Slavs, according to {21} Procopius, had the same national characteristics. "They are not ruled by one man, but from the most ancient times have been under a democracy. In favourable26 and unfavourable situations all their affairs are placed before a common council." The "'Times' History of the World" says: "The Slavs are characterised by a vivacity27, a warmth, a mobility28, a petulance29, an exuberance30 not always found in the same degree among even the people of the South. Among the Slavs of purer blood these characteristics have marked their political life with a mobile, inconstant and anarchical spirit.... The distinguishing faculty31 of the race is a certain flexibility32 and elasticity33 of temperament34 and character which render it adaptable35 to the reception and the reproduction of all sorts of diverse ideas." This likeness36 of temperament would naturally draw two nations together and account for the readiness with which the Gallican mind absorbed Slavonic propaganda.
§ 3. NATIVE
The country had been early converted to Christianity, and the dominant37 form of Christianity was now Roman. But when we speak of a country being "converted" in the Middle Ages, we must regard the statement with considerable qualifications. Conversions38 were often political conveniences, rather than personal convictions. The people followed their chiefs, accepted the Church's ministrations and attended her services, but knew next to nothing of Christian19 truth. In France two things contributed to this ignorance: (a) the official language of the Church being different from that of the people; (b) the slackness and refusal of the Church in providing services and sermons in a language which the people understood.
Between the middle of the eighth and ninth centuries {22} Latin was the language only of the learned and officials; the mass of the people ceased to understand it. Latin was sacrosanct39, and to address God in any other language was profane40. Hence the Church lost its spiritual hold upon the masses. "The hungry sheep looked up and were not fed." So serious was the situation that Charlemagne summoned five Councils at five different places, the most Southern being Arles, and ordered the Bishops41 to use the vulgar tongue in the instruction of their flocks. From this it is clear that the Bishops and Clergy43 were bilingual, but deliberately44 abstained45 from adopting in their pastoral work a language which their people could understand; even the Bible was a closed book. The heretics, on the contrary, were most zealous46 in supplying this want, particularly the Waldenses. Not only did they translate the whole of the New Testament47 and parts of the Old, but added notes embodying48 Sententiae or opinions of the Fathers. They contended that prayers in an unknown tongue did not profit. They knew by heart large portions of Holy Scripture49[14] and readily quoted it in their discussions with the Church. The Catharists also had composed a little work called "Perpendiculum Scientiarum," or "Plummet50 of Knowledge" (cf. Is. xxviii. 17), consisting of passages of Scripture whereby Catholicism might be easily and readily tested. Not until the eleventh century do we come across in the West any translation into the vulgar tongue by the Church, and then only of Legends of Saints in the dialect of Rouen. In Southern France the vernacular51 which ultimately emerged was known as Langue D'Oc, and sometimes Proven?al. "In its rise Proven?al literature stands completely by itself, and in its development it long continued to be {23} absolutely original. This literature took a poetic52 form, and this poetry, unlike classical poetry, is rhymed." No class of literature is more easily remembered than rhymed verse in common speech. The results of it, therefore, need not cause us surprise. It produced a sense of unity, of comradeship. Latin might be the language of the Church, but this was the language of the people. Its growth created a cleavage between Church and people, which the former sought to bridge by giving the latter accounts of miracles and legends in verse and prose in the Romance language, and by permitting them to sing songs of their own composition—and not necessarily sacred or even modest songs—in the Churches.[15] But the experiment or concession53 only served to secularize55 religion, and turned the services into amusements. Nor was it in accord with the real policy of Catholicism which was to prevent the people generally from forming their own opinions of Christianity by an independent study of the Scriptures56—a policy which to the Gallican temperament would be particularly odious57 and exasperating58.[16]
§ 4. SECULAR54 ELEMENTS
Secular causes also account for the growing unpopularity of the Church. On the one hand the seigneurs resented the increasing wealth and land encroachments of Bishops and Abbots. "In the eleventh century the fear of the approaching final judgment59 and the belief in the {24} speedy dissolution of the world spread throughout all Europe. Some bestowed60 the whole of their possessions on the Church."[17] But when the donors61 recovered from their alarm, they regretted their sacrifice, and their descendants would be provoked every day at the sight of others in enjoyment62 of their ancestral lands. Moreover, the break-up of Charlemagne's vast kingdom threw great power into the hands of the Dukes and Counts. In their own domains63 they were practically autocrats64. The only check upon their sovereignty came from the Church, whose Bishops and Abbots were often able to protect themselves by their own routiers or by ecclesiastical penalties, such as excommunication. But the lords countered this by thrusting their own nominees65, often their own relations, into the most powerful and lucrative66 offices of the Church, or by keeping them vacant and appropriating their revenues. A semblance67 of legality was thrown over this practice by the fact that "the Bishoprics being secular fiefs, their occupants were bound to the performance of feudal68 service," and the investiture into the temporalities of the office belonged to the sovereign. Thus the freedom of the Church in the election and appointment of her officers was curtailed69.
§ 5. COMMERCE
On the other hand, the increase of commercial prosperity broke down the feudal system. The merchants took advantage of the poverty of the Counts through constant wars by obtaining in exchange for loans certain privileges which, by charter, settled into the inalienable rights of the ville franche. They built for themselves fortified70 houses in the towns, and from them laughed to scorn the threats of the seigneurs. Their enterprise was constantly {25} bringing money into the country: the non-productive Church was constantly sending it out. Trade with foreign countries created in commercial and industrial circles a sense of independence, and their enlarged outlook gave birth to a religious tolerance71 favourable to doctrines72 other than, or in addition to, those of Catholicism. Thus Peter Waldo, the merchant of Lyons, was moved to devote his wealth to disseminate73 the Word of God as freely as he disposed of his merchandise. These goods had to be made, and the actual manufacturers, especially the weavers75, shared in the general prosperity and imbibed76 this freedom of thought. Erasmus' great wish, that the weaver74 might warble the Scriptures at his loom,[18] was anticipated by three centuries by the Albigenses, and especially by the Waldenses. So widely did heresy77 spread among these textile workers that heretic and tesserand became synonymous. At Cordes a nominal14 factory was set up, but in reality a theological school for instruction in Catharism.[19]
§ 6. LITERATURE
Although it suited the purpose of the Church to regard them as "unlearned and ignorant men," it was from the people that the Proven?al literature emanated78. The bourgeoisie encouraged poetry and art. The industrial classes turned in contempt from the stupid and impossible stories of saints to a personal study of the Scriptures and their patristic explanations. The Poor Men of Lyons were poor in spirit, not in pocket. Business {26} ability and training enabled them to organize their movement on lines that were both flexible and compact, and their wealth supported their officers. Clerks could copy out their pamphlets, and their colporteurs or travellers could distribute them. At the beginning of the thirteenth century the Marquis of Montferrand, in Auvergne, just before his death, burnt a great quantity of books, especially those of Albigensian propaganda, which he had been collecting for forty years. (Stephen de Belleville, 85.) The Proven?al, Arnauld, was a most prolific79 writer, and sold or gave to the Catholics little books deriding80 the saints of the Church. Moneta de Cremona, in his great work against the Albigenses, declares that he drew his information of their doctrines from their own writings, and quotes largely from a teacher called Tetricus, a dialectician and interpreter of the Bible. Tetricus was probably that William who was Canon of Nevers, returned to Toulouse in 1201, under the name of Theodoric, and was held in great esteem81 by the Albigenses for his knowledge.[20]
§ 7. MORAL AND SPIRITUAL ELEMENTS
But of all the causes of the unpopularity of the Church the unworthy lives of the clergy was the most potent82, the evidence for which comes less from the accusations83 of the heretics than from the confessions84 of the Church itself. To allow immodest songs, composed by the people, to be sung in Church is sufficiently85 significant of the low standard of the clerical mind; but instances are given of the clergy themselves composing these songs. Agobard, Bishop42 of Lyons, found there a service-book compiled by an assistant Bishop (chorepiscopus) so {27} indecent that he could not read it without a blush. The decrees of Councils throw a strong light upon the luxurious86 and worldly lives of Bishops and Clergy—their costly87 clothes, painted saddles and gold-mounted reins88, joining in games of chance, their habit of swearing, and allowing others to swear at them without reproof89, welcoming to their tables strolling players, hearing Mattins in bed, being frivolous90 when saying the Offices, excommunicating persons wrongfully, simony, tolerating clerical concubinage, dispensing91 with banns, celebrating secret marriages, quashing wills. These are not the slanders92 of heretics, but the testimony93 of the Church in formal assembly. The Pope, Innocent III, is equally scandalized. Writing of the Archbishop of Narbonne and its clergy, he exclaims: "Blind! dumb dogs that cannot bark! Simoniacs who sell justice, absolve94 the rich and condemn12 the poor! They do not keep even the laws of the Church. They accumulate benefices and entrust95 the priesthood and ecclesiastical dignities to unworthy priests and illiterate96 children. Hence the insolence97 of the heretics; hence the contempt of nobles and people for God and His Church. In this region prelates are the laughing stock of the laity98. And the cause of all the evil is the Archbishop of Narbonne. He knows no other god than money. His heart is a bank. During the ten years he has been in office he has never once visited his Province, not even his own Diocese. He took five hundred golden pennies for consecrating99 the Bishop of Maguelonne, and when we asked him to raise subsidies100 for the Christians in the East he refused. When a Church falls vacant, he refrains from nominating an incumbent101, and appropriates the income. For the same reason he has reduced by half the number of canons (eighteen) and kept the archdeaconries vacant. In his Diocese monks102 and canons regular have renounced103 their Order and married wives; {28} they have become money-lenders, lawyers, jugglers and doctors." Even Papal Legates, sent to combat heresy, conformed to the same luxurious mode of life, and called down upon themselves the severe reproofs104 of Bishop Diego and Prior Dominic. Gaucelin Faidit wrote a play, called "The Heresy of the Priests," in which he flung back upon the Clergy the charges which they brought against the Cathari. It was acted with much applause before Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, the friend of Raymond VI, Count of Toulouse (A.D. 1193-1202). Nor, indeed, could it be expected that those who shewed themselves so indifferent to the sacredness of their calling would do other than encourage violations105 of their prerogatives106 by the powers of this world. The Counts, therefore, according to Godfrey's Chronicle, handed over Churches to stupid persons or to their own relations, and that simoniacally. Such people shew themselves to be hirelings, shearing107 the sheep and not attending to their infirmities, and—what is worse—encouraging in sin those whom they ought to correct. The Bishops went about their dioceses exacting108 illegal taxes and exchanging procurations for indulgences.
In contrast to all this was the life and character of the Catharists—for we may dismiss as incapable109 of proof the charges of extinguished lights, promiscuous110 intercourse111, etc., which were but a réchauffé of the charges made against the early Christians. Catharism, which means Puritanism, was a constant and conspicuous112 protest to an age and people characterized by a joie de vivre. The asceticism113 of the "Perfect" in particular went beyond that of the severest monasticism, for they eschewed114 meat always, and not merely at certain times of the year, as well as all food produced by generation. Their relationship of the sexes was ultra-strict. Their word was their bond, and their religion forbade them {29} to mar7 it with an oath. They possessed116 no money, and were supported by the community. Their simplicity117 and modesty118 in dress, their frugality119, their industry, their honesty, kindled120 the respect, even the reverence121, of the masses.[21] No hardships or dangers daunted122 their missionary123 ardour. When the Church attacked the heretics by means other than by fire and sword, she failed until the Dominicans copied their methods and the Franciscans their manners.
[13] Ο? ?ν Βι?νν? κα? Λουγδο?ν? τ?? Γαλλ?α? παροικο?ντε? δο?λοι Χριστο?, το?? κατ? τ?ν ?σ?αν κα? Φρυγ?αν τ?ν α?τ?ν τ?? ?πολυτρ?σεω? ?μ?ν π?στιν κα? ?λπ?δα ?χουσιν ?δελφο??. (Euseb., H.E., v. 1.)
[14] Reinéri Saccho says he knew an ignorant rustic124 who could recite the book of Job word for word.
[15] In sanctorum vigiliis in ecclesiis historicae (= histrionicae) saltationes, obsceni motus seu choreae fiunt ... dicuntur amatoria carmina vel cantilenae ibidem (Council of Avignon, Canon xvii, A.D. 1209).
[16] Prohibemus—ne libros Veteris Testamenti aut Novi laici permittantur habere: nisi forte125 psalterium vel breviarium pro25 divinis officiis, aut horas beatae Mariae aliquis ex devotione habere velit. Sed ne praemissos libros habeant in vulgari translatos arctissime inhibemus (Council of Toulouse, Canon XIV, A.D. 1229).
[17] Hegel's "Philosophy of History," Pt. IV, Sect. II.
[18] Paracelsus, "Works," Vol. IV, p. 141.
[19] Prob. in A.D. 1212, when the inhabitants fled to Cordes (then a mere115 hunting-box of the Counts of Toulouse) from St. Marcel, which was destroyed by Simon de Montfort. The date usually assigned to the founding of Cordes, viz. 1222, is wrong. See "Records of the Académie imperiale des Sciences, Toulouse," Series 6, Vol. V. For this reference I am indebted to my friend, Col. de Cordes.
[20] Nearly a century before this (v. infra) Henry, the successor of Peter de Bruis, wrote a book which Peter Venerabilis had seen himself, setting forth126 the several heads of the heresy.
[21] Reinéri Saccho, a former Catharist (but not, as he is careful to point out, a Waldensian) and afterward127 an Inquisitor, says the heretics were distinguished128 by their conduct and conversation: they were sedate129, modest, had no pride in clothes, did not carry on business dishonestly, did not multiply riches, did not go to taverns130, dances, etc.; were chaste131, especially the Leonists, temperate132 in meat and drink, not given to anger, always at work, teaching and learning, and therefore prayed little, went to Church, but only to catch the preacher in his discourse133; precise and moderate in language. A man swam the River Ibis every night in winter to make one convert.
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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rebus
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| n.谜,画谜 | |
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endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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kin
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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persecution
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liturgy
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pervaded
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pro
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favourable
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vivacity
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mobility
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petulance
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| n.发脾气，生气，易怒，暴躁，性急 | |
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exuberance
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faculty
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flexibility
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elasticity
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temperament
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adaptable
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likeness
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dominant
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conversions
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| 变换( conversion的名词复数 )； （宗教、信仰等）彻底改变； （尤指为居住而）改建的房屋； 橄榄球（触地得分后再把球射中球门的）附加得分 | |
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sacrosanct
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| adj.神圣不可侵犯的 | |
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profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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plummet
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| vi.(价格、水平等)骤然下跌；n.铅坠；重压物 | |
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vernacular
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| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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secularize
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| vt.使凡俗化，使还俗，改作俗用 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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57
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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58
exasperating
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| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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59
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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60
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
donors
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| n.捐赠者( donor的名词复数 )；献血者；捐血者；器官捐献者 | |
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62
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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63
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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64
autocrats
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| n.独裁统治者( autocrat的名词复数 )；独断专行的人 | |
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65
nominees
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| n.被提名者，被任命者( nominee的名词复数 ) | |
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66
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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67
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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68
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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69
curtailed
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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71
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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72
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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73
disseminate
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| v.散布；传播 | |
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74
weaver
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| n.织布工；编织者 | |
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weavers
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| 织工，编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
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imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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77
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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78
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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79
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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80
deriding
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的现在分词 ) | |
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81
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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83
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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84
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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85
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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86
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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88
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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89
reproof
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| n.斥责，责备 | |
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90
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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91
dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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94
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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entrust
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| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
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illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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consecrating
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| v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的现在分词 )；奉献 | |
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100
subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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101
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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102
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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103
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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104
reproofs
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| n.责备，责难，指责( reproof的名词复数 ) | |
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105
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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106
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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shearing
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| n.剪羊毛，剪取的羊毛v.剪羊毛( shear的现在分词 )；切断；剪切 | |
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108
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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109
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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110
promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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111
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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112
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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113
asceticism
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| n.禁欲主义 | |
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114
eschewed
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| v.（尤指为道德或实际理由而）习惯性避开，回避( eschew的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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116
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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117
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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118
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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119
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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120
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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121
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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122
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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124
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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125
forte
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| n.长处，擅长；adj.(音乐)强音的 | |
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126
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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127
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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128
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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129
sedate
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| adj.沉着的，镇静的，安静的 | |
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130
taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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131
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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132
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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133
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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