§4; 1. EYMERIC
It may simplify our task if we set down the fourteen heads under which the Inquisitor Eymeric in his "Directorium Inquisitorum"[22] classifies what he calls "recentiorum Manicheorum errores."
(1) They assert and confess that there are two Gods or two Lords, viz. a good God, and an evil Creator of all things visible and material; declaring that these things were not made by God our heavenly Father ... but by a wicked devil, even Satan ... and so they assume two Creators, viz. God and the Devil; and two Creations, viz. one of immaterial and invisible things, the other of visible and material.
(2) They imagine that there are two Churches, one good, which they say is their own sect, and declare to {31} be the Church of Jesus Christ; the other, however, they call an evil Church, which they say is the Church of Rome.
(3) All grades, orders, ordinances6 and statutes7 of the Church they despise and ignore, and all who hold the Faith they call heretics and deluded8, and positively9 assert (dogmatizant) that nobody can be saved by the faith (in fide) of the Roman Church.
(4) All the Sacraments of the Roman Church of our Lord Jesus Christ, viz. the Eucharist, and Baptism performed with material water, also Confirmation10 and Orders and Extreme Unction and Penance11 (poenitentia) and Matrimony, all and singular, they assert to be vain and useless.
(5) They invent, instead of holy Baptism in water, another spiritual Baptism, which they call the Consolation12 (consolamentum)[23] of the Holy Spirit.
(6) They invent, instead of the consecrated13 bread of the Eucharist of the Body of Christ, a certain bread, which they call "blessed bread," or "bread of holy prayer," which, holding in their hands, they bless according to their rite15, and break and distribute to their fellow-believers seated.
(7) Instead of the Sacrament of Penance they say that their sect receives and holds a true Penance (poenitentia), and to those holding the said sect and order, whether they be in health or sickness, all sins are forgiven (dimissa), and that such persons are absolved17 from all their sins without any other satisfaction, asserting that they themselves have over these the same and as great power as had Peter and Paul and the other Apostles ... saying that the confession18 of sins which is made to the priests of the Roman Church is of no avail whatever for salvation19, and that neither the Pope nor any {32} other person of the Roman Church has power to absolve16 anyone from his sins.
(8) Instead of the Sacrament of carnal Matrimony between man and woman, they invent a spiritual Matrimony between the soul and God, viz. when the heretics themselves, the perfect or consoled (perfecti seu consolati), receive anyone into their sect and order.
(9) They deny the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ from Mary ever virgin20, asserting that He had not a true human body, etc., but that all things were done figuratively (in similitudinem).
(10) They deny that the Blessed Virgin Mary was the true mother of our Lord Jesus Christ; they deny also that she was a woman of flesh (carnalem). But they say their sect and order is the Virgin Mary, and that true penance (poenitentia) is a chaste21 virgin who bears sons of God when they are received into their sect and order.
(11) They deny the future resurrection of human bodies, imagining, instead, certain spiritual bodies.
(12) They say that a man ought to eat or touch neither meat nor cheese nor eggs, nor anything which is born of the flesh by way of generation or intercourse22.
(13) They say and believe that in brutes23 and even in birds there are those spirits which go forth24 from the bodies of men when they have not been received into their sect and order by imposition of hands, according to their rite, and that they pass from one body into another; wherefore they themselves do not eat or kill any animal or anything that flies.
(14) They say that a man ought never to touch a woman.
§ 2. ADEMAR
The earliest mention of the heterodox as Manichees is found in Ademar, a noble of Aquitaine, who says: "Shortly afterwards (A.D. 1018) there arose throughout {33} Aquitaine Manichees, seducing25 the people. They denied Baptism and the Cross, and whatever is of sound doctrine26. Abstaining28 from food, they appeared like monks30 and feigned31 chastity, but amongst themselves they indulged in every luxury and were the messengers of Anti-Christ, and have caused many to err5 from the faith."[24]
§ 3. COUNCIL OF ORLEANS
These "Manichees" may have fled from the theological school at Orleans where heresy had been detected and punished only the year before, although neither Glaber Radulf[25] nor Agono, of the monastery32 of St. Peter's, Chartres,[26] both contemporaries, denominates them Manichees. The proceedings33 of the Council of Orleans, though beyond our area, is of interest to us, because of the eminence34 and influence of its theological school, and also because the Queen, Constance, was daughter of Raymond of Toulouse, she having married Robert after he had been compelled to divorce his first wife, Bertha. The heresy, by whatever name it reached or left Orleans, probably affected35 Southern France, for it is stated that the heresy was brought into Gaul by an Italian woman "by whom many in many parts were corrupted36." The "depravity" of the heretics was spread secretly, and was only disclosed to the King by a nobleman of Normandy, named Arefast, who became acquainted with the existence of the heresy through a young ecclesiastic37, Heribert. At the Council (A.D. 1022) which the King summoned, and which consisted of many Bishops38, Abbots and laymen40,[27] the three ringleaders, Stephen, the Queen's Confessor, Heribert, who had filled the post of ambassador {34} to the King of France, and Lisois, all famous for their learning, holiness and generosity41, declared that everything in the Old and New Testaments42 about the Blessed Trinity, although authority supported it by signs and wonders and ancient witnesses, was nonsense; that heaven and earth never had an author, and are eternal; that Jesus Christ was not born of the Virgin Mary, did not suffer for men, was not placed in the sepulchre, and did not rise again from the dead; that there is no washing away of sins in Baptism; that there is no sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ at the consecration44 by a priest; intercessions of saints, martyrs45 and confessors are valueless. Arefast, the informer, said he asked wherein then he could rest his hope of salvation; he was invited to submit to their imposition of hands, then he would be pure from all sin, and be filled with the Holy Spirit Who would teach him the depths and true meaning (profunditatem et veram dignitatem) of all the Scriptures48 without any reserve. He would see visions of Angels who would always help him, and God his Friend (comes) would never let him want for anything.[28] They were like the Epicureans, and did not believe that flagitious pleasures would be punished, or that piety49 and righteousness—the wealth of Christians51—would receive everlasting52 reward. Arefast also brings against them the odious53 charges of extinguished lights and promiscuous54 intercourse; the children thus begotten55 were solemnly burnt the day after their birth, their ashes preserved and given to the dying as a Viaticum. Threatened with death by fire, they boasted that they would escape from the flames. Sentenced to death, the King feared lest they should be killed in the Church and commanded Queen Constance to stand on guard at the door. But the Queen herself got out of hand, for as the condemned57 {35} heretics came forth she gouged58 out (eruit) with a staff the eye of Stephen, her late confessor. As soon as they felt the fire, they cried out that they had been deceived by the Devil, and that the God and Lord of the universe, Whom they had blasphemed, was punishing them with torture temporal and eternal. Some of the bystanders were deeply moved and endeavoured to rescue them, but in vain. The number who perished varies between fourteen and ten. "A like fate met others who held a like faith," says Glaber, "and thus the Catholic faith was vindicated59 and everywhere shone more brightly."
The Council's investigations60 also brought to light the fact that a Canon of Orleans, and Precentor, called Theodotus (Dieudonné), had three years before died in heresy, although he pretended to live and die in the communion of the Church. On this deception61 being discovered, his body was exhumed62 by order of Bishop39 Odalric and thrown away. It will be noted63 that the Council does not call them Manichees or any other name. In fact, with the exception of Ademar, no one for nearly a century identifies the heretics with Manicheism. They are not labelled at the Council of Charroux in A.D. 1028 (or 1031). At the Council of Rheims in A.D. 1049 they are vaguely64 spoken of as "new heretics who have arisen in France." The Council of Toulouse in A.D. 1056 condemned in its thirteenth Canon certain heretics, but does not specify65 their errors. In A.D. 1110 in the Diocese of Albi, Bishop Sicard and Godfrey of Muret, Abbot of Castres, attempted to seize some heretics already excommunicated, but were prevented by nobles and people; but they are only colourlessly described as:
Astricti Satanae qui sunt anathemate diro,
Noluntque absolvi restituique Deo.[29]
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§ 4. COUNCIL OF TOULOUSE
Another Council held at Toulouse in A.D. 1119, presided over by the Pope, Callistus III, is more precise, but does not denominate them. By its third Canon it enacted67: "Moreover, those who, pretending to a sort of religion, condemn56 the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord, the Baptism of children, the priesthood and other ecclesiastical orders and the compacts of lawful68 marriage, we expel from the Church of God as heretics and condemn them, and enjoin69 upon the secular70 powers (exteras potestates) to restrain them. In the bonds of this same sentence we include their defenders72 until they recant."
§ 5. PETER DE BRUIS
A new heresiarch now comes upon the scene in the person of Peter de Bruis, of whom nothing previous is known, except that according to Alfonso à Castro he was a Gaul of Narbonne. We first hear of him from Maurice de Montboissier, better known as Petrus Venerabilis, Abbot of Cluny, who addressed an open letter "to the lords, fathers and masters of the Church of God, the Archbishops of Arles and Embrun" and certain Bishops. As the Abbot died in A.D. 1126(7), and the heresiarch laboured for twenty years in promulgating73 his teaching, he was contemporary with the Council of Toulouse of A.D. 1119,[30] and its condemnation74 may have been directed in part against his followers75, who were called Petrobrusians. The letter of the Abbot has a preface which is not his, but which was written after his death. This preface sums up the tenets of the Petrobrusians under five heads:
(1) They deny that little children under years of {37} discretion76 (intelligibilem aetatem) can be saved by the baptism of Christ, and another's faith cannot benefit those who cannot use their own ... for the Lord said, "Whosoever believed and was baptized was saved."
(2) Temples and Churches ought not to be built, and those already built ought to be pulled down, and sacred places for praying were not necessary to Christians, since equally in tavern77 or church, in market or temple, before altar or stall, God, when called upon, hears and hearkens to those who deserve.
(3) All holy crosses should be broken up and burnt, since that instrument by which Christ was so fearfully tortured and so cruelly put to death was not worthy78 of adoration79, veneration80 or any other worship, but in revenge for His torments81 and death should be dishonoured82 with every kind of infamy83, struck with swords and burnt.
(4) Not only do they deny the truth of the Body and Blood of the Lord in the Sacrament daily and continually offered up in the Church, but declare that it is absolutely nothing and ought not to be offered to God.
(5) They deride84 sacrifices, prayers, alms and other good things done by the faithful living for the faithful departed, and affirm that these things cannot help any of the dead in the smallest degree.[31] Also "they say God is mocked by Church hymns85, because He delights in pious86 desires, and cannot be summoned by loud voices or appeased87 by musical notes."[32]
In the letter itself Peter Venerabilis points out to the prelates that in their parts the people were re-baptized, churches profaned88, altars thrown down, crosses burnt. Meat was publicly eaten on the very day of the Lord's Passion, priests were scourged89, monks imprisoned90 and compelled by terrors and tortures to marry. "The {38} heads, indeed, of these pests by God's help as well as by the aid of Catholic princes you have driven out of your territories. But the slippery serpent, gliding91 out of your territories, or rather driven out by your prosecution92, has betaken itself to the Province of Narbonne, and whereas with you it used to whisper in deserts and hamlets in fear, it now preaches boldly in great meetings and crowded cities. But let the most distant shores of the swift Rhone and the champaign adjacent to Toulouse, and the city itself, more populous93 than its neighbours, drive out this opinion; for the better informed the city is, the more cautious it ought to be against false dogma." Peter de Bruis was burnt by the faithful in revenge for the crosses which he had burnt.
§ 6. HENRY OF CLUNY
But "the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church," whether that Church be true or false, and the mantle94 of Peter de Bruis fell strangely upon Henry, a fellow monk29 at Cluny of Peter Venerabilis. Henry, "haeres nequitiae ejus," with many others "doctrinam diabolicam non quidem emendavit sed immutavit," and wrote it down in a volume which Peter himself had seen, and that not under five heads, but several. "Haeres," however, must be loosely interpreted with regard to both time and teaching. For Henry had already been wonderfully successful as a revivalist elsewhere, and his teaching did not entirely coincide with that of Peter de Bruis. For instance, whereas the latter burnt the cross, Henry had one carried before him and his followers when he entered towns and villages, and made it the emblem95 and inspiration of a life of self-denial, to which his own monastic training would predispose him. So far from calling for the destruction of sacred buildings, he used them, when he obtained {39} permission—as he did from Bishop Hildebert—for his mission preaching. He insisted upon the celibacy96 of the clergy97, but regulated in minute detail the marriage of the laity98. In fact, it is not easy to see how his teaching could be called heretical, unless it were his opposition99 to saint-worship, and doubtless he would have been allowed to move about freely had he not denounced the luxurious100 lives of the clergy and exposed them to the contempt and insults of the people. Arrested in A.D. 1134 he was condemned for heresy at the Council of Pisa, and imprisoned there; but he was released and returned to France, where he laboured in and around Toulouse and Albi, and met with remarkable101 success, not only amongst the laity, but even amongst the clergy; so much so, indeed, that the Churches were emptied of both, in order that priest and people might join the sect, which, after its leader, was called Henricians. Not until A.D. 1148 was he finally suppressed. Brought before a Council at Rheims he was sentenced to imprisonment102 for life, a punishment which goes to shew that he was not regarded as a heretic, but as a firebrand whose inflammatory activity must, for the peace of the Church, be extinguished. Reform of life rather than reform of doctrine was the aim of Henry's mission.
§ 7. RALPH ARDENS
But although that mission was successful, it did not absorb all the anti-church movements. The Dualistic creed103 still obtained in many parts of Southern France, as Radulf Ardens[33] ("Sermons," p. 325) declared: "Such to-day, my brethren, are the Manichean heretics, for {40} they have defiled104 our fatherland of Agen. They falsely assert that they keep to the Apostolic life, saying that they do not lie or swear at all; on the pretence105 of abstinence and continence they condemn flesh-food and marriage. They say that it is as great a sin to approach a wife as it is a mother or daughter. They condemn the Old Testament43, and receive only some parts of the New. But what is more serious is they preach that there are two authors of Nature (rerum), God the author of things invisible, and the Devil the author of things visible. Hence, they secretly worship the Devil, because they believe him to be the creator of their body. They say that the Sacrament of the Altar is plain (purum) bread. They deny Baptism. They preach that no one can be saved except by their hands. They deny also the resurrection of the body."
§ 8. BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX
Bernard of Clairvaux (b. A.D. 1091), however, refuses to connect the heretics with any human founder106, Mani, Peter de Bruis, or Henry. "These" (heretics), he exclaims,[34] "are sheep in appearance (habitu), foxes in cunning, wolves in cruelty. They are rustics107, ignorant and utterly108 despicable, but you must not deal with them carelessly.... They prohibit marriage, they abstain27 from food. The Manicheans had Mani for chief and instructor109, the Arians Arius, etc. By what name or title do you think you can call these? By none, for their heresy is not of man, and they did not receive it through man. It is by the deceit of devils.... Still some differ from the rest, and profess110 that marriage should be contracted only between bachelors and virgins111 (inter solos virgines). They deny that the fire of purgatory112 remains113 after death."
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§ 9. COUNCIL OF TOURS
But something more official, more imposing114 than separate and isolated115 denunciations and condemnations of individuals was demanded by reason of the rapid and extensive growth of these heresies116. Accordingly a Council met at Tours in A.D. 1163, the title of the fourth Canon of which is: "That all should avoid the company (consortium) of the Albigensian heretics." Here, for the first time, I believe, we meet with the name Albigenses as a distinct religious sect. The heresy is, if the title is authentic117, directly and officially connected with these people, although Toulouse, and not Albi, is specifically mentioned in the Canon itself. The fourth Canon says: "In the parts of Toulouse a damnable heresy has lately arisen, and like a canker is slowly diffusing118 itself into the neighbouring localities, and has already infected Gascony[35] and many other provinces. The Bishops and Priests of the Lord in those parts we enjoin to be on their guard and under threat of anathema66 forbid anyone {42} to receive any known to be followers of that heresy." They were to boycott119 them. Catholic princes were to arrest them and confiscate120 their goods. Their conventicles were to be carefully sought for, and, when discovered, forbidden. But it is remarkable that what this "damnable heresy" consisted of is not defined, and, however damnable, the penalties are comparatively mild—neither prison nor death.
§ 10. COUNCIL OF LOMBERS
Whether the Tolosan authorities resented being dictated121 to by a Council of Tours, or whether they connived122 at the heresy they were directed to suppress, we cannot say. But, at any rate, the Canon proved ineffective, and it was found necessary to call another Council, and that in the infected area itself. But it was deemed inadvisable to summon it to meet in any of the large towns, either, because in the quietness of a small town the business could be transacted123 with greater thoroughness (cf. Nicea in preference to Byzantium) or because the feeling against the Church in the large centres of population made it unsafe. Accordingly Lombers, a small town in the Diocese of Albi, was decided124 upon, and here the most important Council which had so far met, to deal with this "damnable heresy," assembled, either in A.D. 1165 or A.D. 1176,[36] but the earlier date is probably correct. Amongst those who were present were the Archbishop of Narbonne, the Bishops of Nimes, Agde, Toulouse and Lodève, eight Abbots, four of whom were of the Diocese of Albi, as well as Trenve?al, Viscount of Albi, Béziers and Carcassonne. Other princes were conspicuous125 by their absence. Binius honours it with the title of "the {43} Gallican Council against the Albigenses," as if all Southern France were represented; while the official account says that its sentence was directed against those who called themselves "Boni homines."[37] Now, for the first time apparently126, an official inquiry127 was held. The matter was not left to hearsay128, but the heretics were given an opportunity to speak for themselves. Certain of their leaders, of whom Olivier was the chief, were cited to appear before the Council, and the examination was conducted by Gaucelin, Bishop of Lodève, at the instance of Gerald, Bishop of Albi. (1) They answered that they rejected the whole of the Old Testament, but accepted "the Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, the seven canonical130 (Catholic?) Epistles and the Acts of the Apostles and the Apocalypse." (2) They would say nothing about their Creed unless they were forced. (3) As for the Baptism of little children, and whether they were saved, they would say nothing, but would quote from the Gospels and Epistles. (4) Questioned on the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord as to where it was consecrated, through whom they received it, and who received it, and whether the consecration was affected by the good or evil character of him who consecrated, they replied that those who received it worthily131 were saved, and those who received it unworthily acquired to themselves damnation, and added that it was consecrated by every good man, whether clerical or lay. Further than this they would not answer, maintaining that they ought not to be compelled to answer concerning their Creed. (5) About Matrimony they answered evasively, sheltering themselves behind a quotation132 from St. Paul's Epistle. (6) With regard to Penance, whether it is efficacious for salvation at the end of life, whether soldiers, mortally wounded, would be saved if they repented133 at the end, {44} whether each one ought to confess his sins to the priests and ministers of the Church, or to any layman134 whatever, or of whom St. James spake: "Confess ye your sins one to another," they said it sufficed for the weak to confess to whomsoever they would; and as for soldiers they would say nothing, because St. James says nothing, but only about the sick. Gaucelin inquired whether, in their opinion, contrition135 of heart and oral confession were alone sufficient, or whether it was necessary that reparation be made after penance by fasts, scourgings, alms and lamentation136 for their sins, if opportunity for such presented itself. Their reply was that James said only this—that they should confess and be saved, and they did not wish to be better than the Apostle. Many things they volunteered, as that we should swear not at all, as Jesus said in the Gospel and James in his Epistle; that Paul said in his Epistle what sort of men were to be ordained137 Bishops and Presbyters, and if men of other character were ordained, they were not Bishops and Presbyters, but ravening138 wolves and hypocrites and seducers ... wearing white robes and gemmed139 rings of gold; and therefore obedience140 should not be given them, since they were bad men, not good teachers, but mercenaries. The Council pronounced them guilty, and drew up a Refutation of their errors taken from the New Testament only. They retorted that the Bishop who pronounced the Sentence was himself a heretic, and turning to the people they said: "We believe"—and here they rehearsed the Articles of the Apostles' Creed, but omitting "the Holy Catholic Church." "We believe in confession of heart and mouth. We believe that he who does not eat the Body of Christ is not saved, and that it is not consecrated except in the Church, and by a priest, good or evil, and that it is not better done by a good priest than by an evil. We believe that {45} no one is saved except by baptism, and that little children are saved by baptism. We believe that married people are saved." They further declared that they would believe anything that could be proved from the Gospels and Epistles, but that they would swear to nothing.
The result, or rather lack of results, of this Council is perplexing. Either Gaucelin was a poor examiner, or was afraid to press his examination too far. Had he been a better or a bolder examiner, he must have quickly discovered that the differentiation141 between the Old and the New Testaments was due to strong Dualistic tendencies. Also, this Council was the most formidable array of the powers that be which the heretics had had to face. Yet no penalties are imposed, much less inflicted142 upon the guilty. The Council contents itself with a mere143 Refutation. The most probable explanation is that the people were not overawed by the move of the Church authorities from Tours to Lombers, and the latter were not ready for an explosion. The heretics candidly144 avowed145 that their answers were ad captandum vulgus, "propter dilectionem et gratiam vestri," and the Council did not venture further than the mild objection: "Vos non dicitis, quod propter gratiam Domini dicatis."
§ 11. A PREACHING EXPERIMENT
No help was to be expected at this time from the Pope in the suppression of heresy either in the South of France or the North of Italy, for he had more than he could manage in his struggle with Barbarossa and his Anti-pope. The Council had done little more than advertise its own weakness and the strength of the heretics. The Church therefore determined147 upon new methods, meeting preaching by preaching. Persuasion148 is better than force, but persuasion is more effective when coupled with force—or {46} hints of severe penalties for contumacy. The Kings of France and England sent out the Cistercian monk, Peter Chrysogonus, Cardinal149 and Legate, with certain Archbishops and Bishops "ut praedicatione sua haereticos illos ad fidem Christianam converterent," Raymond, Count of Toulouse and Raymond, Count of Castranuovo, and others lending them secular support. This move proved more successful than the Council, and many yielded. Sometimes the Commission would summon or invite the heretics to be more explicit150 as to their creed, granting them a safe conduct eundi et redeundi. Under these conditions two heresiarchs came forward, called Raymond and Bernard, and produced a certain paper in which they had drawn151 up the articles of their faith. But they could scarcely speak a word of Latin, and the Court "condescended152" to hold the discussion in the vulgar tongue. They answered, "sane153 et circumspecte, ac si Christiani essent;" so much so indeed, that they were charged with deliberate lying, and accused of holding the usual erroneous opinions with which previous investigations have made us familiar. This they strenuously155 denied. They even asserted their belief that "panis et vinum in corpus et sanguinem Christi vere transubstantiabantur." But to this creed they would not swear, deeming oaths unlawful. The Court regarded this avowal156 as a mere cloke of duplicity and condemned and excommunicated them. This sentence Peter Chrysogonus justified157 in an open letter, and Henry of Clairvaux, who accompanied him, in a similar letter declared that if they had deferred158 their visit for three years scarcely anyone would have remained orthodox.
§ 12. THIRD LATERAN COUNCIL
Alexander III, having composed his differences with Frederick Barbarossa and the Anti-pope, summoned, {47} in A.D. 1179, the third Lateran Council. It was described as "A magnificent Diet of the Christian50 world." Over one thousand Bishops and Abbots (amongst them English[38], Irish[39] and Scotch), were present, besides many of the inferior clergy and representatives of Emperor and Kings. By its twenty-seventh Canon it condemned the heretics of Gascony, Albi and the parts about Toulouse, going under several names. If they died in sin no masses were to be said for their souls, nor were they to receive Christian burial.[40] One incident, however, at this Council, which received but scant159 notice at the time, has an important bearing upon our subject. This was a deputation of two Waldenses who begged official recognition of their movement from the Pope. We are concerned here only with their doctrines160, which they professed161 to draw entirely from the Bible and the authoritative162 utterances164 of the Saints (auctoritates sanctorum). Had Alexander III been a Pope of statesmanlike prescience, the Preaching Orders which eventually saved the Church might have been anticipated by some thirty years. These Waldenses had no certain dwelling-place, travelled barefoot, wore woollen clothes only, had no private property, but "had all things in common," they followed naked the naked Christ. The Pope, to whom they gave a book containing the text of the Psalter with notes {48} and several other books of "either Law," approved of their vow146 of voluntary poverty, but refused them permission to preach, unless the clergy (sacerdotes) asked them. Walter Mapes, an Englishman, afterwards a Franciscan, tells us ("De Nugis" i. 31) that he met the Waldenses in Rome. He calls them ignorant and unlearned, and by command of the Pope entered into conversation with them, asking them at first the easiest questions, e.g. "Did they believe in God the Father? and in the Son? and in the Holy Ghost?" To each they answered, "We believe." "And in the Mother of Christ?" But when they answered again, "We believe," they were greeted with a general shout of laughter, and retired165 in confusion, "et merito, quia a nullo regebantur et rectores appetebant fieri, Phaetonis instar, qui nec nomina novit equorum." The Abbot of Urspegensis, in his Chronicle (A.D. 1212), also mentions this petition of the Waldenses for Papal recognition, adding that they wore capes166, like the "religious," and had long hair, unless they were "laymen." Men and women travelled together, which caused considerable scandal. Yet they asserted all these things came down from the Apostles.
§ 13. A PAPAL DECREE
Two years later Lucius III, on becoming Pope, issued a decree against the heretics under various names, including "Cathari, Patarini et ii qui se Humiliati vel Pauperes de Lugduno falso nomine mentiuntur." They were banned with a perpetual anathema, and were to be destroyed by the secular arm; but no errors are specified167.
§ 14. ALAN DE INSULIS
At the third Lateran Council was present Alan, Bishop of Antissiodorensis, otherwise known as Alan de Insulis, {49} Alan the Great, Alan the Universal Doctor. He was born A.D. 1114 at Lille in Flanders, although others, e.g. Demster, identify De Insulis with Mona (Man or Anglesea). As a boy he entered Clairvaux under Bernard, and in A.D. 1151 was made a Bishop. In A.D. 1183, by command, he wrote a work in four books, dedicated168 to "his most beloved lord, William, by the grace of God Count of Montpelier." The title of the work is, "De Fide Catholica contra haereticos sui temporis praesertim Albigenses." The Albigenses, however, are not mentioned by name throughout the work. The second book is entitled, "Contra Waldenses," in which he says: "The Waldenses are so called from their heresiarch, Waldus, who, of his own will (suo spiritu ductus), not sent by God, started a new sect, presuming forsooth to preach without the authority of a Bishop, without the inspiration of God, without learning. They assert that no one should be obeyed but God only (which is explained by what he states later—that it was their opinion that obedience should be given to good prelates only and to the imitators of the Apostles). Neither office nor Order avails anything for consecrating169 or blessing170, for binding171 or loosing. Where a priest is not available, confession may be made to a layman. On no account must one take an oath. On no account must a man be killed." Alan charged them with holding Docetic views of our Lord, and with declaring that the Virgin Mary was created in heaven and had no father or mother.
Bernard, the Praemonstratensian, Abbot of Fontcaud, wrote in A.D. 1190 a book "against the sect of the Waldenses," but adds nothing to our knowledge. Nor does Bonacursus, writing later in the same year, except some gross and preposterous173 distortion of their belief on the monthly motions of the moon, and the statement that they held that Christ was not equal to the Father. {50}
Ten years later Ermengard wrote a tract,[41] also entitled "Against the sect of the Waldenses," but they are not named in it, and those whom he attacks are not the original or genuine Waldenses, for he charges them with (1) Dualistic opinions; (2) teaching that the law of Moses was given by the Prince of evil spirits; (3) Docetic views; (4) stating that in "Hoc est corpus meum," "hoc does not refer to the bread which He (our Lord) held in His hands and blessed and brake and distributed to His disciples174, but to His Body which was performing all these things.... And there are some heretics who believe that by hearing the word of God they eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink His blood." He gives an interesting account of the Consolamentum, but this will be described later.
§ 15. PETER DE VAUX-SARNAI
In the "Historia Albigensium" of the Cistercian Peter de Vaux-Sarnai we pass from scattered175 references to a work devoted176 specifically to their doctrines and doings. It is dedicated to Innocent III, the Pope who passed from words to deeds, working out a definite policy for their absolute extinction177. The monk claims to set down "the simple truth in a simple way," and we may add "for simple readers," if the following description of Raymond, Count of Toulouse, is a sample of his claim: "A limb of the devil, a son of perdition, the first-born of Satan, an enemy of the Cross and persecutor178 of the Church, defender71 of heretics, suppressor of Catholics, servant of perdition, abjurer of the Faith, full of crime, a store-house of all sins." Several of his statements about their doctrines and practices lack confirmation from any other source, especially some too blasphemous179 {51} to be repeated here. After the usual charge of the two Gods, good and evil,[42] he says that they accepted only those parts of the Old Testament which are quoted in the New. John the Baptist was one of the greater demons180. There were two Christs—the bad one was born in Bethlehem and crucified in Jerusalem. The good Christ never assumed real (veram) flesh, and never was in this world, except spiritually in the body of Paul. The heretics imagined a new and invisible earth, and there, according to some, the good Christ was born and crucified. The good God had two wives, Colla and Coliba, and had sons and daughters. Others say there is one Creator who had as sons Christ and the Devil. They say, too, that all the Creators were good, but that all things were corrupted by the daughters spoken of in the Apocalypse. Almost the whole of the Roman Church is a den2 of thieves, and is "illa meretrix" mentioned in the Apocalypse. On the Sacraments they held views already ascribed by Eymeric to the Manichees, and mentioned by others, "instilling181 into the ears of the simple this blasphemy182, that, had the body of Christ been as large as the Alps, it would long ago have been consumed by the partakers thereof."[43] "Some, denying the resurrection of the flesh, said that our souls were those angelic spirits which, after being thrust out of heaven through the pride of apostasy183, left their glorified184 bodies in the air, and after a seven-times succession in certain terrestrial bodies as a sort of penance returned to their own bodies that had been left." Some are called "perfecti" or "boni homines," others "credentes." The "perfecti" wear black and profess (though they lie) chastity. The {52} "credentes" live a secular life and do not attain185 to the life of the "perfecti," though one with them in faith and unfaith (fide et infidelitate). However wickedly they have lived, yet they believe that if, "in supremo mortis articulo," they say a Pater noster and receive imposition of hands from their "masters," they will be saved; no credent about to die can be saved without this imposition of hands. They call their masters deacons and bishops. If any "perfect" sin a mortal sin, e.g. by eating the very smallest portion of meat, egg or cheese, all who have been "consoled" by him lose the Holy Spirit and ought to be "consoled" again. The Waldenses also are evil, but much less so than the other heretics. "In many things they agree with us: in some disagree." They omit many of the others' infidelities. They carry sandals, and say that so long as a man carries these, if need arise, he can without episcopal ordination186 make (conficere) the Body of Christ.
§ 16. REINéRI SACCHO
Peculiar187 interest attaches to the statements of Reinéri Saccho[44] because he had once been a Catharist (but not a Waldensian), and wrote as an Inquisitor (A.D. 1254). He distinguishes between Catharist and Waldensian, but his remarks refer primarily to the heretics of Lombardy, although he is careful to point out that their opinions differ little from Catharists in Proven?e and other places. He charges the Waldensians with thirty-three errors, amongst which are:
(2) Belief in Traducianism. "The soul of the first man was made materially from the Holy Spirit, and the rest through it by traduction."
{53} (6) Any good man may be a son of God in the same way as Christ was, having a soul instead of a Godhead.
(8) To adore or worship the body of Christ, or any created thing, or images or crosses, is idolatry.
(9) Final penance (poenitentia) avails nothing.
(11) The souls of good men enter and leave their bodies without sin.
(12) The punishment of Purgatory is nothing else than present trouble.
(14) Prayers for the dead avail nothing.
(15) Tenths and other benefactions should be given to the poor, not to the priests.
(18) They derided188 Church music and the Canonical Hours.
(19) Prayers in Latin profit nothing, because they are not understood.
(23) The Roman Church is not the head of the Church. It is a Church of malignants.
(31) Any man may divorce his wife and follow them, even if his wife is unwilling189 to be divorced, and e converso.
(33) No one can be saved outside their sect.
In addition to these he mentions other of their errors: Infant Baptism profits nothing—priests in mortal sin cannot consecrate14—transubstantiation takes place in the hand, not of him who consecrates190, but of him who worthily receives: consecration may be made at an ordinary table (quoting Mal. i. 11)—Mass is nothing, because the Apostles had it not—no one can be absolved by a bad priest—a good layman has power to absolve: he can also remit191 sins by the imposition of hands, and give the Holy Spirit—Public Penance is to be reprobated, especially in the case of women—married persons sin mortally, if they come together without hope of {54} offspring—Holy Orders, Extreme Unction and the tonsure193 were derided—every one without distinction of sex may preach—Holy Scripture47 has the same effect in the vulgar tongue as in Latin—the Waldenses knew by heart the text of the New Testament, and a great part of the Old—they despised decretals, excommunications, absolutions, indulgences, all saints but the Apostles, canonizations, relics194, crosses, times and seasons—they said in general that the doctrines of Christ and His Apostles were sufficient for salvation without the statutes of the Church.
With regard to the Catharists he observed that they were divided into three divisions—Albanenses, Concorezenses and Bognolenses. There were others in Tuscany, the Marquisate of Treves and in Proven?e who differed very little, if at all, from those previously195 mentioned. The opinions common to them all were:
(1) The Devil made the world and all things in it.
(2) All the Sacraments of the Church are of the Devil, and the Church itself is a Church of malignants.
(3) Carnal marriage is always a mortal sin.
(4) There is no resurrection of the flesh.
(5) It is mortal sin to eat eggs, flesh and such-like.
(6) It is mortal sin for the secular power to punish heretics or malefactors.
(7) There is no such thing as Purgatory.
(8) Whoever kills an animal commits a great sin.
(9) They had four Sacraments: (a) Imposition of hands, called Consolamentum, but by that imposition of hands and the saying of the Lord's Prayer there is no remission of sins if the person officiating be in mortal sin; (b) Benediction196 of the Bread; (c) Penance; (d) Orders.
To the Catharists of Toulouse he ascribes the following {55} doctrines (which they held in common with the Albanenses):
(10) There are two principles, Good and Evil.
(11) There is no Trinity in the Catholic sense, for the Father is greater than the Son and the Holy Ghost.
(12) The world and all that is in it were created by the evil God.
(13) They held some Valentinian ideas.
(14) The Son of Man was not really incarnate197 in the Virgin Mary, and did not eat—in short, Docetism.
(15) The patriarchs were the servants of the Devil.
(16) The Devil was the author of the Old Testament, except Job, Psalms198, Proverbs, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus and the Major and Minor199 Prophets.
(17) The world will never end.
(18) The Judgement is past.
(19) Hell is in this world.
This detailed200 examination of the heresy is of great importance, not only on account of the peculiar advantages which Reinéri Saccho possessed201 as both heretic and inquisitor, but because it shews that even at this late stage, Catharist and Waldensian had not been welded into one under the blows of a persecution202 directed equally against both. At one in their hatred203 of the Roman Church and all its works, there is a marked difference in their deism. The Waldensian, according to Saccho's classification, knows nothing of Dualism, is sound on the doctrine of the Trinity, and believes both Old and New Testaments to be the Word of God. The Catharist, on the other hand, believes in a good and an evil God, the latter being the Creator of the world of matter, which therefore is itself evil. Hence, whatever perpetuates204 matter, e.g. marriage, is also evil; but the world being the work of a God must also, like its maker205, {56} be endless. That part of the Old Testament which describes its beginning and its development into kingdoms and hierarchies206, together with all their chief representatives, be they patriarchs, princes or priests, has the evil God for its author. Only the poets and the prophets who took a more spiritual view of things earthly, are inspired by the good God.
§ 17. INQUISITIONS
By the middle of the thirteenth century the coercive measures which Rome took for the suppression of heresy had proved successful. No longer was there any need for Councils to examine and pass judgment207 upon it, nor defenders of the faith to write against it. It had become une chose jugée. Henceforth the Church dealt with individuals, and by means of ecclesiastical Courts, called the Inquisition, arrested, questioned and decided whether a person, charged with heresy, was guilty or not. Unfortunately for the cause of history the earlier records, or Acta, of these Inquisitions were, in their brief spells of resurgence208, destroyed by the Catharists and Waldenses, as containing dangerous evidence against them. Only the later ones have survived. Limborch, who made the Inquisition his special study, published the "Book of the Sentences" which the Inquisition of Toulouse (A.D. 1300) pronounced against the Waldenses and Albigenses, and he came to the conclusion that while they had some dogmas in common, they had different opinions and were separate sects209. According to him the Waldenses and Albigenses had only three opinions in common: (1) All oaths are unlawful; (2) any good man can receive a Confession, but only God can absolve from sin; (3) no obedience is due to the Roman Church. The following opinions he ascribes to the Albigenses, and not to the Waldenses: (1) There are two Gods, good and evil; {57} (2) the Sacraments of the Church of Rome are vain and unprofitable—the Eucharist is merely bread—a man is saved by the imposition of their hands—sins are remitted210 without Confession and satisfaction—Baptism avails nothing; Baptism by water is of no benefit to children, since they are so far from consenting to it that they weep—the Order of St. James, or Extreme Unction, made by material oil, signifies nothing; they prefer imposition of hands—repudiate the constitution of the whole Roman Church, and deny to all the Prelates of it the power of binding and loosing, on the ground that they are greater sinners than those whom they claim to bind172 and loose; but they (the Albigenses) can give the Holy Spirit—matrimony is always sinful, except spiritual matrimony; (3) Christ did not take a real human body, but only the likeness211 of one—the Virgin Mary is not and was not a real woman; the Virgin Mary is true penitence212 whereby people are born into their Church; (4) there is a kind of spiritual body or inner man whereby persons rise from the dead; (5) the Cross is the sign of the Devil, and should not be adored, since no man adores the gallows213 on which his father was hanged; (6) souls are spirits banished214 from heaven on account of their sins; (7) they deny purgatory altogether.
Opinions ascribed to the Waldenses, but not to the Albigenses: (1) all judgement is forbidden of God, and therefore it is a sin for any judge to condemn a man to any punishment (St. Matt, vii.); (2) indulgences are worthless; (3) purgatory exists only in this life, and therefore prayers cannot profit the dead; (4) the Church has only three Orders—Bishops, Priests and Deacons; (5) laymen can preach; (6) matrimony is sinful only when people marry without hope of offspring.
The Records of the several Inquisitions are helpful in {58} the particulars which they furnish of the government, organization and services of the Albigenses and Waldenses. Unfortunately in many cases their dates and places are missing, and hence they fail us in an attempt to trace any change or development in their doctrines. The general date of these Acta is the beginning of the fourteenth century, and from these and certain scraps215 of other Inquisitions which have been preserved, we are able to amplify216 somewhat Limborch's conclusions. Thus the Report of the Inquisition of Carcassonne treats separately "De Manichaeis moderni temporis" and "De Waldensibus moderni temporis," whose origin they trace to a certain citizen of Lyons, Valdesius or Valdens, in A.D. 1170, and who spread to Lombardy, "et praecisi ab ecclesia, cum aliis haereticis se miscentes et eorum errores imbibentes, suis adinventionibus antiquorum haereticorum errores et haereses miscuerunt." As the Report adds "quia olim plures alios habuerunt," we cannot say whether in the opinion of the Court the balance was or was not in favour of the Waldenses, but it does mark a change, by subtraction217 and addition, in the total. The Inquisitors complained that the Waldenses were very slippery and evasive under examination. When driven into a corner, they would plead that they were unlearned, simple folk and did not understand the question. Then they contended that to take an oath was a clear violation218 of Christ's words in St. Matthew v., and therefore a grievous sin; yet according to the Report of the Inquisition of Carcassonne they pleaded that they might swear if by so doing they could escape death themselves or screen others from death by not betraying their friends or revealing the secrets of their sect. Their defence was that they were filled with the Holy Ghost and were doing His work; to injure or cut short that work was to sin the sin against the Holy {59} Ghost, which hath never forgiveness. Thus in a lawsuit219 a heretic might take the oath, because refusal meant revelation; he would be absolved on confession. But when they were ordered to take the oath, "juro per ista sancta evangelia quod nunquam didici vel credidi aliquid quod sit contra fidem veram quam sancta Romana ecclesia credit et tenet," with uplifted hand and touching220 the Gospels, i.e. ex animo, they prevaricated221. Another instance of this evasiveness was their outward conformity222 to the established religion. They would attend Church and behave with the utmost decorum; in conversation with a known Catholic their speech was most orthodox and prudent223. Although they would not touch a woman, or even sit on the same bench with her, however great the distance between them, they travelled with them, because it would be then supposed that they were their wives, and hence that they themselves were not heretics. They denied that prayers of saints or to saints were of any avail, yet they abstained224 from work on Saints' Days, unless they could work unobserved. A "Perfect" must not be married, but if he burn, he could satisfy the lust225 of the flesh so long as he remained pure in heart. This concession226 they, however, kept secret from the Credents, lest they should fall in their esteem227. In another Inquisition at Carcassonne, held in A.D. 1308 and 1309, "contra Albigenses," Peter and James Autéri, who with other members of their family, were the last leaders of the Albigenses, declared that true Matrimony is not between male and female, for that is two kinds of flesh, not one, whereas God said, "They two shall become one flesh." The true Matrimony is between the soul and the Spirit. "For in Paradise there was never a corruption228 of the flesh nor anything which was not simply (merum) and purely229 spiritual, and God made Matrimony itself for this end—that {60} souls which had fallen from Heaven through pride in ignorance and were in this world should return to life by (cum) the Matrimony of the Holy Spirit, viz. by good works and abstinence from sins, and 'they two would become one flesh' (in carne una)."[45]
The testimony230 of Raymond de Costa given before the Inquisition of Languedoc is so divergent from all other evidence and so subversive231 of the fundamental principles and practices of the Waldenses that, although he was a Waldensian Deacon, his statements may be received with suspicion. According to him the Credents were instructed to obey the Curés of the Roman Church and to attend Mass because there they could see the Body of Jesus Christ and adore it (or Him), and pray for a good end and forgiveness of sins. Their Sacraments and those of the Roman Church were equally valid232. Peter was the head of the Church after Christ, and the Roman Pontiffs after Peter, and their own "Majors" were under the Pope; if the Roman Church disappeared, they would all become pagans. The chief points on which their "Majors" differed from the Roman Church were Purgatory and Oaths, and the Church would grievously sin if it excommunicated him for not swearing, or for not believing that Purgatory was in the other world. Under further examination, and with time for reflection, he revoked233 some of his former opinions, from which we may perhaps conclude they were his own rather than Waldensian. Thus, at the first examination he maintained that, in face of St. John iii., not even a martyr46 was saved if he had not been baptized with {61} water, but this he afterwards withdrew, as also the statement that no one who was married could be ordained in their sect; but he would swear to neither.[46]
We have seen that the heretics believed in the absolute sanctity of human life, and declared that not even a judge had power to condemn any man to death. If the positions were reversed, and they were the stronger party, they would not put to death even the most obstinate234 Catholic. Yet this was only theory, and often yielded under a necessity which knows no law. Thus Raymond Valsiera of Ax, a "Manichee," declared that he had been taught by William Autéri that it was wrong to kill either man or animal; nevertheless, he ought to kill a Catholic who persecuted235 them; and as a matter of fact, Raymond Issaura acknowledged to the Inquisition of Carcassonne "against the Albigenses," A.D. 1308, that his brother, William, with three others, had waylaid236 a Beguin who confessed that he had been plotting the capture of Peter and William Autéri, and that they had killed him and thrown his body into a crevasse237. And on the question of revenge generally, the theory of its sinfulness was argued differently by Catharists and Waldenses, according to the Book called "Supra Stella."[47] The Waldenses maintained that revenge was allowed by God in Old Testament times, but the Catharists maintained that that God was the evil God. Both parties appealed to Christ's words in St. Matt. v. 38, "Ye have heard that it was said by them of old time ... but I say unto you," the Waldenses arguing that Jesus accepted revenge as permissible238 under the Old Covenant239, and the Catharists {62} that Jesus knew that that law originated from the evil God and therefore substituted another. The same arguments were used by each with regard to oaths.
When once the persecutions had got the heretics "on the run," they found it difficult not only to maintain their interdenominational union, but also denominational unity129 of doctrine. Differences manifest themselves amongst the scattered groups of the Waldenses themselves. Thus those who are described as "the heresiarchs of Lombardy," probably to be identified with those Waldenses who had mixed themselves with other heretics there,[48] sent a Rescript to the Leonists (i.e. Poor Men of Lyons) in Germany, informing them of the points of controversy240 between themselves and those whom they called "Ultramontanos dictos Valdesii socios," i.e. those who had remained in Southern France. It states that the chief point of difference is on the Sacraments. The Ultramontane Waldenses did not believe anyone could be saved unless he were baptized with water. Marriage could not be dissolved, except by consent of both parties, or on some ground which commended itself to the community. They held that Peter Waldo was in the Paradise of God, and they could have no communion with any who denied it. With regard to the Holy Communion they maintained that "the substance of the bread and wine is changed into the Body and Blood of Christ by the sole utterance163 (prolatio) of the Lord's words,"[49] adding: "We attribute the virtue241 not to man, but to the words of God;" to which those of Lombardy objected: "Anyone, whether Jew or Gentile, by uttering these words may make (conficiat) the Body and Blood of Christ." They carried their objection {63} further, because the Ultramontane associates of Waldesius "held that no one could baptize who could not make (valet conficere) the Body of Christ;" and as it was agreed that anyone might baptize, it would follow that anyone could consecrate, whether layman or laywoman, however wicked. But the Ultramontanes guarded themselves against this inference by laying it down that the Breaking of the Bread could only be done by a presbyter; and further that the actual change (transubstantiatur) of the substance of the visible bread and wine is made by neither a good man nor a bad man, but only by Him who is God and Man, i.e. by Christ. In that view the Lombards agreed, but disagreed in the opinion that the prayer of an adulterer or any other evildoer was heard by God in that Sacrament. The fact of transubstantiation depended upon valid ordination of the minister and upon God hearing his prayer. When these two essentials are present, then after benediction transubstantiation takes place. If the minister himself is reprobate192, his prayer affects adversely242 himself only, and not the worthy communicant.
A religion which claims the faith and obedience of man is bound to offer to man some explanation of his nature, or in other words, of that dualism of good and evil of which every man is conscious. The early Christian Fathers, as against the Dualistic theology of the Gnostics—a good and evil god—and consequently a Dualistic anthropology—the good soul and the evil flesh—drew a distinction between the ????? and the ???????, or the ε?κ?ν and the ?μο?ωσι? of the one God in which that one God created man—the "image" being that which man essentially243 is, and the "likeness" that to which he arrives by a right use of his original capacities. The heretics, while presenting a creed fundamentally Dualistic, either absolute or mitigated244, did not at first address {64} themselves to this question of the origin of evil in man, but merely assumed it; but it was not a point that could be shelved. With some variations the solution was at length propounded245 that the good God had created only a limited number of good spirits,[50] but that the evil god (or Satanael,[51] a fallen angel) introduced to these good spirits a beautiful woman by whom they were seduced246 from their allegiance to the good God. These fallen spirits the evil god provided with tunics248, i.e. bodies of flesh, so that they might forget their first estate. Death was the passing of the spirit from tunic247 to tunic, i.e. from one body to another, until it came into that tunic in which it would be saved, viz. as a believer in their (the heretics') faith, and so return in that tunic to heaven. This was the testimony of James Autéri, one of that famous family who did so much to fan into flame the dying embers of Catharism at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Another (unnamed) witness declared that when the Son of God came down from heaven, 144,000 angels came with Him, and they remained in the world to receive the souls of those who obeyed God, i.e. heretics, and carry them back to heaven.
[22] Part II, pp. 273, 274, Venice.
[23] v. infra, p. 83.
[24] Chronicle, Migne's "Patrol," Tom. 141, p. 63.
[25] "History," Book III, Chap. 8.
[26] D'Achery "Spicilegium," Vol. I, p. 604.
[27] Incidentally we may note the fact of a Council called to decide a matter of faith presided over by a layman, with laymen as co-judges with ecclesiastics249.
[28] Agono.
[29] "Chron. epis. Albig. et Abbot. Cast.," D'Achery, III, 572. Radulf Ardens, however, preacher of William IX, Duke of Aquitaine (d. 1137), speaks of the heretics as Manichees ("Sermons," p. 325), v. infra, p. 39.
[30] Peter himself was dead by A.D. 1121. v. Abelard, opp. p. 1066.
[31] Migne, "Patrol," Tom. 189, p. 719.
[32] Ibid., p. 1079.
[33] Preacher of William IX, Duke of Aquitaine. This was c. A.D. 1101. Thirteen years later (A.D. 1114) Robert of Arbrisselles, summoned by the Bp. Amelius to Toulouse, by his eloquence250 and reasoning brought back many into the fold of the Church (Percin, II, 3).
[34] "Sermones in Cantica," LXVI (Song of Solomon, ii, 15).
[35] This heresy cannot be identified with that of the Publicani, if William of Newbury can be trusted in his account of the Council of Oxford251, A.D. 1160. (L. ii. cap. xiii.) "At the same time there came into England certain wayfarers252 (erronei), believed to be of that body commonly called Publicani. These, doubtless, had their origin in Gascony from an author unknown, and had poured the poison of their perfidy253 into many regions. They were, however, ignorant rustics and dull of understanding.... From this and other plagues of heresy England has certainly been free (immunis), although in other parts of the world so many heresies have sprouted254 up. There were thirty of them, both men and women, under the leadership of one Gerard, who alone was educated. In nation and language they were Teutons, but they had contrived255 to bewitch with their sorceries a little woman of England." Examined by the Council of Bishops summoned by the King, Gerard said they were Christians and venerated256 Apostolic doctrine, but rejected Holy Baptism, the Eucharist, marriage and Catholic unity. Refusing to recant, they were handed over to the secular arm, branded on the forehead, beaten, expelled out of the city and made outlaws257. Only "the little woman" recanted; the remainder perished miserably258 by cold and exposure.
[36] For 1165 Labbe and Fleury; also, the Archives of the Inquisition of Carcassonne. Trenve?al, Viscount of Albi, who was present, died in 1167. For 1176 Roger de Hoveden.
[37] Neander, without authority, calls them Catharists.
[38] Hugo, Bp. of Durham; John, Bp. of Norwich; Robert, Bp. of Hereford; and Reginald, Bp. of Bath—the maximum number invited.
[39] Laurence, Archbp. of Dublin, and Catholicus, Archbp. of Tuam, and five or six bishops (Binius).
[40] Binius mentions some of their opinions, which he assigns, erroneously, to the Waldenses. (1) No obedience to the Roman Pontiff; his decrees are nullius momenti. (2) Judgement by blood forbidden. (3) Righteous laymen can consecrate: unrighteous laymen lose their power. (4) Consecration of the elements once in the year, without "hoc est corpus meum," but by saying Pater noster seven times. (5) Derided indulgences, purgatory, invocation of saints, miracles, feasts and fasts of the Church, Angel's salutation and Apostles' creed. (6) Urenti carnis libidine omnem carnalem commixtionem licitam esse. (7) The "Perfect" ought not to do manual labour.
[41] "Gretzer," Vol. XII.
[42] The first creator was (i) a liar154, because he said man should surely die if he ate of the tree, and he did not; and (ii) a murderer because he sent the Flood.
[43] Paschasius Radbert used the same argument.
[44] "Gretzer," Vol. XII.
[45] This view of carnal Matrimony being a sin is also given in a book called "Supra Stella," by Salve Burce, a citizen of Piacenza, A.D. 1235, in which all heretics are charged with agreeing that "Matrimony makes us debtors259 to the flesh," which saints must not be (Rom. viii). Frederick William Garsias declared before the Inquisition of Carcassonne that there was no Matrimony except between the soul and God.
[46] It is worth while noticing that this withdrawal260 was made when it was pointed261 out to him that the Eastern Church did not enforce celibacy on its clergy. Does this show a lingering preference for the East as against the West?
[47] v. p. 60, note.
[48] v. p. 58. Had they been Cathari, the points of controversy would have been more pronounced and fundamental.
[49] v. p. 63.
[50] This was also the opinion of Origen.
[51] Or the Satan-God.
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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den
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entirely
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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deluded
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positively
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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consecrate
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| v.使圣化，奉…为神圣；尊崇；奉献 | |
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15
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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16
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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18
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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19
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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21
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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22
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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23
brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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24
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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25
seducing
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| 诱奸( seduce的现在分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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26
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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27
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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28
abstaining
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| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的现在分词 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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29
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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30
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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31
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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32
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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33
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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34
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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35
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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36
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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37
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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38
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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39
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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40
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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41
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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42
testaments
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| n.遗嘱( testament的名词复数 )；实际的证明 | |
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43
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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44
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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45
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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46
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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47
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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48
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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49
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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50
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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51
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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52
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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53
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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54
promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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55
begotten
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| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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56
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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57
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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58
gouged
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| v.凿( gouge的过去式和过去分词 )；乱要价；（在…中）抠出…；挖出… | |
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59
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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60
investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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61
deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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62
exhumed
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| v.挖出，发掘出( exhume的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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64
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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65
specify
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| vt.指定，详细说明 | |
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66
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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67
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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69
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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70
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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71
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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72
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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73
promulgating
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的现在分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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74
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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75
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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76
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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77
tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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78
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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79
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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80
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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81
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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82
dishonoured
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| a.不光彩的，不名誉的 | |
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83
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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84
deride
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| v.嘲弄，愚弄 | |
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85
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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86
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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87
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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88
profaned
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| v.不敬( profane的过去式和过去分词 )；亵渎，玷污 | |
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89
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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90
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
gliding
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| v. 滑翔 adj. 滑动的 | |
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92
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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93
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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94
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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95
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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96
celibacy
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| n.独身(主义) | |
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97
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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98
laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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99
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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100
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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101
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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102
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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103
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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104
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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105
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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106
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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107
rustics
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| n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 )；粗野的；不雅的；用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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108
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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109
instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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110
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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111
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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112
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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113
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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114
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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115
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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116
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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117
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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118
diffusing
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| （使光）模糊，漫射，漫散( diffuse的现在分词 )； （使）扩散； （使）弥漫； （使）传播 | |
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119
boycott
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| n./v.(联合)抵制，拒绝参与 | |
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120
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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121
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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122
connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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123
transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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124
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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125
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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126
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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127
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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128
hearsay
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| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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129
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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130
canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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131
worthily
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| 重要地，可敬地，正当地 | |
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132
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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133
repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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135
contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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136
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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137
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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138
ravening
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| a.贪婪而饥饿的 | |
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139
gemmed
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| 点缀（gem的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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140
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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141
differentiation
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| n.区别，区分 | |
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142
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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144
candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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145
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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146
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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147
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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148
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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149
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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150
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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151
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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152
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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153
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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154
liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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155
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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156
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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157
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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158
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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159
scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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160
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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161
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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162
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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163
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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164
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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165
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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166
capes
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| 碎谷； 斗篷( cape的名词复数 )； 披肩； 海角； 岬 | |
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167
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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168
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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169
consecrating
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| v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的现在分词 )；奉献 | |
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170
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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171
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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172
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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173
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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174
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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175
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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176
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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177
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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178
persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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179
blasphemous
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| adj.亵渎神明的，不敬神的 | |
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180
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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181
instilling
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| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instil的现在分词 )；逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的现在分词 ) | |
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182
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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183
apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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184
glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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185
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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186
ordination
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| n.授任圣职 | |
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187
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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188
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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190
consecrates
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| n.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的名词复数 )；奉献v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的第三人称单数 )；奉献 | |
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191
remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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192
reprobate
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| n.无赖汉；堕落的人 | |
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193
tonsure
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| n.削发；v.剃 | |
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194
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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195
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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196
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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197
incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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198
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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199
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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200
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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201
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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202
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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203
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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204
perpetuates
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| n.使永存，使人记住不忘( perpetuate的名词复数 )；使永久化，使持久化，使持续 | |
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205
maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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206
hierarchies
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| 等级制度( hierarchy的名词复数 )； 统治集团； 领导层； 层次体系 | |
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207
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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208
resurgence
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| n.再起，复活，再现 | |
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209
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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210
remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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211
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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212
penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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213
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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214
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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216
amplify
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| vt.放大，增强；详述，详加解说 | |
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217
subtraction
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| n.减法，减去 | |
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218
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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219
lawsuit
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| n.诉讼，控诉 | |
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220
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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221
prevaricated
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| v.支吾( prevaricate的过去式和过去分词 )；搪塞；说谎 | |
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222
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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223
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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224
abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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225
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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226
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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227
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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228
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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229
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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230
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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231
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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232
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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233
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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234
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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235
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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236
waylaid
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| v.拦截，拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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237
crevasse
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| n. 裂缝，破口；v.使有裂缝 | |
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238
permissible
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| adj.可允许的，许可的 | |
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239
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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240
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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241
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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242
adversely
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| ad.有害地 | |
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243
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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244
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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245
propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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246
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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247
tunic
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| n.束腰外衣 | |
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248
tunics
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| n.（动植物的）膜皮( tunic的名词复数 )；束腰宽松外衣；一套制服的短上衣；（天主教主教等穿的）短祭袍 | |
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249
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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250
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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251
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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252
wayfarers
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| n.旅人，（尤指）徒步旅行者( wayfarer的名词复数 ) | |
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253
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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254
sprouted
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| v.发芽( sprout的过去式和过去分词 )；抽芽；出现；（使）涌现出 | |
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255
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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256
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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257
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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258
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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259
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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260
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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261
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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