A retrospect2 of the history of human knowledge offers to our contemplation few things of deeper interest than the evidence it so repeatedly affords of some great law which regulates the gradual development of truth, and determines the Progress of Discovery.
Although knowledge has, at times, appeared to exhibit something of uniformity in its advances, yet it cannot have escaped the least observant that, as a whole, the Progress of Science has been marked by very variable activity—at one time, marvellously rapid; at another, indefinitely slow; now merged3 in darkness or obscurity; and now blazing forth4 with meridian5 splendour.
We observe a series of epochs divided by intervals6 of great apparent irregularity—intervals which we can neither calculate nor explain; but which, nevertheless, exhibit a periodicity, which the very irregularity serves to render striking and impressive.
We may remark, also, a peculiar7 fitness in the minds of those to whom the enunciation8 of truth has been successively entrusted9: a fitness, not merely for the tasks which have been assigned to2 each, as the special mission of the individual, but also in the relations of different minds to each other. This adaptation to ends which individual minds have unconsciously combined to accomplish, might be illustrated12 by many examples, from the earliest records of antiquity13, down to our own times. This would be incompatible14 with our present purpose. We will therefore only refer to one or two illustrations, which, as being familiar, will serve to show what we mean, and to lead us, not unnaturally15, to our more immediate16 object.
We cannot contemplate17 men like Bacon, Galileo, and Kepler, for example, without feeling how auspicious18 the precession of such minds must have been to the development of the genius of Newton1. Newton was born the same year that Galileo died. There is something very interesting and significant too in the peculiar powers of Kepler. Prolific19 in suggestion, great in mathematical ability, elaborate in analysis, and singularly truthful20 in spirit, Kepler exemplified two things. These, though very distinct from each other, were both equally instructive; both alike suggestive of the link he represented in the chain of progress. In the laws he discovered, he showed the harvest seldom withheld21 from the earnest search for truth; but the enormous labour of the mode in which he conducted his researches, as well as the limits prescribed to his discoveries, exemplify the evils which, even in a man of the greatest power, result from proceeding22 too much on hypothesis. Now it is interesting to remember that this was coincident with the dawning of that glorious light, the Inductive philosophy of Bacon, and shortly succeeded by the splendid generalization23 of Newton.
In like manner, if we think of the discoveries of Sir Humphrey Davy—their nature and relations to physiology24 as well as3 chemistry,—we see how much there might have been that was preparatory, and, to a mind like Davy's, suggestive, in the investigations25 of preceding and contemporaneous philosophers. Priestly had discovered oxygen gas; Galvani and Volta had shown those remarkable26 phenomena27 which constitute that important branch of knowledge, "Voltaic electricity;" Berzelius had effected the decomposition28 of certain salts by the Voltaic pile; and Lavoisier had even predicted as probable what Davy was destined29 to demonstrate3
In medical science, few things have been more talked of than the discovery of the circulation of the blood. Now it is curious to observe that every fact essential to the demonstration30 of it had been made out by previous investigators4 but no one had deduced from them the discovery of the circulation until Harvey, although it was a conclusion scarcely more important than obvious.
There is surely something very encouraging in the reflection, that the advance of knowledge thus results from the accumulated labours of successive minds. It suggests, that however unequally the honours may appear to be distributed—however humble31, in our eyes, the function of those who unconsciously prepare the way to great discoveries,—still it may involve a duty no less important than the more lofty mission of enunciating them. The importance of a man's mission can never be estimated by human judgment32. We can never know the mission; still less its relations4 to the power, or the temptations by which that power has been assailed33. The most humble may here often approach as nearly to his duty, as the most gifted may have fallen short of it. Our faculties34 cannot penetrate35 the matter. We often see men placed in positions for which they appear wholly unfitted—men who seem to be bars to that progress which we should fancy it their duty to promote. Again, we observe that almost all great discoveries have to encounter opposition36, persecution37, obloquy38, or derision; and when they are established, a host of claimants rise up to dispute the property with the rightful owner. A man who is in earnest cares little for these things. They may at times discourage and disappoint him; but they only strengthen his faith, that a day will come when an unerring justice will accord to every useful improvement its proper place and distinction.
Humanly speaking, we naturally ascribe discoveries to those who have practically demonstrated them; but when we examine all the clues which have been furnished by previous observers, we frequently have misgivings39 as to the justice of our decisions. In our admiration40 of the successful labour of the recent inquirer, we sometimes forget the patient industry of the early pioneer. With regard to those laws which govern the human body, we cannot suppose that the development of them can be destined to progress on any plan less determined41 than other branches of human inquiry42. But in all laws of nature we know that there are interferences which, until explained, serve to obscure or altogether to conceal43 the law from our view.
In relation to the Physiological44 laws, these interferences are very numerous. 1st. Many are furnished by the physical laws; many more arise from the connection of the physiological with the moral laws, and especially from the abuse of (a responsible) volition45. These interferences, however, when their nature is clearly developed, beautifully illustrate11 the laws they at first obscured; for the common characters of subjects, in which the law is usually exemplified, are brought out into higher relief by the very diversities in the midst of which they occur. The progress of mankind towards a popular familiarity with this fact, is necessarily slow; but still we think it plainly perceptible. An individual5 life, indeed, however distinguished47, represents a mere10 point in time; it affords little scope for considering, much less for estimating, as they occur, the true meaning of various events, which nevertheless ultimately prove to have had important influence on the progress of knowledge.
These are world-wide things, which we must survey as the geologist48 does the facts concerning which he inquires. We must endeavour to combine, in one view, facts over which long periods of time may have rolled away, with such as are still passing around us. This will frequently suggest designs and relations altogether unobservable by the mere abstract inquirer. In the course of the following pages, a further opportunity may occur for a few remarks on such views; the elaborate discussion of the subject would be altogether beyond our present objects.
It will be our endeavour to point out the position occupied by Abernethy, in that (as we trust) gradually dawning science, to a particular phase of which our object and our limits will alike restrict our attention. We mean that period when Surgery, having approached to something like a zenith as a mere practical art, began to exhibit, by slow and almost imperceptible degrees, some faint characters of science—a shadowy commencement of a metamorphose, which we believe promises to convert (though we fear at a period yet distant) a monstrous49 hybrid50 of mystery and conjecture51 into the symmetrical beauty of an Inductive science—a science based on axioms and laws which are constantly exerting a powerful influence on the social progress and the health of nations.
In considering Hunter and Abernethy, we shall see not only a remarkable adaptation for the tasks in which they were respectively engaged, but also how the peculiar defects of the one were supplied by the characteristic excellences52 of the other. We shall see that they cooperated in laying open clear and definite objects; and that, though their modes of inquiry were far from fulfilling the requisitions of an Inductive science, they were eminently55 calculated to suggest the convenience, and impress the necessity of it.
We no sooner begin to inquire with clear and definite purpose, than we are led to the means necessary for the attainment56 of it.
6
Abernethy himself, in speaking of the ordinary resources of daily practice, used to say: "If a man has a clear idea of what he desires to do, he will seldom fail in selecting the proper means of accomplishing it."
So, in gathering57 the materials for building up a science, the first thing is, to be clear as to those things in which it is deficient58. This once determined, all may lend assistance; and this very division of labour, when directed with definite purpose, may render even men most addicted59 to narrow and partial inquiries60, contributors to a great and common object.
In this way, those blows and discouragements so common in the infancy61 of science, which test our motives62 and try our patience, may prove tolerable when distributed over the many, instead of proving, as is too common, depressing or destructive when bearing only on the efforts of the few.
If we desire to shorten this labour, we need scarcely say there is no way of doing it but by the adoption63 of that mode of proceeding to which every other branch of science owes its present position.
I mean the rigid64 suspension of all hypotheses, setting to work by collecting all the facts in relation to the subject, and dealing65 with them in strict compliance66 with the precepts67 of common sense—or, what is the same thing, Inductive philosophy.
This will soon show us the just amount of the debt we owe to Hunter and Abernethy; and, in leading us onwards, instructively point out why these great men did not farther increase our obligations.
We shall see how the industry and circumspection69 of the Argus-eyed Hunter, as Abernethy used to call him, enabled him to unfold a legend in nature, which he had neither length of days, sufficient opportunity, nor perhaps aptitude70, wholly to decipher; and how far it was developed into practical usefulness by the penetrative sagacity and happy genius of Abernethy; which, like light in darkness, guides and sustains immediate research, and animates71 and encourages onward68 inquiry. To appreciate Abernethy, however, it is necessary that the public should have correct views at least of the general nature and objects of Medical Science.
7
The public have not only a very real interest in acquiring a sound common-sense view of the objects of medicine and surgery, but a far deeper interest than it is possible for any one medical man to have, merely as such, or all medical men put together. This may, for the moment, appear startling to those who have not been compelled to consider the subject; but the reader may glean72 even from this volume, that so long as life or health, or even money, has value, the remark is strictly73 true. From all sides mankind have hitherto imbibed74 little but error. They have been taught or induced to believe that the only objects of medicine and surgery are to prevent or relieve diseases and accidents by the astute75 employment of drugs, or by certain adroit76 manipulatory or mechanical proceedings77, and par1 excellence53 by "operations." Now here is a great mistake—an idea so far from true, that nothing can more delusively78 define, or more entirely79 conceal, the higher objects of the science.
The direct contrary of the proposition would be nearer the truth. It would be more correct to say that the object was to relieve diseases and accidents by removing all interferences with the reparative powers of nature; and that this was accomplished80 more perfectly81 in proportion as we were enabled to dispense82 with the employment of drugs, or the performance of operations.
The making the lame83 to walk, the blind to see, and the deaf to hear, were chosen amongst the appropriate symbols of a Divine Mission; and we need scarcely observe, that, in the restricted sphere of human capacity, this is a portion of the mission of every conscientious84 surgeon.
We may well, therefore, be dissatisfied with the narrow, not to say degrading, definition of our duties too generally entertained; but, on the other hand, if we would realize our claims to these higher views of our calling, and enlarge the sphere of its practical usefulness, we should recollect85 there is only one way of attaining86 that object; and that is, by the applied87 interpretation88 of those symbols, no less miraculous89, no less certain manifestations90 of Divine Power, the "Laws of Nature." To name a science from something not essential to it, is like naming a class of animals from some exceptional peculiarity8 in an individual. It is as if we would infer the mission of the ocean wave from the scum sometimes seen on its surface; or the purposes served by a feather, from the use we make of it in writing, rather than from its common character of levity91 and toughness; as if we treated an exception as a rule, or any other manifest absurdity92.
We have no opportunity of entering more fully46 into this important distinction of the more lofty objects of our profession, as contrasted with those usually assigned to it; we must therefore rest satisfied in having awakened93 the reader's attention to the subject, and proceed to the more ordinary objects of Biographical Memoir94.
John Abernethy was born in London, in the parish of St. Stephen's, Coleman Street, on the 3rd of April, 1764, exactly one year after John Hunter settled in London. It is also interesting to remark, that Abernethy's first work, his "Surgical95 and Physiological Essays"—Part I—was published the same year that Hunter died, 1793; so that, whilst his birth occurred nearly at the same time as the commencement of the more sustained investigations of Hunter, his opening contribution to science was coincident with the close of the labours of his illustrious friend and predecessor96.
The Abernethy family in their origin were possibly Scotch97, and formed one of those numerous inter-migrations between Scotland and the north of Ireland, which, after lapse98 of time, frequently render it difficult to trace the original stock. There seems little doubt they had resided for some generations in Ireland. John Abernethy, who was the pastor99 of a Coleraine congregation, in 1688, was an eminent54 Protestant dissenting100 minister, and the father of one still more distinguished. The son (also named John) had been for some time pastor of the old congregation of Antrim, whence he removed to Dublin about the year 1733, to take charge of the Wood Street, now Strand101 Street, Dublin. He is the author of several volumes of sermons, which are not a little remarkable for clearness of thought, and the earnestness of purpose, with which they inculcate practical piety102. He had a son who was a merchant, who subsequently9 removed to London, and traded under the firm of Abernethy and Donaldson, in Rood Lane, Fenchurch Street. This gentleman married a lady whose name was Elizabeth Weir103, daughter of Henry and Margaret Weir, of the town of Antrim, and they had two sons and three daughters.
James5, the elder brother, was also in business as a merchant, and died about the year 1823. He was a man of considerable talent, spoke104 with an accent suggestive of an Irish origin, and was remarkable for his admiration and critical familiarity with our immortal105 Shakspeare. He was probably born before his father left Ireland. John, the second son, the subject of our Memoir, was, as we have already said, born in London. The register of his christening at St. Stephen's is as follows:
Abernethy { 1765.
John, son of
John and Elizabeth,
April, 24.
This register would suggest that he was born a year later than I have stated. I have, however, preferred 1764, as the year adopted by his family; for although a man's birth is an occurrence respecting the date of which he is not the very best authority, he usually gets his information from those who are. Besides, it was no uncommon106 thing at that time to defer107 the christening of children for a much longer period. The education of his early childhood was, most likely, altogether conducted at home; but it is certain that, while yet very young, he was sent to the Grammar School at Wolverhampton. Here he received the principal part of his education; and though the records are somewhat meagre, yet they tend to show that at an early age he manifested abilities, both general and peculiar, which were indicative of no ordinary mind; and which, though they do not necessarily prefigure the future eminence108 at which he arrived, were sufficiently109 suggestive of the probability that, whatever his career might be, he would occupy a distinguished position.
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n.回顾,追溯;v.回顾,回想,追溯 | |
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(使)混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 ); 相融; 融入; 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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4 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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adj.子午线的;全盛期的 | |
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6 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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7 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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8 enunciation | |
n.清晰的发音;表明,宣言;口齿 | |
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9 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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10 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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v.举例说明,阐明;图解,加插图 | |
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13 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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14 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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15 unnaturally | |
adv.违反习俗地;不自然地;勉强地;不近人情地 | |
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16 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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18 auspicious | |
adj.吉利的;幸运的,吉兆的 | |
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19 prolific | |
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20 truthful | |
adj.真实的,说实话的,诚实的 | |
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23 generalization | |
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24 physiology | |
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25 investigations | |
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26 remarkable | |
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27 phenomena | |
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28 decomposition | |
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29 destined | |
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30 demonstration | |
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31 humble | |
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32 judgment | |
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34 faculties | |
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36 opposition | |
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37 persecution | |
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38 obloquy | |
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39 misgivings | |
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40 admiration | |
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41 determined | |
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42 inquiry | |
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43 conceal | |
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44 physiological | |
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45 volition | |
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46 fully | |
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47 distinguished | |
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48 geologist | |
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49 monstrous | |
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51 conjecture | |
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55 eminently | |
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75 astute | |
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76 adroit | |
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92 absurdity | |
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96 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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97 scotch | |
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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98 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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99 pastor | |
n.牧师,牧人 | |
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100 dissenting | |
adj.不同意的 | |
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101 strand | |
vt.使(船)搁浅,使(某人)困于(某地) | |
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102 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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103 weir | |
n.堰堤,拦河坝 | |
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104 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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105 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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106 uncommon | |
adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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107 defer | |
vt.推迟,拖延;vi.(to)遵从,听从,服从 | |
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108 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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109 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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