On the 23d of the same month, Jackson—who was steadily4 working his way to the foremost place in the mighty5 group of heroes—struck the enemy a heavy blow at Kernstown. His success, if not of great material benefit, was at least cheering from its brilliance6 and dash.
But the scale, that trembled and seemed about to turn in favor of the South, again went back on receipt of the news of Van Dorn's defeat, on the 7th March, in the trans-Mississippi. Price and his veterans—the pride of the whole people, and the great dependence7 in the West—had been defeated at Elk8 Horn. And again the calamity9 assumed unwonted proportions in the eyes of the people from the death of Generals Ben McCollough and McIntosh—the former a great favorite with Government, army and public.
This news overshadowed the transient gleam from Hampton Roads and Kernstown; plunging10 the public mind into a slough11 of despond, in which it was to be sunk deeper and deeper with each successive despatch12.
After Nashville, Island No. 10—a small marsh-surrounded knob in the Mississippi river—had been selected by General Beauregard, and fortified14 with all the appliances of his great engineering skill, until deemed well-nigh impregnable. It was looked upon as the key to the defenses of the river, and of the line of railroad communication between New Orleans and the West with the Capital. In the middle of March the Federal flotilla commenced a furious bombardment of that station; and though a stubborn defense15 was conducted by its garrison16, some boats succeeded in running its batteries on the 6th April. It was then deemed necessary at once to abandon the post, which was done with such precipitate17 haste that over seventy valuable guns—many of them perfectly18 uninjured; large amounts of stores, and all of the sick and wounded, fell into the hands of the captors.
On the same day was joined the hardest and bloodiest19 battle that had to this time drenched20 the land with the best blood in it.
General Grant, with an army of not less than 45,000 fresh and well-equipped soldiers, had been facing General A. S. Johnston, seeking to amuse him until a junction21 with Buell could surely crush his small force—not aggregating22 30,000 effective men. To frustrate23 this intent, Johnston advanced to the attack on the plains of Shiloh, depending upon the material of his army, and his disposition24 of it, to equalize the difference of numbers.
At early dawn on Sunday, the 6th April, General Hardee, commanding the advance of the little army, opened the attack. Though surprised—in many instances unarmed and preparing their morning meal—the Federals flew to arms and made a brave resistance, that failed to stop the onward25 rush of the southern troops. They were driven from their camp; and the Confederates—flushed with victory, led by Hardee, Bragg and Polk, and animated26 by the dash and ubiquity of Johnston and Beauregard—followed with a resistless sweep that hurled27 them, broken and routed, from three successive lines of entrenchments. The Federals fought with courage and tenacity28. Broken, they again rallied; and forming into squads29 in the woods, made desperate bush-fighting.
But the wild rush of the victorious30 army could not be stopped! On its front line swept!—On, like the crest31 of an angry billow, crushing resistance from its path and leaving a ghastly wreck32 under and behind it!
While leading a charge early in the afternoon, General Johnston received a Minié-ball in his leg. Believing it but a flesh wound, he refused to leave the ground; and his falling from his horse, faint with the loss of blood, was the first intimation the staff had of its serious nature; or that his death, which followed almost immediately, could result from so slight a wound.
The loss of their leader was hidden from the men; and they drove the enemy steadily before them, until sunset found his broken and demoralized masses huddled33 on the river bank, under cover of the gunboats.
Here Grant waited the onset34, with almost the certainty of annihilation. But the onset never came; that night Buell crossed upward of 20,000 fresh troops; the broken army of Grant was reformed; Wallace's division of it joined the main body; and next day, after a terrible and disastrous35 fight, the southrons slowly and sullenly36 retired38 from the field they had so nobly won the day before.
A horrid39 scene that field presented, as foot by foot the fresh thousands of the Federals wrenched40 it from the shattered and decimated Confederates; the ground furrowed41 by cannon42, strewn with abandoned arms, broken gun-carriages, horses plunging in agony, and the dead and dying in every frightful43 attitude of torture!
The battle of Shiloh was the bloodiest of the war. The little army of the South had lost near one-third of its whole number; while the Federals had bought back their camp with the loss of not less than 16,000 men.
And, while the bloodiest field, none had so splendidly illustrated44 the stubborn valor45 of the men and the brilliant courage of their leaders. Gladden had fallen in the thickest of the fight—the circumstances of his death sending a freshened glow over the bright record he had written at Contreras and Molino del Rey. The names of Bragg, Hardee and Breckinridge were in the mouths of men, who had been held to their bloody46 work by these bright exemplars. Wherever the bullets were thickest, there the generals were found—forgetful of safety, and ever crying—"Come!"
Governor Harris had done good service as volunteer aid to General Johnston; and Governor George M. Johnson, of Kentucky, had gone into the battle as a private and had sealed his devotion to the cause with his blood. Cheatham and Bushrod Johnson bore bloody marks of the part they took; while Breckinridge, who had already won undying fame, added to his reputation for coolness, daring, and tenacity, by the excellence47 with which he covered the rear of the army on its retreat to Corinth.
The results of the battle of Shiloh—while they gave fresh cause for national pride—were dispiriting and saddening. It seemed as though the most strenuous48 efforts to marshal fine armies—and the evacuation of city after city to concentrate troops—were only to result in an indiscriminate killing49, and no more; as if the fairest opportunities for a crushing blow to the enemy were ever to be lost by error, or delay.
The death of General Johnston, too—seemingly so unnecessary from the nature of his wound—caused a still deeper depression; and the public voice, which had not hesitated to murmur50 against him during the eventful weeks before the battle, now rose with universal acclaim51 to canonize him when dead. It cried out loudly that, had he lived through the day of Shiloh, the result would have been different.
It must be the duty of impartial52 history to give unbiased judgment53 on these mooted54 points; but the popular verdict, at the time, was that Beauregard had wasted the precious moment for giving the coup-de-grace. The pursuit of the Federals stopped at six o'clock; and if, said people and press, he had pushed on for the hour of daylight still left him, nothing could possibly have followed but the annihilation, or capitulation, of Grant's army.
On the other hand, Beauregard's defenders55 replied that the army was so reduced by the terrible struggle of twelve hours—and more by straggling after the rich spoils of the captured camp—as to render further advance madness. And in addition to this, it was claimed that he relied on the information of a most trusty scout—none other than Colonel John Morgan—that Buell's advance could not possibly reach the river within twenty-four hours. Of course, in that event, it was far better generalship to rest and collect his shattered brigades, and leave the final blow until daylight.
An erroneous impression prevailed in regard to this fight, that Johnston had been goaded56 into a precipitate and ill-judged attack by the adverse57 criticisms of a portion of the press. No one who knew aught of that chivalric58 and true soldier would for an instant have believed he could lend an ear to such considerations, with so vast a stake in view; and the more reasonable theory came to be accepted—that he desired to strike Grant before the heavy columns that Buell was pouring down could join him.
At an events, the sad waste of position and opportunity, and the heavy loss in brilliant effort and valuable lives, caused equal dissatisfaction and gloom. Beauregard's new strategic point commanded a valuable sweep of producing territory, protected the communications, and covered Memphis. Still people were not satisfied; and tongues and pens were busy with the subject, until an event occurred that wrapped the whole country in wondering and paralyzing grief.
On the 26th April New Orleans surrendered to Admiral Farragut!
The Federal fleet had long been hovering59 about the twin forts at the mouth of the river; and daily telegrams of the progress of the bombardment and of their impregnability had schooled the country into the belief that the city was perfectly secure. Day after day the wires repeated the same story of thousands of shell and nobody hurt, until inquiry61 ceased to be even anxious; and the people were ready to despise this impotent attempt upon the most important point of the far South.
So secure had the Government been in her defenses, that regiment62 after regiment had been withdrawn63 from New Orleans and sent to Corinth, until General Lovell found his command reduced to less than three thousand effective men—and more than half of these local militia64 and volunteer organizations.
Suddenly came the despatch that the fleet had passed the forts at dawn on the 24th! All was consternation65 in the city. The confidence had been so great that daily avocations66 went on as usual; and the news found every one as unprepared for it, as though no enemy had been near.
Confusion ruled the hour. General Lovell reached the city from below; and, feeling that his handful of men could effect nothing and might only offer an excuse for bombardment, he yielded to the desire of the city authorities and withdrew to Camp Moore. He carried with him all the munitions67 and supplies that were capable of transportation; and held himself ready to return at a moment's notice from the Council.
Meanwhile, the Federal fleet had engaged the Confederate flotilla—consisting of an incomplete iron-clad, a plated tow-boat ram60, and eight or ten useless wooden shells—and after a desperate fight had driven them off only to be blown up, one by one, by their own commanders.
The water-batteries then offered no effective resistance. The obstructions68 had been opened to remove accumulated raft, and could not be closed; and the fleet moved slowly up to seize the rich prize that lay entirely69 within its grasp.
On the 26th April, the "Hartford" leading the van, it anchored off the city to find it hushed as death and wrapped in the eddying70 smoke-clouds from fifteen thousand burning bales of cotton. After the first burst of consternation, the people took heart; and even at the sight of the enemy's shipping71 did not lose all hope. There were no soldiers aboard; Butler's army could not dare the passage of the forts in the shells of transports that contained it; the fleet, cut off as it was from all re-enforcement and supply, could, at worst, only shell the city and retire—again running the gauntlets of the two forts; and then the only loss to the city—for the flotilla in its incomplete state could not have been made effective as a defense—would have been the cotton and the trifling72 damage done by the shells.
So the people hoped on. A long correspondence, coupled with reiterated73 threats of bombardment, ensued between Mayor Monroe and Admiral Farragut, relative to the State flag that still floated over the Custom House. Still the city was not in Federal power and there might yet be a chance.
But on the 28th, the news of the fall of the forts in consequence of the surrender of their garrisons—took the last support from the most hopeful. The city yielded utterly74; the marines of the "Hartford" landed, took formal possession, raised the stars and stripes over the City Hall; and the emblem75 of Louisiana's sovereignty went down forever!
Three days after, General Butler landed and took command of the city, for which he had not struck a blow. He stationed his garrison in the public buildings, the hotels, and even in private houses; and then commenced a system of oppression and extortion, that—while it made the blood boil in the veins76 of every southron—has sent his name to the honest thinkers of the future linked with a notoriety which all history proves to be unique.
The annals of the war are not free from small pilferers and vicious imbeciles; but high above the tableau77 they form, this warrior78 has perched himself upon a pinnacle—let us hope—unattainable again!
It is hard to overrate the consequences of the fall of New Orleans. The commercial city and port of the whole South-west—its depot79 and granary—the key to communication with the trans-Mississippi, and the sentinel over vast tracts80 of rich and productive territory—her loss was the most stunning81 blow that had yet been dealt the cause of the South.
It opened the whole length of the Mississippi as a new base for operations against the interior; and gave opportunities for establishing a series of depots82, from which the Federal armies—if ever beaten and shattered—could be rapidly and effectively recruited.
Not the least disastrous effect of this blow was its reception by the people. After the first bitter wail83 went up over the land, inquiry came from every quarter how long this state of things could last. Position after position—fortress after fortress—city after city—declared impregnable by the Government up to the very last moment, fell suddenly and mysteriously; only to expose, when too late, the chain of grievous errors that inseparably linked the catastrophe84 with the Government.
The public demanded at least an explanation of these things—a candid85 exposé of the condition to which they were reduced. If told they were battling hopelessly for their frontiers; that the enemy was too strong and the extent of territory too large for sure defense; if told, even, there were grave reason to doubt the ultimate issue—they were yet willing to battle for the hope, and to go uncomplainingly to the front and face the gloomy truth.
But to be buoyed86 day by day with high-sounding protestations of invincibility87, only to see their strongest points dropping, one by one, into the lap of the enemy; to be lulled88 into security to find, too late, that the Government had deceived them, while it deceived itself; and thus to imbibe89 a deep distrust of the hands in which their hopes and the future were placed—this was more than they could bear; and "a thick darkness that could be felt" brooded over the land.
But as yet this feeling had not begun in any way to react upon the army. The hardy90 soldiers had enough to do to keep them busy; and besides had laid up a stock of glorious reminiscences, upon which to fall back when bad news reached them. Only the bare facts of these rapid and terrible blows reached the camps; and stubborn, hard-fisted "Johnny Reb," looked upon them smilingly as reverses to be made up to-morrow, or the next time he caught "Mr. Yank."
To the Louisiana soldiers, the news of the fall of their beautiful city had a far deeper and more bitter import. Some of the business men of New Orleans, who remained in the city, yielded to the promptings of interest and fell to worshipping the brazen91 calf92, the Washington high priest had set up for them. Some refused to degrade themselves and remained to be taught that might is right; and that handcuffs are for the conquered. Others collected what little they could and fled to Europe; while nobler spirits eluded93 the vigilance of their captors and came by scores into the Confederate camps.
But the women of New Orleans were left behind. They could not come; and against them the Pontiff of Brutality94 fulminated that bull, which extorted95 even from the calm and imperturbable96 British Premier97 the exclamation—"Infamous!"
The intended insult fell dead before the purity of southern womanhood; but the malignancy that prompted it seared deep into their hearts. Though their defenders were away, the women of New Orleans rose in their majesty98 of sex; and, "clothed on with chastity," defied the oppressor and called on manhood everywhere to judge between him and them. As
"When the face of Sextus was seen amid the foes"—
in those earlier days when Roman womanhood was roused to defy that elder traducer—
"No women on the housetops
But spat13 toward him and hiss'd;
No child but scream'd out curses
And shook its little fist!"
And the cry echoed in the hearts of the Louisianians in the battle's front. It mattered not so much to them if the defenses had been neglected; if the proper precautions had not been taken, and their firesides and families sacrificed, while they were battling so nobly far away. They only felt that those dear homes—their wives, and sisters, and sweethearts—were now in the relentless99 grasp of a hero who burned to war against women.
And deep in their souls they swore a bitter oath to fight in the future, not only for the cause they loved, but for themselves; to strike each blow, nerved by the thought that it was for the redemption of their homes and their loved ones; or, if not for this—for vengeance100!
Gradually this spirit inoculated101 their fellow-soldiers. The bitter feelings of the struggle, strong enough before, became intensified102; and in every Confederate camp was brewing103 a sullen37 and somber104 war-cloud, the sudden flashes from which were to strike terror to the heart of the North before that summer was done.
点击收听单词发音
1 inauguration | |
n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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2 augured | |
v.预示,预兆,预言( augur的过去式和过去分词 );成为预兆;占卜 | |
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3 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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4 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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5 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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6 brilliance | |
n.光辉,辉煌,壮丽,(卓越的)才华,才智 | |
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7 dependence | |
n.依靠,依赖;信任,信赖;隶属 | |
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8 elk | |
n.麋鹿 | |
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9 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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10 plunging | |
adj.跳进的,突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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11 slough | |
v.蜕皮,脱落,抛弃 | |
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12 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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13 spat | |
n.口角,掌击;v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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14 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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15 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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16 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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17 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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18 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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19 bloodiest | |
adj.血污的( bloody的最高级 );流血的;屠杀的;残忍的 | |
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20 drenched | |
adj.湿透的;充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 );在某人(某物)上大量使用(某液体) | |
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21 junction | |
n.连接,接合;交叉点,接合处,枢纽站 | |
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22 aggregating | |
总计达…( aggregate的现在分词 ); 聚集,集合; (使)聚集 | |
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23 frustrate | |
v.使失望;使沮丧;使厌烦 | |
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24 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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25 onward | |
adj.向前的,前进的;adv.向前,前进,在先 | |
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26 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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27 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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28 tenacity | |
n.坚韧 | |
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29 squads | |
n.(军队中的)班( squad的名词复数 );(暗杀)小组;体育运动的运动(代表)队;(对付某类犯罪活动的)警察队伍 | |
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30 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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31 crest | |
n.顶点;饰章;羽冠;vt.达到顶点;vi.形成浪尖 | |
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32 wreck | |
n.失事,遇难;沉船;vt.(船等)失事,遇难 | |
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33 huddled | |
挤在一起(huddle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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34 onset | |
n.进攻,袭击,开始,突然开始 | |
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35 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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36 sullenly | |
不高兴地,绷着脸,忧郁地 | |
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37 sullen | |
adj.愠怒的,闷闷不乐的,(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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38 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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39 horrid | |
adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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40 wrenched | |
v.(猛力地)扭( wrench的过去式和过去分词 );扭伤;使感到痛苦;使悲痛 | |
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41 furrowed | |
v.犁田,开沟( furrow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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43 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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44 illustrated | |
adj. 有插图的,列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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45 valor | |
n.勇气,英勇 | |
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46 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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47 excellence | |
n.优秀,杰出,(pl.)优点,美德 | |
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48 strenuous | |
adj.奋发的,使劲的;紧张的;热烈的,狂热的 | |
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49 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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50 murmur | |
n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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51 acclaim | |
v.向…欢呼,公认;n.欢呼,喝彩,称赞 | |
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52 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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53 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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54 mooted | |
adj.未决定的,有争议的,有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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56 goaded | |
v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 );激励;(用尖棒)驱赶;驱使(或怂恿、刺激)某人 | |
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57 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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58 chivalric | |
有武士气概的,有武士风范的 | |
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59 hovering | |
鸟( hover的现在分词 ); 靠近(某事物); (人)徘徊; 犹豫 | |
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60 ram | |
(random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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61 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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62 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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63 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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64 militia | |
n.民兵,民兵组织 | |
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65 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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66 avocations | |
n.业余爱好,嗜好( avocation的名词复数 );职业 | |
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67 munitions | |
n.军火,弹药;v.供应…军需品 | |
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68 obstructions | |
n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 );阻碍物;阻碍;阻挠 | |
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69 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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70 eddying | |
涡流,涡流的形成 | |
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71 shipping | |
n.船运(发货,运输,乘船) | |
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72 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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73 reiterated | |
反复地说,重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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75 emblem | |
n.象征,标志;徽章 | |
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76 veins | |
n.纹理;矿脉( vein的名词复数 );静脉;叶脉;纹理 | |
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77 tableau | |
n.画面,活人画(舞台上活人扮的静态画面) | |
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78 warrior | |
n.勇士,武士,斗士 | |
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79 depot | |
n.仓库,储藏处;公共汽车站;火车站 | |
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80 tracts | |
大片土地( tract的名词复数 ); 地带; (体内的)道; (尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的)短文 | |
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81 stunning | |
adj.极好的;使人晕倒的 | |
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82 depots | |
仓库( depot的名词复数 ); 火车站; 车库; 军需库 | |
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83 wail | |
vt./vi.大声哀号,恸哭;呼啸,尖啸 | |
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84 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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85 candid | |
adj.公正的,正直的;坦率的 | |
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86 buoyed | |
v.使浮起( buoy的过去式和过去分词 );支持;为…设浮标;振奋…的精神 | |
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87 invincibility | |
n.无敌,绝对不败 | |
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88 lulled | |
vt.使镇静,使安静(lull的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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89 imbibe | |
v.喝,饮;吸入,吸收 | |
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90 hardy | |
adj.勇敢的,果断的,吃苦的;耐寒的 | |
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91 brazen | |
adj.厚脸皮的,无耻的,坚硬的 | |
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92 calf | |
n.小牛,犊,幼仔,小牛皮 | |
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93 eluded | |
v.(尤指机敏地)避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 );逃避;躲避;使达不到 | |
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94 brutality | |
n.野蛮的行为,残忍,野蛮 | |
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95 extorted | |
v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 );曲解 | |
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96 imperturbable | |
adj.镇静的 | |
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97 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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98 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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99 relentless | |
adj.残酷的,不留情的,无怜悯心的 | |
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100 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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101 inoculated | |
v.给…做预防注射( inoculate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102 intensified | |
v.(使)增强, (使)加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103 brewing | |
n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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104 somber | |
adj.昏暗的,阴天的,阴森的,忧郁的 | |
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