No men who joined the southern service sacrificed more than her navy officers. The very flower of the old service, they had grown gray in their slow promotion2 to its positions of honor; their families depended for sole support upon the pittance3 of pay they received. Still they hesitated not a moment to range themselves under the banners their native states had unfurled. Once there, no men labored5 more faithfully—and efficiently7. Subject to misconstruction, to jealousy8, to petty annoyances—and later, to the most pinching straits of poverty—they were ever uncomplaining and ever ready.
Many and varied9 were the calls upon them. They commanded land batteries, trained raw gunners and drilled lubberly conscripts; they were bridge-builders, carpenters, wood-cutters, chemists and colliers; and, at the best, it was hard for the veteran who had, for forty years, trod the deck of a frigate10, to be cooped in the contracted limits of a razeed tug11, or an armed pilot boat. But once there he made the best of it; and how well he wrought12 in the new sphere, the names of Hollins, Lynch, Buchanan and Tucker still attest13.
At the time the first Army Bill was passed by Congress, a law was also made securing to resigned naval14 officers the same rank they held in the United States service. But there was scarcely a keel in Confederate waters, and small indeed was the prospect15 for the future; so these impatient spirits, panting for active work, were put into unsuitable positions at the very outset. Later, a bill was passed for a provisional navy, but there was no fleet for their occupation. The department, therefore, used the discretion16 given it to confer a few honorary titles, and to appoint a vast number of subordinate officers, for shore duty in its work-shops and navy-yards.
The acceptability of Mr. Mallory to the people, at the outset of his career, has been noted17. They believed that his long experience in the committee of naval affairs was guarantee for the important trust confided18 to him. Moreover, he was known to be relied upon by Mr. Davis as a man of solid intellect, of industry and perseverance19. If his knowledge of naval affairs was entirely20 theoretical, it mattered little so long as he could turn that knowledge to practical account, by the counsel and aid of some of the most efficient of the scientific sailors of the union.
Mr. Mallory took charge of the Navy Department in March, '61. At this time the question of iron-clads had attention of naval builders on both sides of the Atlantic; and deeming them indispensable to naval warfare21, the Secretary's first movement was a strong memoir22 to Congress, urging immediate23 and heavy appropriations24 for their construction at New Orleans and Mobile. With a treasury26 empty and immovably averse27 to anything like decisive action, the astute28 lawgivers of Montgomery hesitated and doubted. The most that could be forced from them were small appropriations for the fitting out of privateers.
The first venture, the "Sumter," was bought, equipped and put into commission at the end of April; and in the course of a few weeks she ran out of New Orleans, in command of Raphael Semmes, and the stars and bars were floating solitary30, but defiant31, over the seas. The history of her cruise, the terror she spread among the enemy's shipping32, and the paralysis33 she sent to the very heart of his commerce, are too well known to need repetition here. Badly-built craft as she was for such a service, she was still more badly equipped; but so eminently34 successful was she that both Government and Congress must have been incurably35 blind, not to put a hundred like her upon every sea where the union flag could float.
Had one-twentieth the sum frittered away in useless iron-clads, and worse than useless "gunboats," been put into saucy36 and swift wasps37 like the "Sumter," their stings must have driven northern commerce from the sea; and the United States ports would have been more effectually blockaded, from a thousand miles at sea, than were those of the southern fleet-bound coast.
It may not be irrelevant38 here to allude39 to the finale of the Confederate cruisers; and to recall the most inane40 farce41 of all those enacted42 by the madmen who held power in '66.
In the January of that year, Raphael Semmes was seized and thrown into prison. He was now charged—not with having violated his parole given to General Grant, who was personally and morally responsible for his persecution—not with doing aught but "obeying the laws themselves;" but he was charged with having escaped, the year before, from the custody43 of a man whose prisoner he was not and had never been—with having broken from a durance that ought to have existed! From incontrovertible testimony44, we know that Captain Semmes only raised the white flag, after his vessel45 began to sink; that he stayed on her deck until she went down beneath him; that no boat came to him from the "Kearsage," and that he was in the water full an hour, before the boat of the "Deerhound" picked him up and carried him aboard that yacht.
But radical46 hatred47, and thirst for vengeance48 on a disarmed49 enemy, raised the absurd plea that Semmes became a prisoner of war by raising the white flag; that by so doing he gave a moral parole! and violated it by saving himself from a watery50 grave and afterward51 taking up arms again. It is only a proof that the country was a little less mad than the radical leaders, that the unheard-of absurdity52 of its Navy Department was not sustained by popular opinion. It would have no doubt been chivalric53 and beautiful in Raphael Semmes to have drowned in the ocean, because the boat of the "Kearsage" would not pick him up after accepting his "moral parole;" but, as he did not see it in that light, and as he was never called upon to surrender by any officer of that ship, he was perfectly54 free the moment his own deck left him in the waves. The white flag was but a token that he desired to save the lives of his men; and would surrender them and himself, if opportunity were given. But even granting the nonsensical claim that it made him a prisoner—the laws of war demand absolute safety for prisoners; and the fact of the "Kearsage" leaving him to drown was, in itself, a release.
There is no necessity for defense55 of Captain Semmes' position; but it may be well to record how blind is the hate which still attempts to brand as "Pirate" a regularly-commissioned officer in service, whose long career gained him nothing but respect under the northern—nothing but glory under the southern flag. If Raphael Semmes be a "pirate," then was the northern recognition of belligerents57 but an active lie! Then was Robert E. Lee a marauder—Wade Hampton but a bushwhacker, and Joseph E. Johnston but a guerrilla!
When the "Sumter" began her work, she was soon followed by the "Florida"—a vessel somewhat better, but still of the same class. Under the dashing and efficient Maffitt, the "Florida," too, wrought daring destruction. Her record, like that of her rival, is too familiar for repetition; as is the later substitution of the "Alabama" for the worn-out "Sumter."
During the long war, these three vessels58—and but two of them at one time—were the only cruisers the Confederacy had afloat; until just before its close, the "Shenandoah" went out to strike fresh terror to the heart and pocket of New England. Then, also, that strong-handed and cool-headed amphiboid, Colonel John Taylor Wood, made—with wretched vessels and hastily-chosen crews—most effective raids on the coasting shipping of the Northeast.
One popular error pervades59 all which has been said or written, on both sides of the line, about the Confederate navy. This is the general title of "privateer," given to all vessels not cooped up in southern harbors. Regularly-commissioned cruisers, like the "Alabama" and "Florida," the property of the Navy Department, and commanded by its regularly-commissioned officers, were no more "privateers" than were the "Minnesota," or "Kearsage."
There was a law passed, regulating the issue of letters of marque; and from time to time much was heard of these in the South. But after the first spirt of the saucy little "Jeff Davis," not more than two or three ever found their way to sea; and even these accomplished60 nothing.
At one time, a company with heavy capital was gotten up in Richmond, for the promotion of such enterprises; but it was looked upon as a job and was little successful in any sense.
So, with all the ports of the world open to belligerent56 ships; with unsurpassed sailors "panting for the very lack of element" in musty offices, privateers did not increase in number; and one of the most effective engines of legitimate61 warfare was but illustrated62, instead of being utilized64.
Meantime, the Navy Department had ceased to importune65 for appropriations to build iron-clads at New Orleans; an omission66 that carried the grave responsibility for loss of that city, and for the far graver disaster of the closing of the whole river and the blockade of the trans-Mississippi. For had the "Louisiana" been furnished with two companion ships of equal strength—or even had she been completely finished and not had been compelled to succumb67 to accidents within, while she braved the terrific fire from without—the Federal fleet might have been crushed like egg-shells; the splendid exertions68 of Hollins and Kennon in the past would not have been nullified; the blood of McIntosh and Huger would not have been useless sacrifice; and the homes of the smiling city and the pure vicinage of her noble daughters might not have been polluted by the presence of the commandant, who crawled in after the victorious69 fleet.
Norfolk, however, had come into southern possession, by the secession of Virginia; and the vast resources of her navy-yard—only partly crippled by the haste of the Federal retreat—stimulated the Government. A meager70 appropriation25 was passed for the construction of the "Merrimac;" or rather for an iron-clad ship upon the hull71 of the half-destroyed frigate of that name. Had the whole amount necessary for her completion been given, the vessel would have been ready weeks before she was, under the dribblet system adopted. Then, indeed, it would be hard to overestimate72 her value; damage to shipping in Hampton Roads; or her ultimate effect upon McClellan's campaign.
No appropriation for an object of vital import could be shaken free from its bonds of red tape; and this one was saddled with an incubus73, in the bill for the "construction of one hundred gunboats." The scheme to build that number of wooden vessels of small size seemed equally short-sighted and impracticable. They could only be built on inland rivers and creeks74, to prevent attacks by the enemy's heavier vessels; and hence they were necessarily small and ineffective. The interior navy-yards had, moreover, to be guarded against surprises by the enemy's cavalry75; and as men were so scarce, it was generally arranged that the navy-yard should follow the army lines. Constantly shifting position—caused by the rapid movements of the enemy, left these impromptu76 ship-yards unprotected; and then a small party of raiders would either burn them, or force their builders to do so. It was not until the appropriation was nearly spent—although not one efficient gunboat of this class was ever finished—that the system was abandoned as utterly77 worthless and impracticable.
Had the large sum thus wasted been applied78 to the purchase of swift and reliable cruisers—or to the speedy and energetic completion of one iron-clad at a time—it would have read a far more telling story to the enemy, both in prestige and result.
But even in the case of these, energy and capital were divided and distracted. On completion of the "Merrimac," there were in the course of construction at New Orleans, two mailed vessels of a different class—one of them only a towboat covered with railroad iron. There were also two small ones on the stocks at Charleston, and another at Savannah. The great difficulty of procuring79 proper iron; of rolling it when obtained; and the mismanagement of transportation, even when the plates were ready—made the progress of all these boats very slow. Practicality would have concentrated the whole energy of the Department upon one at a time; not have left them all unfinished, either to prove utterly useless at the trying moment, or to fall a prey80 to superior force of the enemy.
The plan of the "Merrimac" was unique, in the submersion of her projecting eaves; presenting a continuous angling coat of mail even below the water-surface. She was built upon the razeed hull of the old "Merrimac," of four-and-a-half-inch iron, transverse plates; and carried an armament of seven-inch rifled Brooke guns, made expressly for her. There was much discussion at one time, as to whom the credit for her plan was really due. It finally was generally conceded, however, that her origin and perfection were due to Commander John M. Brooke; and the terrible banded rifle-gun and bolt, she used with such effect on the "Cumberland," was his undisputed invention.
Much wonder had the good people of Norfolk expressed in their frequent visits to the strange-looking, turtle-like structure. Day by day she slowly grew; and at length, after weary work and weary waiting, took on her armament; then her crew was picked carefully from eager volunteers: her grand old captain took his place, and all was ready for the trial.
During all this time Hampton Roads had been gay with Federal shipping. Frigates81, gunboats, transports and supply ships ran defiantly82 up and down; laughing at the futile83 efforts of the point batteries to annoy them, and indulging in a dream of security that was to be most rudely broken. The "Susquehanna" frigate, with heaviest armament in the Federal navy, laid in the channel at Newport News, blockading the mouth of James river and cutting off communication from Norfolk. The "Congress" frigate was lying near her, off the News; while the "Minnesota" lay below, under the guns of Fortress84 Monroe. The Ericsson Monitor—the first of her class, and equally an experiment as her rebel rival—had come round a few days before to watch the "Virginia," as the new iron-clad was now rechristened.
The great ship being ready, Flag-Officer Buchanan ordered the "Jamestown," Captain Barney, and the "Yorktown," Captain Tucker, down from Richmond; while he went out with the "Raleigh" and "Beaufort"—two of the smallest class of gunboats, saved by Captain Lynch from Roanoke Island. This combined force—four of the vessels being frail85 wooden shells, formerly86 used as river passenger boats—carried only twenty-seven guns. But Buchanan steamed boldly out, on the morning of the 8th of March, to attack an enemy carrying quite two hundred and twenty of the heaviest guns in the United States navy!
It was a moment of dreadful suspense87 for the soldiers in the batteries and the people of Norfolk. They crowded the wharves88, the steeples, and the high points of the shore; and every eye was strained upon the black specks89 in the harbor.
Slowly—with somewhat of majesty90 in her stolid91, even progress—the "Virginia" steamed on—down the harbor—past the river batteries—out into the Roads. Steadily92 she kept her way, heading straight for the "Cumberland;" and close to her stuck the frail wooden boats that a single shell might have shattered. On she went—into full range. Then suddenly, as if from one match, shipping and shore batteries belched93 forth94 the great shells hurtling over her, hissing95 into the water—bounding from her side like raindrops from a rock! On she headed—straight for the "Cumberland;" the crew of that ship steadily working their heated guns and wondering at the strange, silent monster that came on so evenly, so slowly—so regardless alike of shot and shell. Suddenly she spoke96.
The terrible shell from her bow-gun tore the huge frigate from stern to bow; driving in her quarter, dismounting guns and scattering97 death along its course. Shocked and staggered, Uncle Sam's tars29 still stuck to their work. Once more the "Cumberland" delivered her whole broadside, full in her enemy's face at pistol range. It was her death volley. The submerged ram98 had struck home. A great rent yawned in the ship's side; she filled rapidly—careened—went down by the bows—her flag still flying—her men still at quarters!
On past her—scarce checked in her deadly-slow course—moved the "Virginia." Then she closed on the "Congress," and one terrific broadside after another raked the frigate; till, trembling like a card-house, she hauled down her colors and raised the white flag. The "Beaufort" ranged alongside and received the flag of the "Congress", and her captain, William R. Smith, and Lieutenant99 Pendergrast as prisoners of war. These officers left their side-arms on the "Beaufort" and returned to the "Congress;" when—notwithstanding the white flag—a hot fire was opened from shore upon the "Beaufort", and she was compelled to withdraw. Lieutenant Robert Minor100 was then sent in a boat from the "Virginia" to fire the frigate; but was badly wounded by a Minié-ball, from under the white flag; and Captain Buchanan was seriously hit in the leg by the same volley. Then it was determined101 to burn the "Congress" with hot shot.
There is no room for comment here; and no denial of these facts has ever been made, or attempted.
Meanwhile, the frigates "Minnesota", "St. Lawrence" and "Roanoke" had advanced and opened fire on the "Virginia"; but upon her approach to meet it, they retired102 under the guns of the fort; the "Minnesota" badly damaged by the heavy fire of her antagonist103, while temporarily aground.
Next day the "Virginia" had a protracted104 but indecisive fight with the "Monitor;" the latter's lightness preventing her being run down and both vessels seeming equally impenetrable. Later in the day the victorious ship steamed back to Norfolk, amid the wildest enthusiasm of its people. The experiment had proved a success beyond the wildest expectation: and a new era seemed opened in naval warfare.
But however great the meed of praise deserved by the iron ship and her crew, at least as much was due to those of the wooden gun-boats that had so gallantly105 seconded her efforts. All day long had those frail shells been urged into the thickest of that terrific fire. Shot flew by, over and through them; and it seemed miraculous107 that they were not torn into shreds108!
The success of the "Virginia", while it gave food for much comment at the North and in Europe, had the effect of stimulating109 the Department to renewed exertions elsewhere. At the same time it raised the navy greatly in the estimation of the people, who began now to see of what material it was composed, to accomplish so much with such limited means and opportunity. And this opinion was to be strengthened, from time to time, by the brilliant flashes of naval daring that came to illumine some of the darkest hours of the war.
Who does not remember that defense of Drewry's Bluff110 when Eben Farrand had only three gunboat crews and three hastily mounted guns, with which to drive back the heavy fleet that knew Richmond city lay helpless at its mercy?
And those desperate, yet brilliant fights off New Orleans, against every odds111 of metal, numbers, and worse, of internal mismanagement. Do they not illustrate63 the character of the navy, and bring it out in bold relief of heroism112? Nor should we forget the brief but brilliant life of the "Arkansas"—born in danger and difficulty; surrounded on every side by numberless active foes113; and finally dying, not from the blow of an enemy, but from the fault of those who sent her forth unfinished and incomplete!
Those trying times recall the conduct of Captain Lynch and his squadron of shells; and of the veteran Cooke in the batteries, on the dark day that lost Roanoke Island. Nor may we lose sight of the splendid conduct of that latter grim old seadog, when, returning wounded and prison-worn, he bore down on Plymouth in the "Albemarle" and crushed the Federal gunboats like egg-shells.
And conspicuous114, even among these fellow-sailors, stands John Taylor Wood. Quick to plan and strong to strike, he ever and anon would collect a few trusty men and picked officers; glide115 silently out from Richmond, where his duties as colonel of cavalry on the President's staff chained him most of the time. Soon would come an echo from the frontier, telling of quick, sharp struggle; victorious boarding and a Federal gunboat or two given to the flames. I have already alluded116 to his dashing raid upon the fishery fleet; but his cunning capture of the gunboats in the Rappahannock, or his cool and daring attack on the "Underwriter," during Pickett's movement on Newberne, would alone give him undying reputation.
The United States had a navy in her waters that would class as the third maritime117 power of the world; and this she rapidly increased by every appliance of money, skill and energy. She bought and built ships and spent vast sums and labor4 in experiments in ordnance118, armoring and machinery119. As result of this, the Federal navy, at the end of the second year of the war, numbered some 390 vessels of all grades, carrying a fraction over 3,000 guns. Before the end of the war it had increased to near 800 vessels of war of all grades; the number of guns had doubled and were infinitely120 heavier and more effective; and the number of tenders, tugs121, transports and supply ships would have swelled122 the navy list to over 1,300 vessels.
To meet this formidable preparation, the Confederate Navy Department in May, '61, had one gulf123 steamer in commission; had the fragments of the Norfolk Navy Yard; the refuse of the harbor boats of Charleston, New Orleans, Savannah and Mobile to select from; and had, besides, the neglect of Congress and the jealousy of the other branch of the service.
Spite of all these drawbacks, the rare powers of the navy officers forced themselves into notice and use.
Before the close of the war, the only two rolling-mills in the Confederacy were in charge of navy officers. They built powder-mills and supplied their own demands; and, to a great extent, those of the army. They established rope-walks and became the seekers for the invaluable124 stores of niter and coal that both branches of the service so much needed. More than this, they made from nothing—and in spite of constant losses from exposure to the enemy and incomplete supplies—a fleet of iron-clads numbering at one time nine vessels; and a wooden navy at the same moment reaching some thirty-five.
But these—scattered125 over the vast area of water courses, far from supporting each other—were unable to cope with the superior strength of metal and construction brought against them.
That much-discussed torpedo126 system, too—regarding the utility of which there was such diversity of opinion—had its birth and perfection in the navy. It was a service of science and perseverance; frequently of exposure to every peril127. It required culture, nerve and administrative128 ability; and it was managed in the main with success. Still the results were hardly commensurate with the outlay129 involved; for though James river, some of the western streams, and Charleston harbor were literally130 sown with torpedoes131, yet only in rare and isolated132 instances—such as the "De Kalb" and "Commodore Jones"—did the results equal the expectation. Thousands of tons of valuable powder, much good metal and more valuable time at the work-shops were expended133 on torpedoes; and, on the whole, it is very doubtful if the amount destroyed was not more than balanced by the amount expended.
Thus, with varying fortunes—but with unceasing endeavor and unfailing courage—the navy worked on. That hue134 and cry against it—which a brilliant success would partially135 paralyze—soon gathered force in its intervals136 of enforced inaction. Just after the triumph of Hampton Roads was, perhaps, the brightest hour for the navy in public estimation. People then began to waver in their belief that its administration was utterly and hopelessly wrong; and to think that its chief had not perhaps sinned quite as much as he had been sinned against.
The old adage137 about giving a bad name, however, was more than illustrated in Mr. Mallory's case. He had no doubt been unfortunate; but that he really was guilty of one-half the errors and mishaps138 laid at his door was simply impossible. Not taking time—and, perhaps, without the requisite139 knowledge—to compare the vast discrepancy140 of force between the two governments, the masses only saw the rapid increase of the Federal navy and felt the serious effects of its efficiency. Then they grumbled141 that the Confederate secretary—with few work-shops, scattered navy-yards, little money and less transportation—did not proceed pari passu to meet these preparations. Every result of circumstance, every accident, every inefficiency142 of a subordinate was visited upon Mr. Mallory's head. Public censure143 always makes the meat it feeds on; and the secretary soon became the target for shafts144 of pitiable malice145, or of unreflecting ridicule146. When the enemy's gunboats—built at secure points and fitted out without stint147 of cost, labor or material—ascended to Nashville, a howl was raised that the Navy Department should have had the water defenses ready. True, Congress had appropriated half a million for the defenses of the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers; but the censorious public forgot that the money had been voted too late. Even then it was quite notorious, that in the red-tape system of requisition and delay that hedged the Treasury—an appropriation and the money it named were totally diverse things.
When New Orleans fell, curses loud and deep went up against the Navy Department. Doubtless there was some want of energy in pushing the iron-clads there; but again in this case the money was voted very late; and even Confederate machine-shops and Confederate laborers148 could not be expected to give their material, time and labor entirely for nothing. Had Congress made the appropriations as asked, and had the money been forthcoming at the Treasury—New Orleans might not have fallen as she did.
Later still, when the "Virginia" was blown up on the evacuation of Norfolk, a howl of indignation was raised against Secretary, Department and all connected with it. A Court of Inquiry149 was called; and Commodore Tatnall himself demanded a court-martial, upon the first court not ordering one.
The facts proved were that the ship, with her iron coating and heavy armament, drew far too much water to pass the shoal at Harrison's Bar—between her and Richmond. With Norfolk in the enemy's hands, the hostile fleet pressing her—and with no point whence to draw supplies—she could not remain, as the cant150 went, "the grim sentinel to bar all access to the river." It was essential to lighten her, if possible; and the effort was made by sacrificing her splendid armament. Even then she would not lighten enough by two feet; the enemy pressed upon her, now perfectly unarmed; and Tatnall was forced to leave and fire her.
People forgot the noble achievements of the ship under naval guidance; that, if destroyed by naval men, she was the offspring of naval genius. With no discussion of facts, the cry against the navy went on, even after that splendid defense of Drewry's Bluff by Farrand, which alone saved Richmond!
As a pioneer, the "Virginia" was a great success and fully6 demonstrated the theory of her projector151. But there were many points about her open to grave objections; and she was, as a whole, far inferior to the smaller vessels afterward built upon her model at Richmond. Armed with the same gun, there is little doubt but the "Monitor" would have proved—from her superior lightness and obedience152 to her helm—no less than from her more compact build—at least her equal. Officers on the "Virginia" shared in this belief of her advantages over her terrible antagonist.
On the whole, the experience of the war tells of honest endeavor and brilliant achievement, under surpassing difficulty, for the Confederate navy. That it was composed of gallant106, noble-hearted men, none who were thrown with them can doubt; that they wrought heart and hand for the cause, in whatever strange and novel position, none ever did doubt.
They made mistakes. Who in army, or government, did not?
But from the day they offered their swords; through the unequal contest of the Sounds, the victorious one of Hampton Roads; pining for the sea in musty offices, or drilling green conscripts in sand batteries; marching steadily to the last fight at Appomattox—far out of their element—the Confederate sailors flinched153 not from fire nor fled from duty. Though their country grumbled, and detraction154 and ingratitude155 often assailed156 them; yet at the bitter ending no man nor woman in the broad South but believed they had done their devoir—honestly—manfully—well!
Who in all that goodly throng157 of soldiers, statesmen and critics—did more?
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cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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fully
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efficiently
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jealousy
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varied
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frigate
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tug
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wrought
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attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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naval
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prospect
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discretion
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noted
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confided
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perseverance
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entirely
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warfare
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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immediate
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appropriations
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| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
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25
appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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26
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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27
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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28
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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29
tars
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| 焦油，沥青，柏油( tar的名词复数 ) | |
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30
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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31
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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32
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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33
paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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34
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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35
incurably
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| ad.治不好地 | |
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36
saucy
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| adj.无礼的；俊俏的；活泼的 | |
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37
wasps
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| 黄蜂( wasp的名词复数 )； 胡蜂； 易动怒的人； 刻毒的人 | |
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38
irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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39
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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40
inane
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| adj.空虚的，愚蠢的，空洞的 | |
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41
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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42
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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44
testimony
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|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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45
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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46
radical
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|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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47
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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48
vengeance
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|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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49
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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50
watery
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|
| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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51
afterward
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|
| adv.后来；以后 | |
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52
absurdity
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|
| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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53
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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54
perfectly
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|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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55
defense
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|
| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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56
belligerent
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|
| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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57
belligerents
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|
| n.交战的一方（指国家、集团或个人）( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
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58
vessels
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|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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59
pervades
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|
| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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60
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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61
legitimate
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|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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62
illustrated
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|
| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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63
illustrate
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|
| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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64
utilized
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|
| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
importune
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|
| v.强求；不断请求 | |
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66
omission
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|
| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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67
succumb
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| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
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68
exertions
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|
| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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69
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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70
meager
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|
| adj.缺乏的，不足的，瘦的 | |
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71
hull
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|
| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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72
overestimate
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|
| v.估计过高，过高评价 | |
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73
incubus
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|
| n.负担；恶梦 | |
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74
creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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75
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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76
impromptu
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|
| adj.即席的，即兴的；adv.即兴的(地)，无准备的(地) | |
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77
utterly
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|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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78
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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79
procuring
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|
| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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80
prey
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|
| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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81
frigates
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|
| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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82
defiantly
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|
| adv.挑战地，大胆对抗地 | |
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83
futile
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|
| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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84
fortress
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|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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85
frail
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|
| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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86
formerly
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|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
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87
suspense
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|
| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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88
wharves
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|
| n.码头，停泊处( wharf的名词复数 ) | |
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89
specks
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|
| n.眼镜；斑点，微粒，污点( speck的名词复数 ) | |
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90
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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91
stolid
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|
| adj.无动于衷的，感情麻木的 | |
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92
steadily
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|
| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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93
belched
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|
| v.打嗝( belch的过去式和过去分词 )；喷出，吐出；打（嗝）；嗳（气） | |
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94
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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95
hissing
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|
| n. 发嘶嘶声, 蔑视 动词hiss的现在分词形式 | |
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96
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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97
scattering
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|
| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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98
ram
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| (random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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99
lieutenant
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|
| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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100
minor
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|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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101
determined
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|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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102
retired
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|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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103
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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104
protracted
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|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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105
gallantly
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|
| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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106
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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107
miraculous
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|
| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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108
shreds
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|
| v.撕碎，切碎( shred的第三人称单数 )；用撕毁机撕毁（文件） | |
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109
stimulating
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|
| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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110
bluff
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|
| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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111
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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112
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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113
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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114
conspicuous
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|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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115
glide
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|
| n./v.溜，滑行；(时间)消逝 | |
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116
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
maritime
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|
| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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118
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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119
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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120
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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121
tugs
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| n.猛拉( tug的名词复数 )；猛拖；拖船v.用力拉，使劲拉，猛扯( tug的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122
swelled
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|
| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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123
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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124
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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125
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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126
torpedo
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| n.水雷，地雷；v.用鱼雷破坏 | |
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127
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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128
administrative
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|
| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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129
outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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130
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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131
torpedoes
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| 鱼雷( torpedo的名词复数 )； 油井爆破筒； 刺客； 掼炮 | |
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132
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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133
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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134
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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135
partially
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|
| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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136
intervals
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|
| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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137
adage
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| n.格言，古训 | |
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138
mishaps
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| n.轻微的事故，小的意外( mishap的名词复数 ) | |
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139
requisite
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|
| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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140
discrepancy
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|
| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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141
grumbled
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|
| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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142
inefficiency
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|
| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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143
censure
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|
| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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144
shafts
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|
| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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145
malice
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|
| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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146
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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147
stint
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|
| v.节省，限制，停止；n.舍不得化，节约，限制；连续不断的一段时间从事某件事 | |
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148
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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149
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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150
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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151
projector
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| n.投影机，放映机，幻灯机 | |
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152
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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153
flinched
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| v.（因危险和痛苦）退缩，畏惧( flinch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
detraction
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| n.减损；诽谤 | |
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155
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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156
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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157
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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