Caesar was compelled to wait until the conclusion of the Neapolitan campaign before he could resume his own projects in the Romagna, where there were a few independent lords still left—these few knew that their time would soon come; among them were the Varano of Camerino and the Duke of Urbino, Guidobaldo di Montefeltre, who was greatly beloved by his people.
To complete his conquest of Romagna, Caesar determined7 to secure possession of Camerino, Urbino, and Sinigaglia. The early months of 1502 had been occupied with the trips to Piombino, Elba, and the towns belonging to the Colonna, and he was obliged to remain in Rome until after the Easter festivities; he was, therefore, unable to set about the execution of his projects until June.
Shortly before his departure the body of the youthful Lord of Faenza, who had so heroically195 defended his domain8, was found in the Tiber, “strangled and dead.”
On surrendering to Caesar, Astorre’s life had been spared, and he had been allowed to depart with his personal belongings9, and, as we have seen, trusting in Valentino’s word, he had gone to Rome, where he had almost immediately been thrown into prison.
He was held in the Castle of St. Angelo almost a year, and under date of June 9, 1502, Burchard has the following entry in his diary:—
“This day there was recovered from the Tiber, strangled and dead, the Lord of Faenza—a young man of about eighteen years, so fair, and handsome of form that among a thousand scarcely could his equal be found. A great stone was tied to his neck.”
The same day the river gave up the bodies of several other persons, among them two young men, one fifteen, the other twenty-five, both bound, and also a woman.
Vettori states that Manfredi perished at the hands of Bianchino di Pisa by order of Caesar, who was in Rome at the time. Manfredi was in the power and possession of the Borgia at the time of his death; consequently, whoever actually performed the murder, Alexander VI. and Caesar Borgia were responsible for it.
The murder of the Lord of Faenza shocked all Italy, and served to strengthen the suspicion that Valentino had caused the assassination11 of his brother, the Duke of Gandia, and also of his brother-in-law, Alfonso, Prince of Bisceglia.
Caesar’s motive12 is perfectly13 clear; he was determined196 to rule in Romagna. Manfredi was magnetic and brave, and skilful14 in war. His subjects had fought valiantly15 to save him, and were broken-hearted at his departure. Of all the petty sovereigns of Italy, he was almost the only one who enjoyed the love of his people, who continued loyal to him and looked forward to his return. In addition, his powerful kinsmen16, the Este of Ferrara and the Bentivoglio of Bologna, might take it into their heads any day to restore him to power. Manfredi dead, Caesar’s progress would be easier and more certain. In spite of Valentino’s able administration of the government of Faenza, he had utterly17 failed to secure the goodwill18 of the people. Faenza was the least certain of his conquered territories. Before setting out to attack Camerino and Urbino it was, according to Caesar, the part of wisdom to eliminate Astorre from the desperate game which the virtuosi of renascent19 Italy were playing.
This deliberate planning of the destruction of a prince or a reigning20 family, for the sole purpose of securing possession of their property or power, seems peculiarly monstrous21.
Caesar Borgia, aided by his father, Alexander VI., was building up a great power in central Italy for himself and his family, of which he clearly regarded himself as the head. Politics, parties, and dynasties, although apparently22 of vital importance to a people, are now really of slight moment, and it is only when the headstrong exercise of power leads to oppression that a people revolts. In the Far East the people are wholly indifferent to a change of rulers, consequently conquests in Asia are as197 easy as they are fruitless; the people pursue the even tenor23 of their way regardless of who their masters are, except so far as their economic situation is concerned—and the people of Italy during the Renaissance24 resembled them in this particular. We have seen how ready the cities of the Romagna were to open their gates to Caesar Borgia, and the same phenomenon has been noted25 elsewhere in the peninsula. In Naples whether France or Spain prevailed was of no importance. In Milan the people were equally indifferent to Ludovico il Moro and to Louis XII., and in Florence not until the greed of the Medici passed all bounds did the people drive them out. With advancing civilisation26 party lines vanish; one party usurps27 the principles of another, and modifies them sufficiently28 to cause them to appear to accord, or be identical, with its own doctrines29; and just in proportion as party lines disappear the one enduring relation which has existed from all time, the relation of exploiter and exploited, stands forth30 more clearly—in fine, the whole organisation31 of civilised society is reducible to the hedonic postulate32.
Caesar had collected an army in the neighbourhood of Spoleto, and thither33 he went June 12, 1502. His forces consisted of about 10,000 men—6,000 foot-soldiers, and 700 men-at-arms; in addition he had about 2,000 men conveniently placed in Romagna. Large bodies of troops were likewise held in reserve about Sinigaglia, Urbino, and Verruchio. Valentino had issued an order requiring every family in Romagna to furnish one man-at-arms. Resorting to cunning, he then announced that he intended to attack Camerino, and he went to198 the Duke of Urbino and asked for his artillery34 for his lieutenant6, Vitelli; he also requested him to send supplies to Gubbio, assuring Montefeltre the while that “among all the princes of Italy there is none more dear to me than you are.” While he was advancing by way of Nocera and Costaciaro, he dispatched 2,000 men to secure Cagli, which they entered June 20th without resistance. There was nothing left for the Duke of Urbino’s representative to do but to warn his master of the advance of Valentino, “who will appear as an enemy before the gates of Urbino on the morrow.”
The Duke of Urbino was so confident that Caesar had no designs on his domain that he had gone to one of his suburban35 villas36 for a brief sojourn37, and he was still there when his representative at Fossombrone informed him of the advance of a large force by way of Isola di Fano. Montefeltre, learning that the roads leading to the fortress38 of San Leo, which was regarded as impregnable, were already in Caesar’s possession, determined to flee to Florence. With him he had only a few servants and soldiers, whom he soon dismissed, and disguising himself as a peasant, he fled to Mantua, where he arrived about the end of the month.
Just four hours after the flight of Montefeltre, who was entirely39 unable to count on any support on the part of his people, Caesar entered Urbino, and all the officials of the place immediately repaired to him to pay their respects.
URBINO.
From an early engraving40.
To face p. 198.
199 No sooner was Valentino installed in the beautiful palace of Urbino than he dispatched Pedro de Oviedo to Florence to demand the person of the Duke of Urbino, who, he had reason to believe, was within her borders, and to ask what her intentions were with respect to himself. To this the Signory replied by sending an embassy consisting of the Bishop41, Francesco Soderini, and a secretary, the astute42 Machiavelli, who, however, after two interviews with Valentino, returned to report to the Signory.
The envoys on their first meeting with Caesar lost whatever illusions they may have had concerning his intentions regarding Florence. Valentino complained that the Florentines had shown a want of faith towards him; but notwithstanding this he was desirous of forming an alliance with the Republic, and it was for this that he had requested that plenipotentiaries be sent him; and to make sure that there would be no violation43 of faith, he demanded that the government of the city be changed and a new one established upon whose word he could rely, “otherwise,” he remarked to the two envoys, “you will very soon understand that I will not long endure the present state of affairs, and if you do not wish to have me for a friend you shall have me for an enemy.” The envoys endeavoured to excuse the Republic’s breach44 of faith, and assured the Duke that she only desired his friendship. As to a change in the government they replied that the city had the best government that could be found; but Caesar insisted, and regretting that this was not that for which they supposed they had been summoned, and was not what the city expected, they took their leave. In one of their dispatches the envoys stated that Caesar was molto solitario e segreto—very solitary45 and secret. Valentino informed them that200 he had no desire to seize the property of any one—that it was not his purpose to make himself a tyrant46, but, on the contrary, to drive out the tyrants47.
Machiavelli alluded48 to the fate of the Duke of Urbino, “whose death had been announced simultaneously49 with the disease,” to which Caesar replied, “that the fate of Urbino showed the rapidity with which he reached his goal.”
Caesar literally50 dazzled and disarmed51 the envoys with his dash and cunning and effrontery52, and Machiavelli wrote: “This lord is splendid and magnificent, and in the profession of arms his boldness is such that the greatest undertakings53 present no difficulties for him; when he sets out to acquire glory and enlarge his domains54, he knows neither rest, fatigue55, nor danger; his arrival in a place is no sooner known than he is gone; he understands how to win the love of his men, and he has the best troops in all Italy—and this circumstance, together with most extraordinary good luck, makes him a conqueror56 and a formidable adversary57.” In one of his dispatches Soderini says: “It is difficult to answer him, so numerous are his arguments, and his speech and wit so ready.”
The negotiations58, however, were protracted59, and Machiavelli returned to Florence, while his colleague remained to divert Caesar, so that the Republic might have time to appeal to France. July 6th a messenger arrived from Louis XII., who commanded Caesar not to molest Florence; his Majesty60 also stated that he would regard any act of violence against the Republic as an affront61 to himself. The King’s action had been taken at the request of the Signory, who thus wished to201 show Valentino that they enjoyed the favour of France. In the meantime Caesar’s unchecked captains continued their aggressions by seizing Anghiari and Borgo San Sepolcro. July 9th the orator62 in Urbino informed the Duke that his Government would enter into an alliance with him, but demanded that he order Vitellozzo Vitelli to withdraw from Florentine territory. To this Caesar would not consent until an agreement had been reached, but to show his goodwill he proposed a suspension of hostilities63. The Florentines, however, having been informed that the King of France with 20,000 men was on the way to Italy, procrastinated64. They answered that while they would be glad to please him they would first have to consult with his Majesty. Soderini was directed to prolong the negotiations as much as possible to give the French lancers time to reach the field of action. After considerable fencing the envoy2 took leave of Valentino July 19th.
It appears that Caesar had already added to his numerous titles that of Duke of Urbino—“the weak State,” which he regarded as of slight importance, and in whose beautiful palace he found numerous works of art, which he caused to be removed to Cesena, not the least valuable of the treasures being the famous library. Among the statues was Michael Angelo’s “Cupid,” which Caesar himself a few years before, when still a cardinal65, had presented to Guidobaldo di Montefeltre. Isabella d’Este, after Caesar’s occupation of Urbino, having expressed a desire for this work of art, and for a certain “Venus,” the Duke sent them to her, although when she had asked her brother Ippolito202 to procure66 them for her, she had explained that “she did not wish to have anything to do with the Duke of Romagna.” Isabella had supposed the “Cupid” to be antique, but Caesar informed her that it was the work of Michael Angelo. Writing to her husband, Isabella said: “I will not describe the beauty of the ‘Venus,’ as I think you have seen it, but the ‘Cupid’ has no equal among modern works.”
No sooner had Soderini departed than Caesar, disguised and accompanied by only four servants, also left the city, intending to go secretly to the King of France in Milan. Just as he was about to take horse envoys arrived to congratulate him on the fall of Camerino, which had surrendered to his lieutenants July 19th.
The Varano family were the overlords of Camerino, and their head, Giulio Cesare, a man of seventy, who had been a condottiere in the pay of Venice, was one of the tyrants Valentino had singled out for destruction. Pope Alexander, on the ground that the Varano had neglected to pay the tribute due the Church, had at the time of Caesar’s first successes declared their States confiscated67. Early in June Valentino had dispatched two of his captains, the Duke of Gravina and Oliverotto da Fermo, from Rome to take possession of Camerino. Giulio Cesare Varano had sent his two younger sons to Venice for aid, and had kept the two elder with him in Camerino. There they made some resistance, but their relations with their subjects were similar to those of most of the Italian tyrants with their people, consequently they found but lukewarm support; there was even one faction,203 composed of their most determined adversaries68, who were anxious to open the gates to Valentino’s lieutenants. Giulio Cesare Varano and his two sons were taken to Urbino and cast into prison. The Colonna, who had assisted in the defence of Camerino, succeeded in making their escape. July 20th Caesar informed his sister Lucretia of the capture of Camerino in the following letter:—
“Illustrious and most excellent Lady, and our dear sister. Knowing that in your present illness no medicine could be more efficacious and more helpful than the announcement of good news, we inform you that we have just received a reliable report to the effect that Camerino has been taken. We beg you to honour this message with an immediate10 amelioration in your health and to inform us of it; for, distressed69 as we are, knowing you are so ill, nothing, not even this happy event, can give us any pleasure. We beg you to communicate this present news to the Illustrious Sr. Don Alfonso, your husband and our dearly beloved brother-in-law, to whom I cannot write to-day. Urbino XX July MDII.
“Caesar
“Agapito.”
Valentino always maintained friendly relations with Ercole and Alfonso d’Este, who never neglected to congratulate him on his successes.
Caesar evidently was anxious regarding his sister’s health, for he sent a famous physician of Cesena, Niccolò Marsini, to consult with his own physician, Gaspare Torrella, who had been previously70 dispatched to Ferrara. A few days later Caesar, disguised and with only a small suite,204 went to see his sister; he remained only two hours with her, and then, accompanied by his brother-in-law Alfonso, set out for Milan to meet the King of France.
Louis had been informed of their coming, but had kept the matter secret from the numerous deposed71 princes who had hastened to him. To the astonishment72 of the entire Court, which included the Duke of Urbino, the Lord of Pesaro, Varano of Camerino, and the Marquis of Mantua, who had offered to place himself at the head of a league for the purpose of dispossessing Caesar of his domains, the King received the new-comers most cordially. The courtiers had supposed that Louis would undertake to discipline Valentino for threatening Florence, but instead he received Caesar and his brother-in-law with the highest honours. The dethroned princes therefore immediately divined that the King and the Vatican were in perfect accord. Louis needed the Pope’s support in his plans with respect to Naples, and Caesar was astute enough to know that his Majesty would not seriously interfere73 with his own projects.
About this time Louis XII. and Valentino entered into a formal agreement regarding Bologna, by which his Majesty promised to furnish the Duke with three hundred lances “to help him to conquer Bologna in the name of the Church and subdue74 the Orsini, the Baglioni, and the Vitelli,” while Caesar promised to hold himself in readiness for three years to assist the King in any enterprises in which he might see fit to engage.
On returning from Milan Caesar immediately—September 10th—went to Imola to meet Cardinal Borgia, Bishop of Elne, and Don Remiro de Lorca,205 Governor of Romagna. Leonardo da Vinci had just completed his inspection75 of the Romagnol stronghold and castles, and had drawn76 up plans for strengthening them; he had also made designs for certain engines of war. Caesar remained in Imola until the 16th conferring with his lieutenants. In the meantime Alexander had sent an envoy to Bologna to demand that Giovanni Bentivoglio submit to his authority. At this juncture77 Claude de Seyssel, ambassador of Louis XII.—who had returned to France—appeared in Bologna to make known the wishes of his master, who had always regarded himself as the protector of the city. The Bentivoglio were loyally supported by the citizens, who refused to allow Giovanni’s sons, who had been summoned to the Vatican, to go to Rome; and the political parties, which had divided Bologna, laid aside their differences in the face of the threatening danger.
The Bolognese had found allies in Caesar’s own camp. The Orsini, the Baglioni, and Vitellozzo Vitelli had become estranged78 from him by his treatment of Bentivoglio and his efforts to compel Vitelli to surrender Milan to Florence. The condottieri, in Caesar’s name, had entered into an alliance of friendship with Bentivoglio during the last campaign; it therefore is not surprising that they refused to break this treaty and finally took sides with the House of Bologna against him.
Caesar was now isolated79, and his only support was the small army of Romagna, which was not sufficient to permit him to attack Bologna; nevertheless, counting on the French lances which the King had promised him at Milan, he prepared to make an assault upon the city.
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1
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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plunders
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的第三人称单数 ) | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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14
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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19
renascent
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| adj.新生的 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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usurps
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的第三人称单数 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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postulate
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| n.假定，基本条件；vt.要求，假定 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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suburban
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| adj.城郊的，在郊区的 | |
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villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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42
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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51
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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52
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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53
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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54
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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55
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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58
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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60
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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61
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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62
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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64
procrastinated
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| 拖延，耽搁( procrastinate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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66
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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67
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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69
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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71
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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72
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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73
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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75
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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76
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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78
estranged
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| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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