As long as the control of trade unionism among women remained with men, no link between the two was likely to be forged; the problem is so entirely3 apart from any that men unionists ever have to face themselves. It is true that with a man the question of adhering to a union alike in times of prosperity or times of stress may be complicated by a wife having a "say-so," through her enthusiasm or her indifference5 when it means keeping up dues or attending meetings; yet more, when belonging to a union may mean being thrown out of work or ordered on strike, just when there has been a long spell of sickness or a death with all the attendant expenses, or when perhaps a new baby is expected or when the hard winter months are at hand and the children are lacking shoes and clothes. Still, roughly speaking, a man worker is a unionist or a non-unionist just the same, be he single or married.
But how different it is with a girl! The counter influence exerted by marriage upon organization is not confined to those girls who leave the trade, and of course the union, if they have belonged to one, after they have married. The possibility of marriage and especially the exaggerated expectations girls entertain as to the improvement in their lot which marriage will bring them is one of the chief adverse7 influences that any organization composed of women or containing many women members has to reckon with, an influence acting8 all the time on the side of those employers who oppose organization among their girls.
It has been the wont9 of many men unionists in the past and is the custom of not a few today, to accept at its face value the girl's own argument: "What's the use of our joining the union? We'll be getting married presently." It is much the same feeling, although unspoken, that underlies10 the ordinary workingman's unwillingness11 to see women enter his trade and his indifference to their status in the trade once they have entered it. The man realizes that this rival of his is but a temporary worker, and he often, too often, excuses himself tacitly, if not in words, from making any effort to aid her in improving her position or from using his influence and longer experience to secure for her any sort of justice, forgetting that the argument, "She'll soon get married" is a poor one at best, seeing that as soon as one girl does marry her place will immediately be filled by another, as young, as inexperienced as she had been, and as utterly12 in need of the protection that experienced and permanent co-workers could give her. The girl, although she guesses it not, is only too frequently made the instrument of a terrible retribution; for the poor wage, which was all that she in her individual helplessness was able to obtain for herself, is used to lower the pay of the very man, who, had he stood by her, might have helped her to a higher wage standard and at the same time preserved his own.
Again, the probability of the girl marrying increases on all sides the difficulties encountered in raising standards alike of work and of wages. Bound up with direct payment are those indirect elements of remuneration or deduction13 from remuneration covered by length of working-hours and by sanitary14 conditions, since whatever saps the girl's energy or undermines her health, whether overwork, foul15 air, or unsafe or too heavy or overspeeded machinery16, forms an actual deduction from her true wages, besides being a serious deduction from the wealth-store, the stock of well-being17, of the community.
Up till comparatively recent times the particular difficulties I have been enumerating18 did not exist, since, under the system of home industries universal before the introduction of steam-power, there was not the same economic competition between men and women, nor was there this unnatural19 gap between the occupation of the woman during her girlhood and afterwards in her married life. In the majority of cases, indeed, she only continued to carry on under her husband's roof the very trades which she had learned and practiced in the home of her parents. And this applied20 equally to the group of trades which we still think of as part of the woman's natural home life, baking and cooking and cleaning and sewing, and to that other group which have become specialized21 and therefore are now pursued outside the home, such as spinning and weaving. It was true also in large part of the intrinsically out-of-door employments, such as field-work.
In writing about a change while the process is still going on, it is extremely difficult to write so as not to be misunderstood. For there are remote corners, even of the United States, where the primitive22 conditions still subsist23, and where woman still bears her old-time relation to industry, where the industrial life of the girl flows on with no gap or wrench24 into the occupational life of the married woman. Through wifehood and motherhood she indeed adds to her burdens, and complicates25 her responsibilities, but otherwise she spends her days in much the same fashion as before, with some deduction, often, alas26, inadequate27, to allow for the bearing and rearing of her too frequent babies. Also in the claims that industry makes upon her in her relation to the productive life of the community, under such primitive conditions, her life rests upon the same basis as before.
As a telling illustration of that primitive woman's occupations, as she carries them on among us today, the following will serve. Quite recently a friend, traveling in the mountainous regions of Kentucky, at the head of Licking Creek28, had occasion to call at a little mountain cabin, newly built out of logs, the chinks stopped up with clay, evidently the pride and the comfort of the dwellers29. It consisted of one long room. At one end were three beds. In the center was the family dining-table, and set out in order on one side a number of bark-seated hickory chairs made by the forest carpenters. On the other a long bench, probably intended for the younger members of the family. Facing the door, as the visitor entered, was a huge open fireplace, with a bar across, whence hung three skillets of kettles for the cooking of the food. The only occupant of the cabin at that hour in the afternoon was an old woman. She was engaged in combing into smoothness with two curry-combs a great pile of knotted wool, washed, but otherwise as it came off the sheep's back. The wool was destined30 to be made into blankets for the household. The simple apparatus31 for the carrying-out of the whole process was there at hand, for the spinning-wheel stood back in a corner of the room, while the big, heavy loom32 had, for convenience' sake, been set up on the porch. That old woman's life may be bare and narrow enough in many ways, but at least she is rich and fortunate in having the opportunity for the exercise of a skilled trade, and in it an outlet33 for self-expression, and even for artistic34 taste in the choice of patterns and colors. Far different the lot of the factory worker with her monotonous35 and mindless repetition of lifeless movements at the bidding of the machine she tends. The Kentucky mountain woman was here practicing in old age the art she had acquired in her girlhood. Those early lessons which had formed her industrial education, were of life-long value, both in enriching her own life, and by adding to her economic and therefore social value, alike as a member of her own household, and as a contributor to the wealth of the little community.
We once had, universally, and there still can be found in such isolated36 regions, an industrial arrangement, soundly based upon community and family needs, and even more normally related to the woman's own development, better expressing many sides of her nature than do the confused and conflicting claims of the modern family and modern industry render possible for vast numbers today. And this, although wide opportunity for personal and individual development was so sadly lacking, and the self-abnegation expected from women was so excessive, that the intellectual and emotional life must often have been a silent tragedy of repression37.
Among our modern working-women in urban localities, we find today no such settled plan for thus directing the activities of women to meet modern needs and conditions. Neither home nor school furnishes our girls with a training fitting them for a rich and varied38 occupational life. The pursuits into which most of them drift or are driven, do indeed result in the production of a vast amount of manufactured goods, food, clothing, house and personal furnishings of all sorts, and of machinery with which may be manufactured yet more goods. Much of this product is both useful and beneficial to us all, but there are likewise mountains of articles fashioned, neither useful nor beneficial, nor resulting in any sort of use, comfort or happiness to anyone: adulterated foods, shoddy clothes, and toys that go to pieces in an hour.
Certainly the girl worker of this twentieth century produces per head, and with all allowances made for the cost of the capital invested in factory and machinery, and for superintendence, far and away more in amount and in money value than did her girl ancestor of a hundred years ago, or than her contemporary girl ancestor of today in the Kentucky and Tennessee mountains, or than her other sister, the farmer's daughter in agricultural regions, who still retains hold of and practices some of the less primitive industries.
But the impulse to congratulate ourselves upon this vastly increased product of labor39 is checked when we take up the typically modern girl's life at a later stage. We have observed already that her life during her first fourteen years is utterly unrelated to the next period, which she spends in store or factory. The training of her childhood has been no preparation for the employments of her girlhood. She is but an unskilled hand, the last cog in a machine, and if these prove but seven lean years for her, it is only what we might expect. When they are ended, and married life entered upon, we are again struck by the absence of any relation between either of these two life-periods and the stage preceding, and by the fact that at no time is any intelligent preparation made either for a wage-earning or a domestic career. This means an utter dislocation between the successive stages of woman's life, a dislocation, the unfortunate results of which, end not with the sex directly affected40, but bring about a thousand other evils, the lowering of the general wage standard, the deterioration41 of home life, and serious loss to the children of the coming generation. As far as we know, such a dislocation in the normal development of women's lives never took place before on any large scale. I am speaking of it here solely42 in relation to the sum of the well-being of the whole community. As it affects the individual girl and woman herself it has been dealt with under other heads.
The cure which the average man has to propose is pithily43 summed up in the phrase: "Girls ought to stay at home." The home as woman's sole sphere is even regarded as the ultimate solution of the whole difficulty by many men, who know well that it is utterly impracticable today. A truer note was struck by John Work, when addressing himself specially6 to socialist44 men:
It would be fatal to our prospects45 of reaching the women with the message of socialism if we were to give the millions of wage-earning women to understand that we did not intend to let them continue earning their own living, but proposed to compel them to become dependent upon men. They price what little independence they have, and they want more of it.
It would be equally fatal to our prospects of reaching the women with the message of socialism if we were to give the married women to understand that they must remain dependent upon men. It is one of the most hopeful signs of the times that they are chafing48 under the galling49 chains of dependence47.
* * * * *
Far from shutting women out of the industries, socialism will do
just the opposite.
It will open up to every woman a full and free opportunity to earn
her own living and receive her full earnings50.
This means the total cessation of marrying for a home.
The degree of irritation51 that so many men show when expressing themselves on the subject of women in the trades is the measure of their own sense of incompetence52 to handle it. The mingled53 apathy54 and impatience55 with which numbers of union men listen to any proposal to organize the girls with whom they work arises from the same mental attitude. "These girls have come into our shop. We can't help it. We didn't ask them. They should be at home. Let them take care of themselves."
The inconsistency of such a view is seen when we consider that in the cities at least an American father (let alone a foreign-born father) is rarely found nowadays objecting to his own girls going out to work for wages. He expects it, unless one or more are needed by their mother at home to help with little ones or to assist in a small family store or home business. He takes it as a matter of course that his girls go to work as soon as they leave school, just as his boys do. And yet the workman in a printing office, we will say, whose own daughter is earning her living as a stenographer56 or teacher, will resent the competition of women type-setters, and will both resent and despise those daughters of poorer fathers, who have found their way into the press or binding-rooms. unionists or non-unionists, such men ignore the fact that all these girls have just as much right to earn an honest living at setting type, or folding or tipping and in so doing to receive the support and protection of any organization there is, as their own daughters have to take wages for the hours they spend in schoolroom or in office. The single men but echo the views of the older ones when such unfortunately is the shop tone, and may be even more indifferent to the girls' welfare and to the bad economic results to all workers of our happy-go-lucky system or no-system.
I do not wish to be understood as accepting either the girl's present economic position or the absorption in purely57 domestic occupations of the workingman's wife as a finality. It is a transitional stage that we are considering. I look forward to a time, I believe it to be rapidly approaching, when the home of the workingman, like everyone's else home, will be truly the home, the happy resting-place, the sheltering nest of father, mother and children, and when through the rearrangement of labor, the workingman's wife will be relieved from her monotonous existence of unrelieved domestic drudgery58 and overwork, disguised under the name of wifely and maternal60 duties, when the cooking and the washing, for instance, will be no more part of the home life in the humblest home than in the wealthiest. The workingman's wife will then share in the general freedom to occupy part of her time in whatever occupation she is best fitted for, and, along with every other member of the community she will share in the benefits arising from the better organisation61 of domestic work.
However, this blessed change has not yet come to pass, and of all city-dwellers, the wife of the workingman seems to be furthest away from the benefits of the transformation62. Therefore, in considering the connection between the girl's factory life and her probable occupational future in married life, I have purposely avoided dwelling63 upon what is bound to arrive some time in the future, and have tried to face facts as they exist today, dealing64 as far as possible with the difficulties of the generation of girls now in the factories, those about to enter, and those passing out, remembering only, with a patience-breeding sense of relief, that the conditions of today may not necessarily be the conditions of tomorrow.
I therefore accept in its full meaning domesticity, as practiced by the most domestic woman, and as preached by the domestic woman's most ardent65 advocate among men. Nor am I expressing resentment66 at the fact that when a girl leaves the machine-speeded work of the factory, it is only to take up the heavy burden of the workingman's wife, as we know it. She must be wife and mother, and manager of the family income, and cook and laundress and housemaid and seamstress. The improvement of her position and the amelioration of her lot can only come slowly, through social changes, as expressed in the woman movement, and through the widening scope of the principle of specialization.
Even today, without any such radical67 changes as are foreshadowed above, the gap between schooldays and working years, between working years and married life, can to some extent be bridged over if we plan to do so from the beginning. As has been shown, organized women are already advocating some such orderly plan for the girl's school training, as should blend book-learning with manual instruction and simple domestic accomplishments68. But also, in order to deal justly and fairly by the girl, any reasonable scheme of things would also presuppose such strict control of the conditions of industry, that hours would be reasonably short, that in the building and running of machinery there should be borne in mind always the safety and health of the workers, instead of, as today, expecting almost all the adaptation to be on the part of the worker, through pitting the flexible, delicate, and easily injured human organism against the inflexible69 and tireless machine. Other essential conditions would be the raising of the standard of living, and therefore of remuneration, for all, down to the weakest and least skilled, and the insistence70 upon equal pay for equal work, tending to lessen71 the antagonism72 between men and women on the industrial field. Thus doubly prepared and adequately protected the girl would pass from her wage-earning girlhood into home and married life a fresher, less exhausted73 creature than she usually is now. Further, she would be more likely to bring to the bearing and rearing of her children a constitution unenfeebled by premature74 overwork and energies unsapped by its monotonous grind. Again, her understanding of industrial problems would make her a more intelligent as well as a more sympathetic helpmate. Hand in hand, husband and wife would more hopefully tackle fresh industrial difficulties as these arose, and they would do so with some slight sense of the familiarity that is the best armor in life's battle.
Besides there is the other possibility, all too often realized, that lies in the background of every such married woman's consciousness. She may be an ideally domestic woman, spending her time and strength on her home and for the Welfare of her husband and children, yet through no fault of hers, her home may be lost to her, or if not lost, at least kept together only by her own unremitting efforts as a wage-earner. It often happens that marriage in course of time proves to be anything but an assurance of support. Early widowed, the young mother herself may have to earn her children's bread. Or the husband may become crippled, or an invalid77, or he may turn out a drunkard and a spendthrift. In any of these circumstances, the responsibility and the burden of supporting the entire family usually falls upon the wife. Is it strange that the group so often drift into undeserved pauperism78, sickness and misery79, perhaps later on, even into those depths of social maladjustment that bring about crime?
The poorly paid employment of office-cleaning is sadly popular among widows and deserted80 wives, because, being followed during the evening, and sometimes night hours, it leaves a mother free during the day to attend to her cooking and housework and sewing, and be on the spot to give the children their meals. Free! The irony81 of it! Free, that is, to work sixteen hours or longer per day, and free to leave her little ones in a locked-up room, while she earns enough to pay the rent and buy the food. Ask any such widowed mother what she is thinking of, as she plies82 mop and scrubbing-brush after the offices are closed and the office force gone home, and she will tell you how she worries for fear something may have happened to the baby while she is away. She wonders whether she left the matches out of the reach of four-year-old Sammy; and Bessie, who isn't very strong, is always so frightened when the man on the floor above comes home late and quarrels with his wife.
The theory on which the poor woman was paid her wages when as a single girl she used to draw her weekly pay-envelope, that a fair living wage for a woman is what is barely sufficient to support herself, rather falls down when a whole household has to be kept out of a girl's miserable83 pay.
All these difficulties would be eased for such overburdened ones, if their early training had been such as to leave them equipped to meet the vicissitudes84 of fortune on fairer terms, and if the conditions of industrial life, allotting85 equal pay to workers of both sexes, had also included reasonable opportunities for advancement86 to higher grades of work with proportionately increased pay.
Meanwhile, married women, less handicapped than these, are experimenting on their own account, and are helping87 to place the work of wives as wage-earners on a more settled basis. The wife of the workingman who has no children, and who lives in a city finds she has not enough to do in the little flat which is their home. The stove in winter needs little attention; there is not enough cooking and cleaning to fill up her time, and as for sewing she can buy most of their clothing cheaper than she can make it. But any little money she can earn will come in useful; so she tries for some kind of work, part-time work, if she can find it. In every big city there are hundreds of young married women who take half-time jobs in our department stores or who help to staff the lunch-rooms or wash up or carry trays, or act as cashiers in our innumerable restaurants. As half-day girls such waitresses earn their three or four dollars a week, besides getting their lunch. Very frequently they do not admit to their fellow-workers that they are married, for the single girl with her own hard struggle on her hands is apt to resent such competition. A worker who is in a position to accept voluntarily a half-time job of this sort is one who must have some other means of meeting part of her living expenses. A home in the background is such an aid. The increasingly large number of part-time workers, lessen, the others reckon, the number of jobs to be had by the ones that have to work all day, and may tend also to lower wages, since any partly subsidized worker can afford to take less than the girl who has to support herself out of her earnings. The latter has never heard of parasitic88 trades, and yet in her heart she knows there is something not quite right here, something that she blindly feels she would like to put an end to.
She is quite right in resisting any lowering of wages, but she will have to accept this inroad into the trades of these exceptionally placed married women. She will have to throw her efforts into another channel, using organization to raise the position of working-women generally into dignified89 industrial independence. For this still limited number of half-time married women workers are but the leaf on the stream, showing the direction events are taking. As specialization goes on, as the domestic industries are more and more taken out of our homes, as the gifted and trained teacher more and more shares in the life of the child, more and more will the woman after she marries continue to belong to the wage-earning class by being a part-time worker. To propose eliminating the present (sometimes unfair) competition of the married woman with the single girl, by excluding her from any or every trade is as futile90 as the resentment of men against all feminine rivals in industry.
We have been observing, so far, how the lives of women have been modified, often, not for the better, by the industrial revolution. Let us glance now in passing at the old home industries themselves, and note what is still happening. One after another has been taken, not merely out of the home, where they all originated, but out of the hands of the sex who invented and developed them. Trade after trade has thus been taken over from the control of women, and appropriated and placed on a modern business basis by men. I make no criticism upon this transference beyond remarking that you hear no howl about it from the supplanted92 ones, as you never fail to do over the converse93 process, when male workers are driven out of occupations to make way for women, whose cheapness makes them so formidable an industrial competitor. But whichever way it works, sex discrimination usually bodes94 no good to the lasting95 interest of any of the workers. When a trade passes out of the status of a home industry, and takes on the dignity of an outside occupation, women are rarely in a position to take hold of it in its new guise59. We find men following it, partly because they are more accustomed to think in terms of professional skill, and partly because they are in the business swim, and can more easily gain command of the capital necessary to start any new enterprise. Men then proceed to hire the original owners as employés, and women lose greatly in their economic status.
This is the general rule, though it is by no means wholly the sex line that divides the old-fashioned houseworker from the specialized professional, though this habitual96 difference in standing75 between groups of different sex does tend to blur97 fundamental issues. The economic struggle in its bare elements would be easy to follow compared with the complex and perpetually changing forms in which it is presented to us.
But the home industries are not yet fully76 accounted for and disposed of. Some of the household occupations, essential once to the comfort and well-being of the family, are shrinking in importance, prior to vanishing before our eyes, because now they do not for the most part represent an economical expenditure98 of energy. Meanwhile, however, they linger on, a survival in culture, and in millions of homes today the patient housewife is striving with belated tools to keep her family fed and clothed and her house spotless.
Take the cleaning process, for example, and watch what is happening. Dr. Helen Sumner draws attention to the fact that we ourselves are witnessing its rapid transformation. It is being taken out of the hands of the individual houseworker, who is wont to scrub, sweep and dust in the intervals99 between marketing100, cooking, laundry-work or sewing, and by whom it is performed well or ill, but always according to the standards of the individual household, which means that there are no accepted standards in sweeping101, scrubbing and dusting. House-cleaning is becoming a specialized, skilled trade, performed by the visiting expert and his staff of professionally trained employés. Even if as yet these skilled and paid workers enter an ordinary home only at long intervals, when the mystic process of spring cleaning seems to justify102 the expense, the day is plainly in sight when the usual weekly cleaning will be taken over by these same visitors. At present the abruptness103 of the change is broken for us by the introduction into the market, and the use by the house-mother of various hand-driven machines, a vast improvement upon the old-fashioned broom, and accustoming104 women to the idea of new and better methods of getting rid of dirt. Few realize the tremendous import of this comparatively insignificant105 invention, the atmospheric106 cleaner, or what a radical change it is bringing about in the thoughts of the housewife, whose ideas on the domestic occupations so far have been mostly as confused as those of the charwoman, who put up on her door the sign: "Scrubbing and Window-Cleaning Done Here." In the same way the innumerable electric appliances of today are simplifying the labors107 of the housewife; but their chief value is that through them she is becoming accustomed to the thought of change, and being led on to distinguish between the housework that can be simplified, and still done at home, and the much larger proportion which must sooner or later be relegated108 to the professional expert, either coming in at intervals or performing the task elsewhere. And this is true, fortunately, of women in the country as well as in the cities.
We have traveled a long way during the last hundred and fifty years or so, and in that time have witnessed the complete transference from home to factory of many home industries, notably109 spinning and weaving, and soap-and candle-making. Others like the preparation of food are still in process of transference. The factory industries are the direct and legitimate110 offspring of the primitive home industries, and their growth and development are entirely on the lines of a normal evolution.
[Illustration: Courtesy of The Pine Mountain Settlement Primitive
Industry. Kentucky mountain woman at her spinning-wheel. 1913]
[Illustration: Courtesy of The Chicago School of Civics and
Philanthropy Italian Woman Home Finisher]
But there is another form of industry that is a ghastly hybrid111, the "home-work" that has been born of the union of advanced factory methods and primitive home appliances. Such a combination could never have come into existence, had the working classes at the time of the inception112 of machine-driven industry possessed113 either an understanding of what was happening, or the power to prevent their own exploitation. The effects of this home-work are in every way deadly. There is not a single redeeming114 feature about the whole business. Like the spinner or the weaver115 of olden times, the sewing-machine operator or the shirt-finisher of the present day provides her own workroom, lighting116 and tools, but unlike her, she enjoys no freedom in their use, nor has she any control over the hours she works, the prices she asks or the class of work she undertakes.
With the home-worker hard-driven by her sister in poverty, and driving her in turn, helpless both in their ignorance under the modern Juggernaut that is destroying them, pushed ever more cruelly by relentless117 competition, the last stronghold, the poor little home itself, goes down. The mother has no time to care for her children, nor money wherewith to procure118 for them the care of others. In her frantic119 desire to keep them alive, she holds the whip over her own flesh and blood, who have to spend their very babyhood in tying feather-flues or pulling out bastings. Home-work, this unnatural product of nineteenth-century civilization, as an agency for summarily destroying the home is unparalleled. Nor do its blighting120 effects end with homes wrecked121, and children neglected, stunted122 and slain123. The proud edifice124 of modern industry itself, on whose account homes are turned into workshops, children into slaves, and mothers into slave-drivers, is undermined and degraded by this illegitimate competition, the most powerful of all factors in lowering wages, and preventing organization among regular factory hands. The matter lies in a nutshell. Industry which originated in the home could be safely carried on there only as long as it remained simple and the operations thereof such as one individual could complete. As soon as through the invention of power-driven machinery industry reached the stage of high specialization and division of labor, at once it became a danger to the home, and the home a degradation125 to it. It was at the call of specialized industry that the factory came into existence, and only in the factory can it be safely housed.
A similar and, if it were possible, a worse form of family and group slavery prevails outside of the cities in the poorer farming regions and in the cotton states. It is harder to reach and to handle, and there is cause to fear that it is increasing. Especially in the busy season when the corn has to be harvested or the cotton picked the mother is considered as a toiler126 first, and she is to have her babies and look after her poor little home and her children as a mere91 afterthought. The children are contributors to the family support from the time they can toddle127 and schooling128 comes a bad second in making the family arrangements. One reason for this growing evil is the threatening degradation and disappearance129 of the independent farmer class, who made up what would have been called in England formerly130 the yeomanry of this country, and their replacement131 by a poor peasantry degraded by the wretched terms upon which they are driven to snatch a bare existence from a patch of land to which they are tied by lease, by mortgage or by wages, and which they have neither the money nor the knowledge to cultivate to advantage.
The Federal Commission on Industrial Relations has brought to light some startling facts in this phase of our social life, as in many others. I can refer to the evidence of but one witness. She speaks for many thousands. This is as it is quoted in the daily press.
Picture for the moment the drama staged at Dallas. Mrs. I. Borden Harriman of New York is presiding over the commission. Mrs. Levi Stewart, the wife of a tenant132 farmer, is on the witness stand. Mrs. Stewart is a shrinking little woman with "faded eyes and broken body." She wears a blue sunbonnet. Her dress of checkered133 material has lost its color from long use. In a thin, nervous voice she answers the questions of the distinguished134 leader of two kinds of "society."
"Do you work in the fields?" Mrs. Harriman began.
"Yes, ma'am."
"How old were you when you married?"
"Fifteen."
"How old was your husband?"
"Eighteen."
"Did you work in the fields when you were a child?"
"Oh, yes'm, I picked and I chopped."
"Have you worked in the fields every year?"
"I do in pickin' and choppin' times."
"And you do the housework?'
"There ain't no one else to do it."
"And the sewing?"
"Yes, ma'am. I make all the clothes for the children and myself. I make everything I wear ever since I was married."
"Do you make your hats?"
"Yes, ma'am. I make my hats. I had only two since I was married."
"And how long have you been married?"
"Twenty years."
"Do you do the milking?"
"Most always when we can afford a cow."
"What time do you get up in the morning?"
"I usually gits up in time to have breakfast done by 4 o'clock in summer time. In the winter time we are through with breakfast by sun-up."
"Did you work in the fields while you were carrying your
children?"
"Oh, yes, sometimes; sometimes almost nigh to birthin'
time."
"Is this customary among the tenant farmers' wives you
have known?"
The answer was an affirmative nod.
Let us now once more consider the home, and compare factory operations with the domestic arts. There is no doubt that in cooking, for instance, the housewife finds scope for a far higher range of qualifications than the factory girl exercises in preparing tomatoes in a cannery, or soldering135 the cans after they are filled with the cooked fruit. The housewife has first of all to market and next to prepare the food for cooking. She has to study the proper degree of heat, watch the length of time needed for boiling or baking in their several stages, perhaps make additions of flavorings, and serve daintily or can securely. There is scarcely any division of housework which does not call for resource and alertness. Unfortunately, however, although these qualities are indeed called for, they are not always called forth136, because the houseworker is not permitted to concentrate her whole attention and interest upon any one class of work, but must be constantly going from one thing to another. Hence women have indeed acquired marvelous versatility137, but at what a heavy cost! The houseworker only rarely acquires perfect skill and deftness138 or any considerable speed in performing any one process. Her versatility is attained139 at the price of having no standards of comparison established, and worse than all, at the price of working in isolation140, and therefore gaining no training in team-work, and so never having an inkling of what organized effort means.
Our factory systems, on the other hand, go to the other extreme, being so arranged that the majority of workers gain marvelous dexterity141, and acquire a dizzying rate of speed, while they are apt to lose in both resourcefulness and versatility. They do not, however, suffer, to anything like the same degree, from isolation, and factory life, even where the employers are opposed to organization, does open a way to the recognition of common difficulties and common advantages, and therefore leads eventually in the direction of organization. In the factory trades the workers have to some extent learnt to be vocal142. It is possible for an outsider to learn something of the inner workings of an establishment. Upon the highly developed trades, the searchlight of official investigation143 is every now and then turned. From statistics we know the value of the output. We are also learning a good deal about the workers, the environment that makes for health or invalidism144, or risk to life, and we are in a fair way to learn more. The organized labor movement furnishes an expression, although still imperfect, of the workers' views, and keeps before the public the interests of the workers, even of the unorganized groups.
But with the domestic woman all this is reversed. In spite of the fact that in numbers the home women far exceed the wage-earners, the value of their output has been ignored, and as to the conditions under which it is produced, not even the most advanced and progressive statisticians have been able to arrive at any estimate. Of sentiment tons have been lavished145 upon the extreme importance of the work of the housewife in the home, sometimes, methinks, with a lingering misgiving146 that she might not be too well content, and might need a little encouragement to be induced to remain there. What adulation, too, has been expended147 upon the work of even the domestic servant, with comparisons in plenty unfavorable to the factory occupations into which girls still persist in drifting. Yet in freedom and in social status, two of the tests by which to judge the relative desirability of occupations, the paid domestic employments take inferior ranks. Again, they offer little prospect46 of advance, for they lead nowhere.
Further, as noted148 in an earlier chapter in the census149 reports all women returning themselves as engaged in domestic duties (not being paid employés), were necessarily not listed as gainfully employed. Yet it is impossible to believe that compared with other ways of employing time and energy, the hours that women spend in cooking and cleaning for the family, even if on unavoidably primitive lines, have no value to the community. Or again, that the hours a mother spends in caring for her baby, later on in helping with the lessons, and fitting the children for manhood or womanhood, have no value in the nation's account book. I will be reminded that this is an unworthy way of reckoning up the inestimable labors of the wife and mother. Perhaps so. Yet personally, I should much prefer a system of social economics which could estimate the items at a fair, not excessive value, and credit them to the proper quarter.
A well-known woman publicist recently drew attention to the vast number of the women engaged in domestic life, and expressed regret that organizations like the National Women's Trade union League confined their attention so exclusively to the women and girls employed in factories and stores, who, even today, fall so far short numerically of their sisters who are working in the home or on the farm. The point is an interesting one, but admits of a ready explanation. Every movement follows the line of least resistance, and a movement for the industrial organization of women must first approach those in the most advanced and highly organized industries. As I have shown, we really know very much more about the conditions of factory workers than of home-workers. The former have, in a degree, found their voice, and are able to give collective expression to their common interests.
The League recently urged upon the Secretary for Labor, the recognition, as an economic factor, of the work of women in the household trades; the classification of these occupations, whether paid or unpaid150, on a par4 with other occupations, and lastly, that there be undertaken a government investigation of domestic service.
In this connection a long step forward has just been taken through the inquiries151, which during the last two years, the Department of Agriculture has been making as to the real position of women on the farm, and has been making them of the women themselves. This came about through a letter addressed to the Secretary from Mr. Clarence Poe, Raleigh, North Carolina, under date of July 9, 1913, in which he said: "Have some bulletins for the farmer's wife, as well as for the farmer himself. The farm woman has been the most neglected factor in the rural problem, and she has been especially neglected by the National Department of Agriculture. Of course, a few such bulletins are printed, but not enough."
A letter was accordingly sent out from Washington to the housewives of the department's 55,000 volunteer crop correspondents, on the whole a group of picked women. They were invited to state both their personal views and the results of discussions with women neighbors, their church organization or any women's organization to which they might belong. To this letter 2,225 relevant replies were received, many of these transmitting the opinions of groups of women in the neighborhood.
The letter asked "how the United States Department of Agriculture can better meet the needs of farm housewives." Extracts from the replies with comments have been published in the form of four bulletins. Many of the letters make tragic152 reading: the want of any money of their own; the never-ending hours; the bad roads and poor schools; neglect in girlhood and at times of childbirth. A great many thoughtless husbands will certainly be awakened153 to a sense of neglected opportunities, as well as to many sins of commission.
The bulletins contain appendices of suggestions how farm women can help one another, and how they may gain much help from the certainly now thoroughly154 converted Department of Agriculture, through farmer's institutes for women, through demonstrations155 and other extension work under the Smith-Lever Act of 1914, and through the formation of women's and girls' clubs.
It is of the utmost importance to society, as well as to herself, that the whole economic status of the married woman, performing domestic duties, should be placed upon a sounder basis. It is not as if the unsatisfactory position of the average wife and mother could confine its results to herself. Compared with other occupations, hers fulfills156 none of the conditions that the self-respecting wage-earner demands. The twenty-four-hour day, the seven-day week, no legal claim for remuneration, these are her common working conditions. Other claims which a husband can and usually does make upon her I leave unnoticed; also the unquestioned claim of her children upon her time and strength. Marital158 duties, as they are evasively termed, could not be exacted from any wage servant. Moreover, the very existence of children whom the married pair have called into being is but an argument, on the one hand, for the father taking a larger share in their care, and on the other, for the lightening of the mother's multifarious burden by the better organization of all household work, as well as everything that belongs to child culture and care.
The poor working conditions she suffers under, and the uncertainty159 of her position, reduce many a woman's share in the married partnership160 to that of an employé in a sweated trade. This kind of marriage, therefore, like all other sweated trades tends to lower the general market value of women's work. This is casting no reflection upon the hundreds of thousands of husbands who do their part fairly, who share and share alike whatever they have or earn with their wives. How many a workingman regularly hands over to his wife for the support of the home the whole of his earnings with perhaps the barest deduction, a dollar or two, or sometimes only a few cents, for small personal expenditures161. Many wives enjoy complete power over the family purse. Or the married pair decide together as to how much they can afford to spend on rent and food and clothing, and when sickness or want of work face them, they meet the difficulty together. The decisions made, it is the wife who has the whole responsibility for the actual spending.
But though so often a man does fulfill157 in spirit as in letter his promise to support, as well as to love and honor the girl he has married, there is very little in the laws of any country to compel him. And because the man can slip the collar more easily than the woman can, the woman's position is rendered still more uncertain. If she were an ordinary wage-worker, we should say of her that her occupation was an unstandardized one, and that individually she was too dependent upon the personal goodwill162 of another. Therefore, like all other unstandardized callings, marriage, considered as an occupation, tends to lower the general market value of woman's work. Conversely, Cicely Hamilton in "Marriage as a Trade," points out that the improvements in the economic position of the married woman, which have come about in recent years, are partly at least due to the successful efforts of single women to make themselves independent and self-supporting.
But during the process of transition, and while single women are forging farther and farther ahead, many a married woman is finding herself between the upper and the nether163 millstone. And unfortunately precisely164 in the degree that the paid domestic worker is able to make better arrangements in return for her services, whether as resident or as visiting employé, many housemothers are likely for a time to find conditions press yet more severely165 upon themselves. They will soon have no one left upon whom they can shift their own burdens of overwork, as they have so frequently done in the past. Sooner or later they will be driven to take counsel with their fellows, and will then assuredly plan some method of organizing housewives for mutual166 help and co?peration, and for securing from society some fairer recognition of the true value of the contribution of the domestic woman to the wealth of the community.
It is not strange that she with whom industry had its rise and upon whom all society rests should be the last to benefit by the forces of reorganization which are spiritually regenerating167 the race and elevating it to a level never before reached. The very function of sex, whose exercise enters into her relation with her husband, has complicated what could otherwise have been a simple partnership. The helplessness of her children and their utter dependence upon her, which should have furnished her with an additional claim for consideration, have only tied her more closely and have prevented her from obtaining that meed of justice from society which a less valuable servant had long ago won. But in the sistership of womanhood, now for the first time admitted and hopefully accepted, fortunate and unfortunate clasp hands, and go forward to aid in making that future the whole world awaits today.
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1
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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5
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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10
underlies
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的第三人称单数 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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14
sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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15
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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17
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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18
enumerating
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的现在分词 ) | |
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19
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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specialized
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| adj.专门的，专业化的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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wrench
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| v.猛拧；挣脱；使扭伤；n.扳手；痛苦，难受 | |
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complicates
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| 使复杂化( complicate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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30
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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31
apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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32
loom
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| n.织布机，织机；v.隐现，(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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34
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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35
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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41
deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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43
pithily
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| adv.有力地，简洁地 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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45
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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47
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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48
chafing
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| n.皮肤发炎v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的现在分词 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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49
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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50
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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51
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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52
incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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53
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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54
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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55
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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56
stenographer
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| n.速记员 | |
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57
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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58
drudgery
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| n.苦工，重活，单调乏味的工作 | |
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59
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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60
maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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61
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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62
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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63
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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64
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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71
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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72
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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73
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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74
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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75
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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77
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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pauperism
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| n.有被救济的资格，贫困 | |
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79
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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80
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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81
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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82
plies
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的第三人称单数 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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83
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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84
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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85
allotting
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的现在分词 ) | |
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86
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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87
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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88
parasitic
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| adj.寄生的 | |
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89
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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90
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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91
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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94
bodes
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的第三人称单数 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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97
blur
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| n.模糊不清的事物；vt.使模糊，使看不清楚 | |
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98
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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100
marketing
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| n.行销，在市场的买卖，买东西 | |
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101
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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102
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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103
abruptness
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| n. 突然，唐突 | |
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104
accustoming
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| v.（使）习惯于( accustom的现在分词 ) | |
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105
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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106
atmospheric
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| adj.大气的，空气的；大气层的；大气所引起的 | |
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107
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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108
relegated
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| v.使降级( relegate的过去式和过去分词 )；使降职；转移；把…归类 | |
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109
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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110
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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111
hybrid
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| n.(动，植）杂种，混合物 | |
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112
inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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113
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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114
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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115
weaver
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| n.织布工；编织者 | |
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116
lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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117
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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118
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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119
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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120
blighting
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| 使凋萎( blight的现在分词 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
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121
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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122
stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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123
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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124
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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125
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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126
toiler
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| 辛劳者，勤劳者 | |
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127
toddle
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| v.（如小孩）蹒跚学步 | |
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128
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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129
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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130
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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131
replacement
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| n.取代，替换，交换；替代品，代用品 | |
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132
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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133
checkered
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| adj.有方格图案的 | |
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134
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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135
soldering
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| n.软焊；锡焊；低温焊接；热焊接v.（使）焊接，焊合( solder的现在分词 ) | |
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136
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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137
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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138
deftness
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139
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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140
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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141
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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142
vocal
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| adj.直言不讳的；嗓音的；n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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143
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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144
invalidism
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| 病弱，病身； 伤残 | |
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145
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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147
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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148
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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149
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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150
unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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151
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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152
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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153
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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154
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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155
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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156
fulfills
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| v.履行（诺言等）( fulfill的第三人称单数 )；执行（命令等）；达到（目的）；使结束 | |
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157
fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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158
marital
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| adj.婚姻的，夫妻的 | |
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159
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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160
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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161
expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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162
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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163
nether
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| adj.下部的，下面的；n.阴间；下层社会 | |
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164
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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165
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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166
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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167
regenerating
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的现在分词 )；正反馈 | |
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