If this be so, it can only be accepted as the application to women of a statement which could be made equally of all the down-trodden races and classes of humanity. The one reason that makes me hesitate about accepting it as a complete explanation of the age-long submission of the oppressed is that we are all rather too ready to accept an explanation that explains away (shall I say?) or at least justifies6 the suffering of others. The explanation fits so well. Does it not fit too well? Probably Olive Schreiner did not intend it to cover the whole ground.
In one detail, in any case, I take exception to it. An oppressed class or race or sex may often suffer intensely and go on suffering and submitting, but not after they have gained a clear perception of the intensity7 of those sufferings, for then the first stage of rebellion has already begun. Not one of us who has grown to middle age but can remember, looking back to her own girlhood, how meekly8 and as a matter of course women of all classes accepted every sort of suffering as part of the lot of woman, especially of the married woman, whether it was excessive child-bearing, pain in childbirth, physical overwork, or the mental suffering arising out of a penniless and dependent condition, with the consequent absolute right of the husband to the custody9 and control of the children of the union. And in all nations and classes where this state of affairs still continues, the women have as yet no clear intellectual perception of the keenness and unfairness of their suffering. They still try to console themselves with believing and allowing others to suppose that after all, things are not so bad; they might be worse. These poor women actually hypnotize themselves into such a belief.
Have you not heard a mother urge a daughter or a friend to submit uncomplainingly to the most outrageous10 domestic tyranny, for is not hers after all the common fate of woman?
No clear perception there!
This argument in no way touches the exceptional woman or man, belonging to an oppressed class. Such a woman, for instance, as the Kaffir woman spoken of by Olive Schreiner in this passage, is the rare exception.
But so far Olive Schreiner is undoubtedly11 right. When the revolt at length takes place it is in answer to an immediate12 and pressing need of the whole community. When the restrictions13 upon a class have become hurtful to the whole, when their removal is called for because society is in need of the energies thus set free, then takes place a more or less general uprising of the oppressed and restricted ones, apparently14 entirely15 spontaneous and voluntary, in reality having its origin partly at least in the claim which society is making upon the hitherto restricted class to take up fuller social responsibilities.
When observing then the modern change of attitude among women, towards life, we can therefore only conclude that such an immediate and pressing need is felt by society today, a claim neither to be ignored nor denied.
On this reasoning, then, and observing the eager demand of women everywhere for increased freedom and independence, we can only draw the conclusion that the whole world is dimly recognizing an immediate and pressing need for the higher services of women, services which they cannot render unless freed legally, politically and sexually. It is this immense and universal social claim which has been responded to by the whole organized movement among women, industrial as well as educational and political.
In order to understand the relation of the organized suffrage16 movement to the question of improving women's industrial and economic conditions and status, we have to consider the changed conditions of society under which we live, and we will have to recognize that the demand for the vote in different countries and at different times may or may not coincide with the same social content. Psychologically, indeed, as well as practically, the vote connotes all sorts of different implications to the women of today, contemporaries though they are.
It was with an appreciation18 of these complexities19 that Professor W.I. Thomas has pointed20 out that in his opinion suffragists often place too great stress upon primitive21 woman's political power, and ignore the fact that women held an even more important relation to the occupational than to the political life of those early days, and that in her occupational value is to be traced the true source of her power and therefore her real influence in any age.
While agreeing with Professor Thomas that some suffrage arguments do on the surface appear inconsistent with historical facts, I believe the inconsistency to be more formal than real.
As the centuries pass a larger and still larger proportion of human affairs passes away from individual management and comes under social and community control. As this process goes on, more and more does the individual, whether man or woman, need the power to control socially the conditions that affect his or her individual welfare. In our day political power rightly used, gives a socialized control of social conditions, and for the individual it is embodied22 in and is expressed by the vote.
To go back only one hundred years. The great bulk of men and women were industrially much more nearly on a level than they are today. A poor level, I grant you, for with the exception of the privileged classes, few and small were the political powers and therefore the social control of even men. But every extension of political power as granted to class after class of men has, as far as women are concerned, had the fatal effect of increasing the political inequality between men and women, thus placing women, though not apparently, yet relatively23 and actually upon a lower level.
Again, the status of woman has been crushingly affected24 by the contemporaneous and parallel change which has passed over her special occupations; so that the conditions under which she works today are decidedly less than ever before by purely25 personal relationships and more by such impersonal26 factors as the trade supply of labor, and interstate and international competition. This change has affected woman in an immeasurably greater degree than man. The conditions of industrial life are in our day in some degree controllable by political power so that at this point woman again finds herself civilly and industrially at greater disadvantage than when her status in all these respects depended principally upon her individual capacity to handle efficiently27 problems arising within an area limited by purely personal relationships. To alter so radically29 the conditions of daily life and industry, and not merely to leave its control in the hands of the old body of voters, but to give over into the hands of an enlarged and fresh body of voters, and these voters inevitably31 the men of her own class who are her industrial competitors, that degree of control represented by the vote and to refuse it to women is to place women (though not apparently, yet actually and relatively) upon a distinctly lowered level.
So that what suffragists are asking for is in reality not so much a novel power, as it is liberty to possess and use the same new instrument of social control as has been already accorded to men. Without that instrument it is no mere30 case of her standing32 still. She is in very truth retrogressing, as far as effective control over the conditions under which she lives her life, whether inside the home or outside of it. In this instinctive33 desire not to lose ground, to keep up both with altered social claims of society upon women and with the improved political equipment of their brothers, is to be found the economic crux34 of women's demand for the vote in every country and in every succeeding decade.
In the course of human development, the gradual process of the readjustment of human beings to changed social and economic conditions is marked at intervals35 by crises wherein the struggle always going on beneath the surface between the new forces and existing conditions wells up to the surface and takes on the nature of a duel36 between contending champions. If this is true of one class or of one people, how much more is it true when the change is one that affects an entire sex.
There have been occasions in history and there occur still today instances when economic conditions being such that their labor was urgently needed and therefore desired, it was easy for newcomers to enter a fresh field of industry, and give to a whole class or even to a whole sex in one locality an additional occupation. Such very evidently was the case with the first girls who went into the New England cotton mills. Men's occupations at that time in America lay for the most part out of doors, and there was therefore no sense of rivalry37 experienced, when the girls who used to spin at home began to spin on a large scale and in great numbers in a factory.
It is far different where women have been forced by the economic forces driving them from behind to make their slow and painful way into a trade already in the possession of men. Of course the wise thing for the men to do in such a case is to bow to the logic17 of events, and through their own advantageous38 position as first in the field and through whatever organizations they may possess use all their power to place their new women rivals on an equal footing with themselves and so make it impossible for the women to become a weakening and disintegrating39 force in the trade. The women being thus more or less protected by the men from the exploitation of their own weakness it is then for them to accept the position, as far as they are able, stand loyally by the men, meet factory conditions as they find them, being the latest comers, and proceed afterwards to bring about such modifications40 and improvements as may seem to them desirable.
Unfortunately this in a general way may stand for a description of everything that has not taken place. The bitter and often true complaints made by workmen that women have stolen their trade, that having learnt it, well or ill, they are scabs all the time in their acceptance of lower wages and worse conditions, relatively much worse conditions, and that they are often strike-breakers when difficulties arise, form a sad commentary upon the men's own short-sighted conduct. To women, driven by need to earn their living in unaccustomed ways, men have all too often opened no front gate through which they could make an honest daylight entrance into a trade, but have left only side-alleys and back-doors through which the guiltless intruders could slip in. Organized labor today, however, is on record as standing for the broader policy, however apathetic41 the individual unions and the individual trade unionists may often be.
A dramatic presentation of one of these very complicated situations is found in the experience of Miss Susan B. Anthony in the printers' strike in New York in 1869. By some this incident has been interpreted to show a wide difference of outlook between those women who were chiefly intent on opening up fresh occupational possibilities for women, and those who, coming daily face to face with the general industrial difficulties of women already in the trades, recognized the urgent need of trade organization for women if the whole standard of the trades wherein they were already employed was not to be permanently42 lowered.
While there is no such general inference to be drawn43, the occurrence does place in a very strong light the extreme complexity44 of the question and the need that then existed, the need that still exists for closer co?peration between workers approaching the problem of the independence of the wage-earning woman from different sides.
The files of the Revolution, which Miss Anthony, in conjunction with Mrs. Stanton and Mr. Parker Pillsbury, published from 1868 to 1870, are full of the industrial question. Though primarily the paper stood for the suffrage movement, the editors were on the best of terms with labor organizations and they were constantly urging working-women to organize and co?perate with men trade unionists, and in especial to maintain constantly their claim to equal pay for equal work.
But just about the time of our story, in the beginning of 1869, Miss Anthony seems to have been especially impressed with the need of trade-schools for girls, that they might indeed be qualified45 to deserve equal pay, to earn it honestly if they were to ask for it; for we find her saying:
"The one great need of the hour is to qualify women workers to really earn equal wages with men. We must have training-schools for women in all the industrial avocations46. Who will help the women will help ways and means to establish them."
Just then a printers' strike occurred and Miss Anthony thought she saw in the need of labor on the part of the employers an opportunity to get the employers to start training-schools to teach the printing trade to girls, in her enthusiasm for this end entirely oblivious47 of the fact that it was an unfortunate time to choose for making such a beginning. She attended an employers' meeting held at the Astor House and laid her proposal before them.
The printers felt that they were being betrayed, and by one, too, whom they had always considered their friend. On behalf of organized labor Mr. John J. Vincent, secretary of the National Labor union, made public protest.
Miss Anthony's reply to Mr. Vincent, under date February 3, 1869, published in the New York Sun, and reprinted in the Revolution, is very touching48, showing clearly enough that in her eagerness to supply the needed thorough trade-training for young girls, she had for the moment forgotten what was likely to be the outcome for the girls themselves of training, however good, obtained in such a fashion. She had also forgotten how essential it was that she should work in harmony with the men's organizations as long as they were willing to work with her. Though not saying so in so many words, the letter is a shocked avowal49 that, acting50 impulsively51, she had not comprehended the drift of her action, and it amounts to a withdrawal52 from her first position. She writes:
Sir: You fail to see my motive53 in appealing to the Astor House meeting of employers, for aid to establish a training school for girls. It was to open the way for a thorough drill to the hundreds of poor girls, to fit them to earn equal wages with men everywhere and not to undermine "Typographical No. 6." I did not mean to convey the impression that "women, already good compositors should work for a cent less per thousand ems than men," and I rejoice most heartily54 that Typographical union No. 6 stands so nobly by the Women's Typographical union No. 1 and demands the admission of women to all offices under its control, and I rejoice also that the Women's union No. 1 stands so nobly and generously by Typographical union No. 6 in refusing most advantageous offers to defeat its demands.
My advice to all the women compositors of the city, is now, as it has ever been since last autumn, to join the women's union, for in union alone there is strength, in union alone there is protection.
Every one should scorn to allow herself to be made a tool to undermine the just prices of men workers; and to avoid this union is necessary. Hence I say, girls, stand by each other, and by the men, when they stand by you.
With this the incident seems to have closed, for nothing more is heard of the employers' training-school.[A]
[Footnote A: This illustrates55 well the cruel alternative perpetually placed before the working-woman and the working-woman's friends. She is afforded little opportunity to learn a trade thoroughly56, and yet, if she does not stand by her fellow men workers, she is false to working class loyalty57.
That the women printers of New York were between the devil and the deep sea is evidenced by the whole story told in Chapter XXI of "New York Typographical union No. 6," by George Stevens. In that is related how about this time was formed a women printers' union, styled "Women's Typographical No. 1," through the exertions58 of a number of women compositors with Augusta Lewis at their head. Miss Lewis voiced the enthusiastic thanks of the women when, a few months later, the union received its charter from the International Typographical union at its next convention in June, 1869. A different, and a sadder note runs through Miss Lewis's report to the convention in Baltimore in 1871, in describing the difficulties the women labored59 under.
"A year ago last January, Typographical union No. 6 passed a resolution admitting union girls in offices under the control of No. 6. Since that time we have never obtained a situation that we could not have obtained if we had never heard of a union. We refuse to take the men's situations when they are on strike, and when there is no strike, if we ask for work in union offices we are told by union foremen 'that there are no conveniences for us.' We are ostracized60 in many offices because we are members of the union; and though the principle is right, the disadvantages are so many that we cannot much longer hold together…. No. 1 is indebted to No. 6 for great assistance, but as long as we are refused work because of sex we are at the mercy of our employers, and I can see no way out of our difficulties."
In 1878 the International enacted61 a law that no further charter be granted to women's unions, although it was not supposed to take effect against any already in existence. Women's Typographical No. 1, already on the downward grade, on this dissolved. But not till 1883 did the women printers in New York begin to join the men's union, and there have been a few women members in it ever since. But how few in proportion may be judged from the figures on September 30, 1911. Total membership 6,969, of whom 192 were women. I believe this to be typical of the position of the woman compositor in other cities.]
I have given large space to this incident, because it is the only one of the kind I have come across in Miss Anthony's long career. Page after page of the Revolution is full of long reports of workingmen's conventions which she or Mrs. Stanton attended.[A] At these they were either received as delegates or heard as speakers, advocating the cause of labor and showing how closely the success of that cause was bound up with juster treatment towards the working-woman. Many indeed must have been the labor men, who gained a broader outlook upon their own problems and difficulties through listening to such unwearied champions of their all but voiceless sex.
[Footnote A: Mrs. Stanton's first speech before the New York legislature, made in 1854, was a demand that married working-women should have the right to collect their own wages. She and the workers with her succeeded in having the law amended62. Up till then a married woman might wash all day at the washtub, and at night the law required that her employer should, upon demand, hand over her hard-earned money to her husband, however dissolute he might be.]
To the more conservative among the workingmen the uncompromising views of these women's advocates must have been very upsetting sometimes, and always very unconventional. We find that in a workingmen's assembly in Albany, New York, when one radical28 delegate moved to insert the words "and working-women" into the first article of the Constitution, he felt bound to explain to his fellow-delegates that it was not his intention to offer anything that would reflect discredit63 upon the body. He simply wanted the females to have the benefit of their trades and he thought by denying them this right a great injustice64 was done to them. The speaker who followed opposed the discussion of the question. "Let the women organize for themselves." The radicals65, however, rose to the occasion.
Mr. Graham in a long speech said it was a shame and a disgrace for this body, pretending to ask the elevation66 of labor to neglect or refuse to help this large, deserving, but down-trodden class.
Mr. Topp said he would be ashamed to go home and say he had attended this assembly if it overlooked the claims of the female organizations.
The resolution to include the women was carried with applause.
At the National Labor Congress held in Germania Hall, New York, the Revolution of October 1, 1868, had noted67 the admission of four women delegates as marking a new era in workingmen's conventions. These were: Katherine Mullaney, president of the Collar Laundry union of Troy, N.Y.; Mrs. Mary Kellogg Putnam, representing Working Women's Association No. 2 of New York City; Miss Anthony herself, delegate from Working Women's Association No. 1, New York City; and Mary A. Macdonald, from the Working Women's Protective Labor union, Mount Vernon, New York.
Mrs. Stanton, after a long and exciting debate, was declared a delegate, but the next day, to please the malcontents, the National Labor Congress made clear by resolution that it did not regard itself as endorsing68 her peculiar69 ideas or committing itself to the question of female suffrage, but simply regarded her as a representative from an organization having for its object "the amelioration of the condition of those who labor for a living." "Worthy70 of Talleyrand" is Miss Anthony's sole comment.
The connection between the woman movement and the labor movement is indeed close and fundamental, but that must not be taken to imply that the workingman and the woman of whatever class have not their own separate problems to handle and to solve as each sees best. The marriage relation between two individuals has often been wrecked71 by assuming as the basis of their common life that man and wife are one and that the husband is that one. And so the parallel assumption that all the working-woman's wrongs will naturally be righted by redress72 if their righting is left in the hands of her working brother for many years led to a very curious and unfortunate neglect of suffrage propaganda among working-women, and on the part of working-women and to a no less unfortunate ignorance of industrial problems, also, on the part of many suffragists, whether those affecting workingmen and women alike or the women only.
It was not so in the early days. The instances given above show how close and friendly were the relations between labor leaders and suffrage pioneers. What has been said of Miss Anthony applied73 equally to the other great women who carried the suffrage banner amid opprobrium74 and difficulty.
The change came that comes so often in the development of a great movement. One of the main objects which the pioneers had had in view somehow slipped out of the sight of their successors. The earliest move of the advanced women of America had been for equal rights of education, and there success has been greatest and most complete and thorough. But it was almost exclusively the women who were able to enter the professions who gained the benefits of this campaign for equal educational and consequently equal professional opportunities.
The next aim of the leaders in the woman movement of the last century had been to accord to woman equality before the law. This affecting primarily and chiefly woman in her sex relations, had its permanent results in reference to the legal status of the married woman and the mother, bearing at the same time secondarily upon the safety and welfare of the child; hence in the different states a long series of married women's property acts, equal guardianship75 acts, modifications of the gross inequalities of the divorce law, and the steady raising of the age of protection for girls.
At least that was the position ten years ago. But today the tide has turned. Partly is this due to the growth of industrial organization among women, a development that has followed the ever-increasing need of mutual76 protection. Trade unionism has helped to train the working-woman to listen to the suffrage gospel, though therein she has often been slower than the workingman, her better educated brother. On the other hand a great many influences have combined to wake up the suffragist of our day to the true meaning and value of what she was asking. Especially has the work of the National Women's Trade union League and the campaign of publicity77 it has conducted on behalf of the working-woman, both within and without its membership, focused attention upon the woman in industry as a national responsibility. Then again the tremendous strikes in which such large numbers of women and girls have been involved were an education to others than the strikers—to none more than to the suffrage workers who co?perated with the ill-used girl strikers in New York, Boston, Philadelphia and Chicago.
An influence of even more universal appeal, if of less personal intensity, has been the suffrage movement in Great Britain. That movement has educated the public of this country, as they never would have been educated by any movement confined to this country alone. Inside the ranks of enrolled78 suffragists it has been an inspiration, showering upon their cause a new baptism of mingled79 tears and rejoicing. In calmer mood we have learned from our British sisters much regarding policies adapted to modern situations, and they have assuredly shown us all sorts of new and original methods of organization and education. The immense and nation-wide publicity given by the press of the United States to the more striking and sensational80 aspects of the British movement and all the subsequent talk and writing in other quarters has roused to sex-consciousness thousands of American women of all classes who had not been previously81 interested in the movement for obtaining full citizenship82 for themselves and their daughters. These women also aroused, and men, too, have furnished the huge audiences which have everywhere greeted such speakers as Mrs. Pankhurst and Mrs. Philip Snowden, when in person they have presented the mighty83 story of the transatlantic struggle. There is no difficulty nowadays in gathering84 suffrage audiences anywhere, for the man and the woman walking along the street supply them to the open-air speaker in the large city and the little country town as one by one city and town take up the new methods.
Even more close to lasting85 work for all the issues that affect the community through placing upon women an ordered civic86 responsibility are the plans for the organizing under different names of woman suffrage parties and civic leagues which blend the handling of local activities everywhere with a demand for the ballot87 in keeping with the needs of the modern community. No clear-eyed woman can work long in this sort of atmosphere without realizing how unequally social burdens press, how unequally social advantages are allotted88, whether the burdens come through hours of work, inadequate89 remuneration, sanitary90 conditions, whether in home or in factory, and whether the advantages are obtainable through public education, vocational training, medical care, or in the large field of recreation.
So important does work through organization, appear to me that, remembering always that tendencies are more important than conditions, it would seem in some respects a more wholesome91 and hopeful situation for women to be organized and working for one of their common aims, even though that aim be for the time being merely winning of the vote, rather than to have the vote, and with it working merely as isolated92 individuals, and with neither the power that organization insures nor the training that it affords.
But with what we know nowadays there should be no need for any such unsatisfactory alternative. It would be much more in keeping with the modern situation if the object of suffrage organizations were to read, not "to obtain the vote" but "to obtain political, legal and social equality for women."
Then as each state, or as the whole country (we hope by and by) obtains the ballot, so might the organizations go on in a sense as if nothing had happened. And nothing would have happened, save that a great body of organized women would be more effective than ever. The members would individually be equipped with the most modern instrument of economic and social expression. The organizations themselves would have risen in public importance and esteem93 and therefore in influence. Moreover, and this is the most important point of all, they would be enrolled among those bodies, whose declared policy would naturally help in guiding the great bulk of new and untrained feminine voters.
In the early days of the woman movement, the leaders, I believe, desired as earnestly and as keenly saw the need for legal and social or economic equality as we today with all these years of experience behind us. But the unconscious assumption was all the time that given political equality every other sort of equality would readily and logically follow. Even John Stuart Mill seems to have taken this much for granted. Not indeed that he thought that with universal enfranchisement94 the millennium96 would arrive for either men or women. But even to his clear brain and in his loyal and chivalrous97 heart, political freedom for women did appear as one completed stage in development, an all-inclusive boon98, as it were, in due time bringing along by irrefragable inference equality on every other plane, equality before the law and equality in all social and sexual relations.
Looking back now, we can see that whatever thinkers and statesmen fifty years ago may have argued for as best meeting the immediate needs of the hour, the organized suffrage movement in all the most advanced countries should long ago have broadened their platform, and explicitly99 set before their own members and the public as their objective not merely "the vote," but "the political, legal and social equality of women."
We are not abler, not any broader-minded nor more intellectually daring than those pioneers, but we have what they had not, the test of results. Let us briefly100 glance at what has been the course of events in those states and countries which were the earliest to obtain political freedom for their women.
In none of the four suffrage states first enfranchised101 in this country, Wyoming, Utah, Idaho and Colorado, in Australia or in New Zealand, did any large proportion of women ask for or desire their political freedom. In that there is nothing strange or exceptional. Those who see the need of any reform so clearly that they will work for it make up comparatively a small proportion of any nation or of any class. Women are no exception. Note Australia. As the suffrage societies there, as elsewhere, had been organized for this one purpose, "to obtain the vote," with the obtaining of the vote all reason for their continued existence ceased. The organizations at once and inevitably went to pieces. The vote, gained by the efforts of the few, was now in the hands of great masses of women, who had given little thought to the matter previously, who were absolutely unaware102 of the tremendous power of the new instrument placed in their hands. A whole sex burst into citizenship, leaderless and with no common policy upon the essential needs of their sex.
Except in Victoria, where the state franchise95 lagged behind till 1909, the women of Australia have been enfranchised for over twelve years, and yet it is only recently that they are beginning to get together as sister women. Those leaders who all along believed in continuous and organized work by women for the complete freeing of the sex from all artificial shackles103 and unequal burdens are now justified104 of their belief. New young leaders are beginning to arise, and there are signs that the rank and file are beginning to march under these leaders towards far-off ends that are gradually being defined more clearly from the mists of these years. But they have much ground to make up. Only so lately as 1910 there were leading women in one of the large labor conferences who protested against women entering the legislature, using against that very simple and normal step in advance the very same moss-grown arguments as we hear used in this country against the conferring of the franchise itself.
Nowadays, it is true, no quite similar result is likely to happen in any state or country which from now on receives enfranchisement, for the reason that there are now other organizations, such as the General Federation105 of Women's Clubs here, and the active women's trade unions, and suffrage societies on a broad basis and these are every day coming in closer touch with one another and with the organized suffrage movement. But neither women's trade unions nor women's clubs can afford to neglect any means of strengthening their forces, and a sort of universal association having some simple broad aim such as I have tried to outline would be an ally which would bring them into communication with women outside the ranks of any of the great organizations, for it alone would be elastic106 enough to include all women, as its appeal would necessarily be made to all women.
The universal reasons for equipping women with the vote as with a tool adapted to her present day needs, and the claims made upon her by the modern community, the reasons, in short why women want and are asking for the vote, the universal reasons why men, even good men, cannot be trusted to take care of women's interests, were never better or more tersely107 summed up than in a story told by Philip Snowden in the debate in the British House of Commons on the Woman Suffrage Bill of 1910, known as the Conciliation108 Bill. He said that after listening to the objections urged by the opponents of the measure, he was reminded of a man who, traveling with his wife in very rough country, came late at night to a very poor house of accommodation. When the meal was served there was nothing on the table but one small mutton chop. "What," said the man in a shocked tone, "have you nothing at all for my wife?"
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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axiomatic
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| adj.不需证明的，不言自明的 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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complexities
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| 复杂性(complexity的名词复数)； 复杂的事物 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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impersonal
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| adj.无个人感情的，与个人无关的，非人称的 | |
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efficiently
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| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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crux
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| adj.十字形；难事，关键，最重要点 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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disintegrating
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
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modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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complexity
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| n.复杂(性)，复杂的事物 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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oblivious
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| adj.易忘的，遗忘的，忘却的，健忘的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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impulsively
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| adv.冲动地 | |
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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ostracized
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| v.放逐( ostracize的过去式和过去分词 )；流放；摈弃；排斥 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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endorsing
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| v.赞同( endorse的现在分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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opprobrium
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| n.耻辱，责难 | |
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guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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101
enfranchised
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| v.给予选举权( enfranchise的过去式和过去分词 )；（从奴隶制中）解放 | |
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102
unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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103
shackles
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| 手铐( shackle的名词复数 )； 脚镣； 束缚； 羁绊 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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105
federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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106
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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tersely
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| adv. 简捷地, 简要地 | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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