The time was May 25, 1787; the place, the State House in Philadelphia, a little town of not more than 20,000 people, and, at that time, as remote, measured by the facilities of communication, to the centres of civilization as is now Vladivostok.
The dramatis personae in this drama, though few in numbers, were, however, worthy15 of the task.
Seventy-two had originally been offered or given credentials16, for each State was permitted to send as many delegates as it pleased, inasmuch as the States were to vote in the convention as units. Of these, the greatest actual attendance was fifty-five, and at the end of the convention a saving remnant of only thirty-nine remained to finish a work which was to immortalize its participants.
While this notable group of men contained a few merchants, financiers, farmers, doctors, educators, and soldiers, of the remainder, at least thirty-one were lawyers, and of these many had been justices of the local courts and executive officers of the commonwealths17. Four had studied in the Inner Temple, at least five in the Middle Temple, one at Oxford19 under the tuition of Blackstone and two in Scottish Universities. Few of them were inexperienced in public affairs, for of the original fifty-five members, thirty-nine had been members of the first or second Continental20 Congresses, and eight had already helped to frame the constitutions of their respective States. At least twenty-two were college graduates, of whom nine were graduates of Princeton, three of Yale, two of Harvard, four of William and Mary, and one each from the Universities of Oxford, Columbia, Glasgow, and Edinburgh. A few already enjoyed world-wide fame, notably21 Doctor Franklin, possibly the most versatile22 genius of the eighteenth century and universally known and honoured as a scientist, philosopher, and diplomat23, and George Washington, whose fame, even at that day, had filled the world with the noble purity of his character.
It was a convention of comparatively young men, the average age being little above forty. Franklin was the oldest member, being then eighty-one; Dayton, the youngest, being twenty-seven. With the exception of Franklin and Washington, most of the potential personalities24 in the convention were under forty. Thus, James Madison, who contributed so largely to the plan that he is sometimes called "The Father of the Constitution," was thirty-six. Charles Pinckney, who, unaided, submitted the first concrete draft of the Constitution, was only twenty-nine, and Alexander Hamilton, who was destined25 to take a leading part in securing its ratification26 by his powerful oratory27 and his very able commentaries in the Federalist papers, was only thirty.
Above all they were a group of gentlemen of substance and honour, who could debate for four months during the depressing weather of a hot summer without losing their tempers, except momentarily—and this despite vital differences—and who showed that genius for toleration and reconciliation29 of conflicting views inspired by a common fidelity30 to a great objective that is the highest mark of statesmanship. They represented the spirit of representative government at its best in avoiding the cowardice31 of time-servers and the low cunning of demagogues. All apparently32 were inspired by a fine spirit of self-effacement. Selfish ambition was conspicuously33 absent. They differed, at times heatedly, but always as gentlemen of candour and honour. The very secrecy34 of their deliberations, of which I shall presently speak, is ample proof how indifferent they were to popular applause and the civium ardor35 prava jubentium.
The convention had been slow in assembling. Ample notice had been given that it would convene36 on May 13, 1787, but when that day arrived a mere37 handful of the delegates, less than a quorum38, had assembled.
The Virginia delegation39, six in number, and forming probably the ablest delegation from any State, arriving in time, and failing to find a quorum then assembled, employed the period of waiting in submitting to the Pennsylvania delegation the outlines of a plan for the new Constitution. The plan was largely the work of James Madison, and how long it had been in preparation cannot be definitely stated. It is clear that four years before a Philadelphia merchant, one Peletiah Webster, had published a brochure proposing a scheme of dual40 sovereignty, under which the citizens would owe a double allegiance—one to the constituent41 States within the sphere of their reserved powers, and one to a federated government within the sphere of its delegated powers. Leagues of States had often existed, but a league which, within a prescribed sphere, would have direct authority over the citizens of the constituent States, without, however, abolishing the authority of such States as to their reserved sphere of power, was a novel theory. How far the Virginia project had been influenced by Webster's suggestion is not clear, but it is certain that before the convention met Pennsylvania and Virginia, two of the most powerful States, were committed to it.
The suggestion was a radical42 one, for the States, with few exceptions, were chiefly insistent43 upon the preservation44 of their sovereignty, and while they were willing to amend45 the Articles of Confederation by giving fuller authority to the central government, such as it was, the suggestion of subordinating the States to a new sovereign power, whose authority within circumscribed47 limits was to be supreme48, was opposed to all their conventions and traditions. Washington, however, had warmly welcomed the creation of a strong central government, and his correspondence with the leading men of the colonies for some years previously49 had been burdened with arguments to convince them that a mere league of States would not suffice to create a stable nation. To George Washington, soldier and statesman, is due above all men the ideal of a federated union, for without his influence—that of a noble and unselfish leader—the great result would probably never have been secured. While still waiting for the convention, to meet, and while discussing what was expedient50 and practicable when they did meet, Washington one day said to a group of delegates, who were considering the acute nature of the crisis:
"It is too probable that no plan that we propose will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful conflict is to be sustained. If, to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disapprove51, how can we afterwards defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the wise and just can repair. The event is in the hand of God."
Noble words, fit to be written in letters of gold over the portal of every legislature of the world, and it was in this spirit that the convention finally convened53 on May 25th, 1787.
When the delegates from nine States had assembled, Washington was unanimously elected the presiding officer of the convention. It began by adopting rules of order, and the most significant of these was the provision for secrecy. No copy should be taken of any entry on the Journal, or even permission given to inspect it, without leave of the convention, and "nothing spoken in the house be printed or otherwise published or communicated without leave." The yeas and nays55 should not be recorded. The rule of secrecy was enlarged by an unwritten understanding that, even when the convention had adjourned56, no disclosure should be made of its proceedings58 during the life of its members. When after nearly four months, the convention adjourned, the secret had been kept, and no one knew even the concrete result of its deliberations until the Constitution itself, and nothing else, was offered to the approval of the people. The high-way, upon which the State House fronted, was covered with earth, to deaden the noise of traffic, and sentries59 were posted at every means of ingress and egress60, to prevent any intrusion upon the privacy of the convention. The members were not photographed daily for the pictorial61 Press, nor did any cinema register their entrance into the simple colonial hall where they were to meet. Notwithstanding this limitation—for no present-day conference or assembly can proceed with its labours until its members are photographed for the curiosity of the public—these simple-minded gentlemen—less intent upon their appearance than their task—were to accomplish a work of enduring importance.
The extreme care which was taken to preserve this secrecy inviolate62, and its purpose, were indicated in an incident handed down by tradition.
One of the members dropped a copy of a proposition then before the convention for consideration, and it was found by another of the delegates and handed to General Washington. At the conclusion of the session, Washington arose and sternly reprimanded the member for his carelessness by saying:
"I must entreat63 gentlemen to be more careful, lest our transactions get into the newspapers and disturb the public repose64 by premature65 speculations66. I know not whose paper it is, but there it is [throwing it down on the table]. Let him who owns it, take it."
He then bowed, picked up his hat and left the room with such evidences of annoyance67 that, like school-children, no delegate was willing to admit the ownership of the paper.
The thought suggests itself: How different the result at Versailles and Genoa might have been had there been the same reasonable provisions for discussion and action uninfluenced by too premature public comment of the day! In these days, when representative government has degenerated68 into government by a fleeting69 public opinion, the price we pay for such government by, for and of the Press, is too often the inability of representatives to do what they deem wise and just.
At the close of the convention its records were committed into the keeping of Washington, with instructions to "retain the journal and other papers, subject to order of Congress, if ever formed under the Constitution."
Even the journal consisted of little more than daily memoranda70, from which the minutes ought to have been, but never were, made; and these fragmentary records of the proceedings of a convention which had been in continuous session for nearly four months were never published until the year 1819, or thirty-two years after the close of the convention. Thus, the American people knew nothing of their greatest convention until a generation later, and then only a few bones of the mastodon were exhibited to their curious gaze.
The members of the convention kept its secrets inviolate for many years. With few exceptions, the great secrets of the convention died with them. Only one, James Madison, left a comprehensive statement of the more formal proceedings. With this notable exception, only a few anecdotes71, handed down by tradition, escaped oblivion. The first of the number to break the pledge of secrecy was Robert Yates, Chief Justice of New York, who, in 1821, published his recollections; but, as he had left the convention a few months after it began, his notes ceased with the 5th of July.
The world would thus have been for ever ignorant of the details of one of the most remarkable72 conventions in the annals of mankind had it not been that one of the ablest of their number, James Madison, regularly attended the sessions and kept notes from day to day of the debates. While he was not a stenographer73, he had a gift for condensing a speech and fairly representing its substance. He jealously guarded his Journal of the Convention until his death. Its very existence was known to few. He died in 1836, and four years later the government purchased the manuscript from his widow. Then, for the first time, the curtain was measurably raised upon the proceedings of a convention which had created, as we now know, one of the greatest nations in history. Fifty-three years after the close of the convention, and when nearly every one of its participants were dead, Madison's Journal was first published.
When was a great secret better kept? Grateful as posterity74 must be for this inestimable gift of great human enterprise, yet even Madison's careful journal fills one with the deepest regret that this wonderful debate, which lasted for nearly four months between men of no ordinary ability, could not have been preserved to the world.
Two or three of the speeches which Madison gives in his Journal are complete, for when Doctor Franklin spoke54 he reduced his remarks to writing and gave a copy to Madison, but of the other speeches only a fragrant75 remains76. Thus, that "admirable Crichton," Alexander Hamilton, addressed the convention in a speech that lasted five hours, in which he stated his philosophy of government, but of that only a short condensation77, and possibly not even an accurate fragment, remains.
Without this extraordinary provision for secrecy, which is so opposed to modern democratic conventions, and which so little resembles the famous point as to "open covenants78 openly arrived at," the convention could not have accomplished79 its great work, for these wise men realized that a statesman cannot act wisely under the observation of a gallery, and especially when the gallery compels him by the pressure of public opinion to work as it directs. I recognize that public opinion—often temporarily uninformed but in the end generally right—does often save the democracies of the world from the selfish ends of self-seeking and misguided leadership; but, given noble and wise representatives, they work best when least influenced by the fleeting passions of the day.
It is evident that if the framers of the Constitution had met, as similar conventions have within recent years met at Versailles and Genoa, with the world as their gallery and with the representatives of the Press as an integral part of the conference, they would have accomplished nothing. The probability is that the convention would not have lasted a month if their immediate80 purpose had been to placate81 current opinion. It may be doubted whether such a convention, if called to-day, either in your country or mine, could achieve like results, for in this day of unlimited82 publicity83, when men divide not as individuals but in powerful and organized groups, a constitutional convention would, I fear, prove a witches' cauldron of class legislation and demagoguery. Is it not possible that modern democracy is in danger of strangulation by its present-day methods and ideals? Again the words of Washington suggest themselves: "If, to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterwards defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the wise and just can repair."
Working with a sad sincerity84 and with despair in their hearts, this little band of men wrought85 a work of surpassing importance, and if they did not receive the immediate plaudits of the living generation, their shades can at least solace86 themselves with the reflection that posterity has acclaimed88 their work as one of the greatest political achievements of man.
The rules of order and the nature of the proceedings thus determined89, the convention opened by an address by Mr. Randolph of Virginia, in which he submitted, in the form of fifteen points—nearly the number of the fatal fourteen—the outlines for a new government. He himself in his opening speech summarized the propositions by candidly90 confessing "that they were not intended for a federal government" (thereby91 meaning a mere league of States) but "a strong consolidated92 union." Upon this radical change the convention was to argue earnestly and at times bitterly for many a weary day. The plan provided for a national legislature of which the lower branch should be elected by the people and the upper branch by the lower branch upon the nomination93 of the legislatures of the States. This legislature should enjoy all the legislative94 rights given to the federation46, and there followed the sweeping95 grant that it "could legislate96 in all cases to which the separate States are incompetent97 or in which the harmony of the United States may be interrupted by the exercise of individual legislation," with power "to negative all laws passed by the several States contravening98 in the opinion of the national legislature the Articles of the union."
A national executive was proposed, together with a national judiciary, and these two bodies were given authority "to examine every act of the national legislature before it shall operate and every act of a particular legislature before a negative thereon shall be final." This marked an immense advance over the Articles of Confederation, under which there was no national executive or judiciary, and under which the legislature had no direct power over the citizens of the States, and could only impose duties upon the States themselves by the concurrence99 of nine of the thirteen.
Hardly had Mr. Randolph submitted the so-called Virginia plan when Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, a young man of twenty-nine years of age, with the courage of youth submitted to the House a draft of the future federal government. Curiously100 enough, it did not differ in principle from the Virginia plan, but was more specific and concrete in stating the powers which the federal government should exercise, and many of its provisions were embodied101 in the final draft. Indeed, Pinckney's plan was the future Constitution of the United States in embryo102; and when it is read and contrasted with the document which has so justly won the acclaim87 of men throughout the world, it is amazing that so young a man should have anticipated and reduced to a concrete and effective form many of the most novel features of the Federal Government. As the only copy of Pinckney's plan was furnished years afterwards to Madison for his journal, it is possible that some of its wisdom was of the post factum variety.
Having received the two plans, the convention then went, on May 30, into a committee of the whole to consider the fifteen propositions in the Virginia plan seriatim. They wisely concluded to determine abstract ideas first and concrete forms later. Apparently for the time being little attention was paid to Pinckney's plan, and this may have been due to the hostile attitude of the older members of the convention to the presumption103 of his youth.
Then ensued a very remarkable debate on the immediate propositions and the principles of government which underlay104 them, which lasted for two weeks. On June 13 the committee rose. Even the fragments of this debate, which may well have been one of the most notable in history, indicate the care with which the members had studied governments of ancient and modern times. There were many points of difference, but chief of them, which nearly resulted in the collapse105 of the convention, was the inevitable107 difficulty which always arises in the formation of a league of States or an association of nations between the great and the little States.
The five larger States had a population that was nearly twice as great as the remaining eight States. Thus Virginia's population was nearly ten-fold as great as Georgia. Moreover, the States differed greatly in their material wealth and power. Nevertheless, all of them entered the convention as independent sovereign nations, and the smaller nations contended that the equality in suffrage108 and political power which prevailed in the convention (in which each State, large or small, voted as a unit), should and must be preserved in the future government. To this the larger States were quite unwilling109 to yield, and when the committee rose they reported, in substance, the Virginia plan, with the proviso that representation in the proposed double-chambered Congress should be "according to some equitable110 ratio of representation."
On June 15 the small States presented their draft, which was afterwards known as the New Jersey111 plan, because it was introduced by Mr. Patterson of that State. It only contemplated112 an amendment113 to the existing Constitution and an amplification114 of the powers of the impotent Confederation. Its chief advance over the existing government was that it provided for a federal executive and a federal judiciary, but otherwise the government remained a mere league of States, in which the central government could generally act only by the vote of nine States, and in which their power was exhausted115 when they requested the States to enforce the decrees. Its chief advance over the Articles of Confederation, in addition to the creation of an executive, was an assertion that the acts of Congress "shall be the supreme law of the respective States … and that the judiciary of the several States shall be bound thereby in their decisions," and that "if any State or any body of men in any State shall oppose or prevent the carrying into execution of such acts or treaties the federal executive shall be authorized116 to call forth117 the power of the confederated States … to enforce and compel obedience118 to such acts or an observance of such treaties."
While this was some advance toward a truly national government, it yet left the national executive dependent upon the constituent States, for if they failed to respond to the call above stated the national government had no direct power over their citizens.
The New Jersey plan precipitated119 a crisis, and thereafter, and for many days, the argument proceeded, only to increase in bitterness.
On June 18 Alexander Hamilton, who agreed with no one else, addressed the convention for the first time. He spoke for five hours and reviewed exhaustively the Virginia and New Jersey plans, and possibly the Pinckney draft. Even the fragment of the speech, as taken in long-hand by Madison, shows that it was a masterly argument. He stated his belief "that the British Government was the best in the world and that he doubted much whether anything short of it would do in America." He praised the British Constitution, quoting Monsieur Necker as saying that "it was the only government in the world which unites government strength with individual security." He analysed and explained your Constitution as it then was and advocated an elective monarchy120 in form though not in name. It is true that he called the executive a "governor" and not a king, but the governor, so-called, was to serve for life and was given not only "a negative on all laws about to be passed," but even the execution of all duly enacted121 laws was in his discretion122. The governor, with the consent of the Senate, was to make war, conclude all treaties, make all appointments, pardon all offences, with the full power through his negative of saying what laws should be passed and which enforced. Hamilton's governor would have been not dissimilar to Louis XIV, and could have said with him, "L'état, c'est moi!" The Senate also served for life, and the only concession123 which Hamilton made to democracy was an elective house of representatives. Thinly veiled, his plan contemplated an elective king with greater powers than those of George III, an imitation House of Lords and a popular House of Commons with a limited tenure124.
Hamilton's plan was never taken seriously and, so far as the records show, was never afterwards considered. His admirers have given great praise to his work in the federal convention. His real contribution lay in the fact that when the Constitution was finally drafted and offered to the people, while he regarded it as a "wretched makeshift," to use his own expression, yet he was broad and patriotic125 enough to surrender his own views and advocate the adoption126 of the Constitution. In so doing, he fought a valorous fight, secured the acquiescence127 of the State of New York, and without its ratification the Constitution would never have been adopted. Hamilton later thought better of the Constitution, and its successful beginning is due in large measure to his genius for constructive128 administration.
As the debate proceeded, the crisis precipitated by the seemingly insoluble differences between the great and little States became more acute. The smaller States contended that the convention was transgressing129 its powers, and they demanded that the credentials of the various members be read. In this there was technical accuracy, for the delegates had been appointed to revise the Articles of Confederation and not to adopt a new Constitution. A majority of the convention, however, insisted upon the convention proceeding57 with the consideration of a new Constitution, and their views prevailed. It speaks well for the honour of the delegates that although their differences became so acute as to lead at times to bitter expressions, neither side divulged130 them to the outside public. The smaller States could easily have ended the convention by an appeal to public opinion, which was not then prepared for a "consolidated union," but they were loyal enough to fight out their quarrels within the walls of the convention hall.
At times the debate became bitter in the extreme. James Wilson, a delegate of Pennsylvania and a Scotchman by birth and education, turning to the representatives of the little States, passionately131 said:
"Will you abandon a country to which you are bound by so many strong and enduring ties? Should the event happen, it will neither stagger my sentiments nor duty. If the minority of the people refuse to coalesce132 with the majority on just and proper principles, if a separation must take place, it could never happen on better grounds."
He referred to the demand of the larger States that representation should be proportioned to the population. To this Bedford, of Delaware, as heatedly replied;
"We have been told with a dictatorial133 air that this is the last moment for a fair trial in favour of good government. It will be the last, indeed, if the propositions reported by the committee go forth to the people. The large States dare not dissolve the convention. If they do, the small ones will find some foreign ally of more honour and good faith, who will take them by the hand and do them justice."
Finally, the smaller States gave their ultimatum134 to the larger States that unless representation in both branches of the proposed legislature should be on the basis of equality—each State, whether large or small, having one vote—they would forthwith leave the convention. An eye-witness says that, at that moment, Washington, who was in the chair, gave old Doctor Franklin a significant look. Franklin arose and moved an adjournment135 for forty-eight hours, with the understanding that the delegates should confer with those with whom they disagreed rather than with those with whom they agreed.
A recess136 was taken, and when the convention re-convened on July 2, a vote was taken as to equality of representation in the Senate and resulted in a tie vote. It was then decided137 to appoint a committee of eleven, one from each State, to consider the question, and this committee reported three days later, on July 5, in favour of proportionate representation in the House and equal representation in the Senate. This suggestion, which finally saved the situation, was due to that wise old utilitarian138 philosopher, Franklin. Again, a vehement139 and passionate debate followed. Vague references were made to the sword as the only method of solving the difference.
On July 9 the committee again reported, maintaining the principle of their recommendation, while modifying its details, and the debate then turned upon the question to what extent the negro slaves should count in estimating population for the purposes of proportionate representation in the lower House. Various suggestions were made to base representation upon wealth or taxation140 and not upon population. For several days the debate lasted during very heated weather, but on the night of July 12 the temperature dropped and with it the emotional temperature of the delegates.
Some days previous, namely, June 28, when the debates were becoming so bitter that it seemed unlikely that the convention could continue, Doctor Franklin, erroneously supposed by many to be an atheist141, made the following solemn and beautiful appeal to their better natures. He said:
"The small progress we have made after four or five weeks' close attendance and continual reasonings with each other—our different sentiments on almost every question, several of the last producing as many noes as ayes, is, methinks, a melancholy142 proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of government, and examined the different forms of those Republics which, having been formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist. And we have viewed modern States all around Europe, but find none of their constitutions suitable to our circumstances.
"In this situation of this Assembly, groping as it were in the dark to find political truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly143 applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate144 our understandings?… And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend or do we imagine that we no longer need His assistance? I have lived, sir, a long time, and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth: That God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without His notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without His aid? We have been assured, sir, in the sacred writings, that 'except the Lord build the House they labour in vain that build it.' I firmly believe this; and I also believe that without His concurring145 aid we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel. We shall be divided by our little partial local interests; our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and byword down to future ages. And what is worse, mankind may hereafter from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing governments by human wisdom and leave it to chance, war, and conquest.
"I therefore beg leave to move that henceforth prayers imploring146 the assistance of Heaven, and its blessings148 on our deliberations, be held in this Assembly every morning before we proceed to business, and that one or more of the clergy149 of this city be requested to officiate in that service."
It may surprise my audience to know the sequel. The resolution was voted down, partly on the ground that if it became known to the public that the convention had finally resorted to prayers it might cause undue150 alarm, but also because the convention was by that time so low in funds that, as one of the members said, it did not have enough money to pay a clergyman his fees for the service. I suspect that their controlling reason was their indisposition to break their self-imposed rule of secrecy by contact with the outer world until their work was completed. Perhaps they thought that "God helps those who help themselves."
On July 16 the compromise was finally adopted of recognizing the claims of the larger States to proportionate representation in the House of Representatives, and recognizing the claims of the smaller States by according to them equal representation in the Senate. This great result was not effected without the first break in the convention, for the delegates from New York left in disgust and never returned, with the exception of Hamilton, who occasionally attended subsequent sessions. Such was the great concession that was made to secure the Constitution; and the only respect in which the Constitution to-day cannot be amended151 is that by express provision the equality of representation in the Senate shall never be disturbed. Thus it is that to-day some States, which have less population than some of the wards52 in the city of New York, have as many votes in the Senate as the great State of New York. It is unquestionably a palpable negation152 of majority rule, for as no measure can become a law without the concurrence of the Senate—now numbering ninety-six Senators—a combination of the little States, whoso aggregate153 population is not a fifth of the American people, can defeat the will of the remaining four-fifths. Pennsylvania and New York, with nearly one-sixth of the entire population of the United States, have only four votes in ninety-six votes in the Senate.
Fortunately, political alignments154 have rarely been between the greater and the smaller States exclusively. Their equality in the Senate was a big price to pay for the union, but, as the event has shown, not too great.
The convention next turned its attention to the Executive and the manner of its selection, and upon this point there was the widest contrariety of view, but, fortunately, without the acute feeling that the relative power of the States had occasioned.
Then the judiciary article was taken up, and there was much earnest discussion as to whether the new Constitution should embody155 the French idea of giving to the judiciary, in conjunction with the Executive, a revisory power over legislation. Three times the convention voted upon this dangerous proposition, and on one occasion it was only defeated by a single vote. Fortunately, the good sense of the convention rejected a proposition, that had caused in France constant conflicts between the Executive and the Judiciary, by substituting the right of the President to veto congressional legislation, with the right of Congress, by a two-thirds vote of each House, to override156 the veto, and secondly157 by an implied power in the Judiciary to annul158 Congressional or State legislation, not on the grounds of policy, but on the sole ground of inconsistency with the paramount159 law of the Constitution. In this adjustment, the influence of Montesquieu was evident.
These and many practical details had resulted in an expansion of the fifteen proposals of the Virginia plan to twenty-three.
Having thus determined the general principles that should guide them in their labours, the convention, on July 26 appointed a Committee on Detail to embody these propositions in the formal draft of a Constitution and adjourned until August 6 to await its report. That report, when finally completed, covered seven folio pages, and was found to consist of a Preamble160 and twenty-three Articles, embodying161 forty-three sections. The draft did not slavishly follow the Virginia propositions, for the committee embodied some valuable suggestions which had occurred to them in their deliberations. Nevertheless, it substantially put the Virginia plan into a workable plan which proved to be the Constitution of the United States in embryo.
When the committee on detail had made its report on August 6, the convention proceeded for over a month to debate it with the most minute care. Every day for five weeks, for five hours each day, the members studied and debated with meticulous163 care every sentence of the proposed Constitution. Time does not suffice even for the barest statement of the many interesting questions which were thus discussed, but they nearly ran the whole gamut164 of constitutional government. Many fanciful ideas were suggested but with unvarying good sense they were rejected. Some of the results were, under the circumstances, curious. For example, although it was a convention of comparatively young men, and although the convention could have taken into account the many successful young men in public life in Europe—as, for example, William Pitt—they put a disqualification upon age by providing that a Representative must be twenty-five years of age, a Senator thirty years of age, and a President thirty-five years of age. When it was suggested that young men could learn by admission to public life, the sententious reply was made that, while they could, they ought not to have their education at the public expense.
The debates proceeded, however, in better temper, and almost the only question that again gave rise to passionate argument was that of slavery. The extreme Southern States declared that they would never accept the new plan "except the right to import slaves be untouched." This question was finally compromised by agreeing that the importation of slaves should end after the year 1808. It however left the slave population then existing in a state of bondage165, and for this necessary compromise the nation seventy-five years later was to pay dearly by one of the most destructive civil wars in the annals of mankind.
August was now drawing to a close. The convention had been in session for more than three months. Of its work the public knew nothing, and this notwithstanding the acute interest which the American people, not merely facing the peril166 of anarchy, but actually suffering from it, must have taken in the convention. Its vital importance was not under-estimated. While its builders, like all master builders, did "build better than they knew," yet it cannot be said that they under-estimated the importance of their labours. As one of their number, Gouveneur Morris said: "The whole human race will be affected167 by the proceedings of this convention." After it adjourned one of its greatest participants, James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, said:
"After the lapse106 of six thousand years since the creation of the world, America now presents the first instance of a people assembled to say deliberately and calmly and to decide leisurely168 and peaceably on the form of government by which they will bind169 themselves and their posterity."
In the absence of any authentic170 information, the rumour171 spread through the colonies that the convention was about to reconstitute a monarchy by inviting172 the second son of George III, the Bishop173 of Osnaburg, to be King of the United States; and these rumours174 became so persistent175 as to evoke176 from the silent convention a semi-official denial. There is some reason to believe that a minority of the convention did see in the restoration of a constitutional monarchy the only solution of the problem.
On September 8 the committee had finally considered and, after modifications177, approved the draft of the Committee on Detail, and a new committee was thereupon appointed "to revise the style of and arrange the articles that had been agreed to by the House." This committee was one of exceptional strength. There were Dr. William Samuel Johnson, a graduate of Oxford and a friend of his great namesake, Samuel Johnson; Alexander Hamilton, Gouveneur Morris, a brilliant mind with an unusual gift for lucid178 expression; James Madison, a true scholar in politics, and Rufus King, an orator28 who, in the inflated179 language of the day, "was ranked among the luminaries180 of the present age."
The convention then adjourned to await the final revision of the draft by the Committee on Style.
On September 12 the committee reported. While it is not certain, it is believed that its work was largely that of Gouveneur Morris.
September 13 the printed copies of the report of the Committee on Style were ready, and three more days were spent by the convention in carefully comparing each article and section of this final draft.
On September 15 the work of drafting the Constitution was regarded as ended, and it was adopted and ordered to be engrossed182 for signing.
It may be interesting at this point to give the result of their labours as measured in words, and if the framers of the Constitution deserve the plaudits of posterity in no other respect they do in the remarkable self-restraint which those results revealed.
The convention had been in session for 81 continuous days. Probably they had consumed over 300 hours in debate. If their debates had been fully181 reported, they would probably have filled at least fifty volumes, and yet the net result of their labours consisted of about 4,000 words, 89 sentences, and about 140 distinct provisions. As the late Lord Bryce, speaking in this age of unbridled expression, both oral and printed, so well has said:
"The Constitution of the United States, including the amendments183, may be read aloud in twenty-three minutes. It is about half as long as Saint Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians, and one-fourth as long as the Irish Land Act of 1881. History knows few instruments which in so few words lay down equally momentous184 rules on a vast range of matters of the highest importance and complexity185."
Even including the nineteen amendments, the Constitution, after one hundred and thirty-five years of development, does not exceed 7,000 words. What admirable self-restraint! Possibly single opinions of the Supreme Court could be cited which are as long as the whole document of which they are interpreting a single phrase. This does not argue that the Constitution is an obscure document, for it would be difficult to cite any political document in the annals of mankind that was so simple and lucid in expression. There is nothing Johnsonese about its style. Every word is a word of plain speech, the ordinary meaning of which even the man in the street knows. No tautology186 is to be found and no attempt at ornate expression. It is a model of simplicity187, and as it flows through the reaches of history it will always excite the admiration188 of those who love clarity and not rhetorical excesses. One can say of it as Horace said of his favourite Spring:
O, fons Bandusiae, splendidior vitro. Dulce digne mero, non sine floribus.
If I be asked why, if this be true, it has required many lengthy189 opinions of the Supreme Court in the 256 volumes of its Reports to interpret its meaning, the answer is that, as with the simple sayings of the great Galilean, whose words have likewise been the subject of unending commentary, the question is not one of clarity but of adaptation of the meaning to the ever-changing conditions of human life. Moreover, as with the sayings of the Master or the unequalled verse of Shakespeare, questions of construction are more due to the commentators190 than to the text itself.
On September 17 the convention met for the last time. The document was engrossed and laid before the members for signature. Of the fifty-five members who had attended, only thirty-nine remained. Of those, a number were unwilling to sign as individuals. While the members had not been unconscious of the magnitude of their labours, they were quite insensible of the magnitude of their achievement. Few there were of the convention who were enthusiastic about this result. Indeed, as the document was ready for signature, it became a grave question whether the remnant which remained had sufficient faith in their own work to subscribe191 their names, and if they failed to do so its adoption by the people would have been impossible. It was then that Doctor Franklin rendered one of the last and greatest services of his life. With ingratiating wit and with all the impressiveness that his distinguished192 career inspired, Franklin thus spoke:
"I confess that there are several parts of this Constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them. For having lived long I have experienced many instances of being obliged by better information or fuller consideration, to change opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that the older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment193 and to pay more respect to the judgment of others. Most men indeed as well as most sects194 in religion think themselves in possession of all truth, and that wherever others differ from them it is so far error. Steele, a Protestant, in a dedication195 tells the Pope that the only difference between our Churches in their opinions of the certainty of their doctrines196 is, the Church of Rome is infallible and the Church of England is never in the wrong. But though many private persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their sect162, few express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who in a dispute with her sister, said: 'I don't know how it happens, sister, but I meet with nobody but myself that's always in the right.'—Il n'y a que moi qui a toujours raison.
"In these sentiments, sir, I agree to this Constitution with all its faults, if they are such; because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing147 to the people, if well administered, and I believe further that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted197 as to need despotic government, being incapable198 of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other convention we can obtain may be able to make a better Constitution. For when you assemble a number of men to have the advantage of their joint199 wisdom you inevitably200 assemble with those men all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly can a perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does…. Thus, I consent, sir, to this Constitution because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good, I have never whispered a syllable201 of them abroad. Within these walls they were born and here they shall die. If every one of us in returning to our constituents202 were to report the objections he has had to it and endeavour to gain partisans203 in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lost all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favour among foreign nations as well as among ourselves from our real or apparent unanimity204.
"On the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that every member of the convention who may still have objections to it, would with me, on this occasion doubt a little of his own infallibility—and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument."
Truly this spirit of Doctor Franklin could be profitably invoked205 in this day and generation, when nations are so intolerant of the ideas of other nations.
As the members, moved by Franklin's humorous and yet moving appeal, came forward to subscribe their names, Franklin drew the attention of some of the members to the fact that on the back of the President's chair was the half disk of a sun, and, with his love of metaphor206, he said that painters had often found it difficult to distinguish in their art a rising from a setting sun. He then prophetically added:
"I have often and often in the course of the sessions and the vicissitudes207 of my hopes and fears in its issues, looked at that behind the President without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting. But now at length I have the happiness to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun."
Time has verified the genial208 doctor's prediction. The career of the new nation thus formed has hitherto been a rising and not a setting sun. He had in his sixty years of conspicuously useful citizenship—and perhaps no nation ever had a more untiring and unselfish servant—done more than any American to develop the American Commonwealth18, but like Moses, he was destined to see the promised land only from afar, for the new Government had hardly been inaugurated, before Franklin died, as full of years as honours. Prophetic as was his vision, he could never have anticipated the reality of to-day, for this nation, thus deliberately formed in the light of reason and without blood or passion, is to-day, by common consent, one of the greatest and, I trust I may add, one of the noblest republics of all time.
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1
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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controversies
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| 争论 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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unified
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| (unify 的过去式和过去分词)； 统一的； 统一标准的； 一元化的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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commonwealths
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| n.共和国( commonwealth的名词复数 )；联邦；团体；协会 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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convene
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| v.集合，召集，召唤，聚集，集合 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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quorum
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| n.法定人数 | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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dual
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| adj.双的；二重的，二元的 | |
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constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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48
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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51
disapprove
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| v.不赞成，不同意，不批准 | |
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52
wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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54
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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nays
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| n.反对票，投反对票者( nay的名词复数 ) | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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egress
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| n.出去；出口 | |
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pictorial
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| adj.绘画的；图片的；n．画报 | |
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inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fleeting
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| adj.短暂的，飞逝的 | |
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memoranda
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| n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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stenographer
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| n.速记员 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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fragrant
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| adj.芬香的，馥郁的，愉快的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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condensation
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| n.压缩，浓缩；凝结的水珠 | |
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covenants
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| n.（有法律约束的）协议( covenant的名词复数 )；盟约；公约；（向慈善事业、信托基金会等定期捐款的）契约书 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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placate
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| v.抚慰，平息(愤怒) | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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acclaim
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| v.向…欢呼，公认；n.欢呼，喝彩，称赞 | |
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acclaimed
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| adj.受人欢迎的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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contravening
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| v.取消，违反( contravene的现在分词 ) | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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embryo
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| n.胚胎，萌芽的事物 | |
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103
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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104
underlay
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的过去式 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起n.衬垫物 | |
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105
collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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106
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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107
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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108
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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109
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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110
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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111
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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112
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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113
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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114
amplification
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| n.扩大，发挥 | |
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115
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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116
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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117
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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118
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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119
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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120
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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121
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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123
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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124
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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125
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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126
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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127
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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128
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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129
transgressing
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| v.超越( transgress的现在分词 )；越过；违反；违背 | |
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130
divulged
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| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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132
coalesce
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| v.联合，结合，合并 | |
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133
dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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134
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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135
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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136
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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137
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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138
utilitarian
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| adj.实用的，功利的 | |
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139
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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140
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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141
atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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142
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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143
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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144
illuminate
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| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
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145
concurring
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| 同时发生的，并发的 | |
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146
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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147
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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148
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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149
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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150
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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151
Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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152
negation
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| n.否定；否认 | |
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153
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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154
alignments
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| 排成直线( alignment的名词复数 )； （国家、团体间的）结盟 | |
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155
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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156
override
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| vt.不顾，不理睬，否决；压倒，优先于 | |
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157
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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158
annul
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| v.宣告…无效，取消，废止 | |
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159
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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160
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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161
embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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162
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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163
meticulous
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| adj.极其仔细的，一丝不苟的 | |
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164
gamut
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| n.全音阶，(一领域的)全部知识 | |
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165
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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166
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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167
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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168
leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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169
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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170
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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171
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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172
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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173
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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174
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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175
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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176
evoke
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| vt.唤起，引起，使人想起 | |
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177
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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178
lucid
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| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
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179
inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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180
luminaries
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| n.杰出人物，名人（luminary的复数形式） | |
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181
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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182
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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183
amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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184
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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185
complexity
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| n.复杂(性)，复杂的事物 | |
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186
tautology
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| n.无谓的重复；恒真命题 | |
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187
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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188
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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189
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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190
commentators
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| n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 )；时事评论员；注释者；实况广播员 | |
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191
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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192
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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193
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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194
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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195
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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196
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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197
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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198
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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199
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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200
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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201
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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202
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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203
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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204
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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205
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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206
metaphor
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| n.隐喻，暗喻 | |
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207
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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208
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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