In April, 1643, Essex with sixteen thousand foot to three thousand horse advanced towards Oxford3 and captured Reading (April 27th). Hampden urged him to follow up this advantage by besieging4 Oxford, which was weakly fortified5 and ill provisioned. But Essex’s army was mutinous6 for want of pay, and decimated by a great sickness which broke out in his camp after the fall of Reading. He did not resume the movement on Oxford till June, and in the meantime the King had been strongly 87reinforced. With his diminished numbers, Essex was unable to invest Oxford, and in the small encounters which took place round it his troops were generally worsted. At Chalgrove Field, on June 18th, Hampden was mortally wounded, and his death a week later was as great a blow to his party as the loss of a battle. “Every honest man,” wrote a fellow officer, “hath a share in the loss, and will likewise in the sorrow. He was a gallant7 man, an honest man, an able man, and, take all, I know not to any living man second.” In his short military career, he had shown an energy, a decision, and a strategic instinct which seemed to mark him out as a future general.
After Hampden’s death, Essex fell back from Oxford and remained inactive, permitting the King to effect a junction8 with the Royalists of the north and the west. In the north, the Marquis of Newcastle had overrun the greater part of Yorkshire and cooped up Lord Fairfax and his son Sir Thomas in the West Riding. On June 30th, he routed the two Fairfaxes at Adwalton Moor9, near Bradford, and forced them to take refuge in Hull10—the only fortress11 which the Parliament now held in Yorkshire. The Queen had landed at Bridlington in February, and these successes enabled her to march south and join Charles at Oxford with arms, ammunition12, and reinforcements.
In the west, during the same period, a little army of Cornishmen under Sir Ralph Hopton won victory after victory over the Parliamentarians. At Bradock Down, on January 19, 1643, Hopton defeated General Ruthven; at Stratton, on May 16th, he beat 88Lord Stamford. Then, joined by Prince Maurice and the Marquis of Hertford, he advanced into Somersetshire and fought a drawn13 battle with Sir William Waller at Lansdown, near Bath, on July 5th. Followed by Waller, Hopton continued his march towards Oxford, and was blocked up in Devizes with his infantry14 by his pursuer. But the retreat of Essex had enabled the King to move freely, and had left Waller unsupported. On July 13th, the very day when the Queen reached Oxford, Wilmot and a body of horse sent from Oxford routed Waller’s army at Roundway Down, and rescued Hopton’s hard-pressed army.
Thus by the end of July the Royalists were masters in the field, and Charles could take the offensive. The King’s original plan had been that he should hold Essex in check, whilst Newcastle advanced from the north into Essex, and Hopton made his way through the southern counties toward Kent. All three were then to close in upon London, and strike down rebellion in its headquarters. But now Newcastle’s army refused to march southwards whilst Hull was uncaptured, and the western army hesitated to advance farther whilst Plymouth was not taken. Local feeling was too powerful to be neglected, and Charles was forced to complete the subjugation15 of the west instead of advancing upon London.
JOHN HAMPDEN.
(From Nugent’s “Life of Hampden.”)
On July 26th, Bristol, the second port in the kingdom, surrendered to Prince Rupert. Gloucester was besieged17 on August 10th, and though vigorously defended by Colonel Massey it seemed certain to fall, 89for the Parliament had no army available to relieve it. “Waller,” exulted18 the Royalists, “is extinct, and Essex cannot come.” Once more Pym and the Parliament appealed to the City, and London responded with a zeal19 which no disasters could chill. The citizens closed their shops, six regiments21 of London train-bands joined the shattered army of Essex, and with fifteen thousand men at his back the Earl marched for Gloucester. Vainly Rupert and the King’s horse strove to delay his progress; at his approach, the besiegers drew off their forces without fighting, and Gloucester was saved.
As the Parliamentarians returned to London, the King barred their way at Newbury, and forced them to cut their way through or perish (September 20th). This time the parliamentary horse fought well, but it was the firmness and courage of Essex’s infantry which preserved the army. The London train-bands, whom the Cavaliers had derided22, “stood as a bulwark23 and rampire to defend the rest,” and received charge after charge of Rupert’s horse with their pikes as steadily24 as if they had been drilling on their parade ground. Long training in military exercises had given them a “readiness, order, and dexterity25 in the use of their arms,” which compensated26 for their inexperience of actual war. Step by step the parliamentary army gained ground, till the failure of the King’s ammunition obliged him to retreat and leave the passage free. Essex re-entered London in triumph. Gloucester was safe, and his army was safe, but Reading, the one trophy27 of his year’s fighting, was abandoned again to the Royalists.
90The year 1643 closed gloomily for the Parliament. Except Gloucester, Plymouth, and a few ports in Dorsetshire, all the west was the King’s; the north was his except Hull and Lancashire, and in the midlands the Parliamentarians held their own with difficulty. Only in the eastern counties had the Parliament gained strength and territory, and it was to Cromwell more than any other man that this isolated28 success was due. At the close of 1642, Parliament had passed an ordinance29 associating the five counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cambridge, and Hertfordshire for the purpose of common defence (December 10, 1642). The Eastern Association, as it was termed, was completed by the accession of Huntingdonshire (May 26, 1643) and finally of Lincolnshire (September 20, 1643). Cambridge was its headquarters and Cromwell was from the first its guiding spirit. On his march from London in January, 1643, Cromwell seized the royalist high sheriff of Hertfordshire as he was proclaiming the King’s commission of array in the market-place of St. Albans, and sent him up to London (January 14th). In February, he was at Cambridge busily fortifying30 the town and collecting men to resist a threatened attack from Lord Capel. In March, he suppressed a royalist rising at Lowestoft, taking prisoners many gentlemen and “good store of pistols and other arms.” A few days later, he disarmed31 the Royalists of Lynn; in April, those of Huntingdonshire shared the same fate, and on April 28th he recaptured Crowland where the King’s party had established a garrison2. Whenever royalist raiders made a dash into the Association, or disaffected32 gentry33 attempted a rising, Colonel Cromwell and his men were swift to suppress them. “It’s happy,” he wrote, “to resist such beginnings betimes,” and he never failed to do so.
91Meanwhile the notion which Hampden had thought impracticable was rapidly becoming a fact. Cromwell’s one troop of eighty horse had become the nucleus34 of a regiment20. By March, 1643, he had five troops, and by September, ten. When the New Model army was constituted, his regiment had become a double regiment of fourteen full troops, numbering about eleven hundred troopers. Above all they were men of the same spirit as their colonel. His original troop had been carefully chosen. “He had a special care,” writes Baxter, “to get religious men into his troop; these men were of greater understanding than common soldiers ... and making not money but that which they took for public felicity to be their end, they were the more engaged to be valiant37.” The new additions were of the same quality. “Pray raise honest, godly men and I will have them of my regiment,” Cromwell promised the town of Norwich. “My troops increase,” he told a friend a few weeks later; “I have a lovely company; you would respect them did you know them; they are no Anabaptists, they are honest, sober Christians38.”
The officers were selected on the same principle. “If you choose godly, honest men to be captains of horse, honest men will follow them; and they will be careful to mount such,” wrote Cromwell to the 92Committee of Suffolk. When he could get gentlemen he preferred them, but godliness and zeal for the cause were the essentials.
“I had rather have,” said he, “a plain russet-coated captain that knows what he fights for and loves what he knows, than that which you call ‘a gentleman,’ and is nothing else. I honour a gentleman that is so indeed.... It may be it provokes some spirits to see such plain men made captains of horse. It had been well that men of honour and birth had entered into these employments—but why do they not appear? But seeing it was necessary the work must go on, better plain men than none.”
What struck observers first was the rigid39 discipline which Cromwell enforced not only in his own regiment but in all men under his command. No plundering40 was permitted, reported a newspaper; “no man swears but he pays his twelvepence; if he be drunk he is set in the stocks or worse. How happy were it if all the forces were thus disciplined!” The next notable fact was that they were better armed than other regiments, as well as better disciplined. Besides the sword, each trooper had a pair of pistols, but not carbines or other firearms. For defensive41 arms, they had simply a light helmet or “pot,” and a “back and breast” of iron. Thus while adequately protected they were lighter42 and more active than fully35 equipped cuirassiers, and while adequately armed they had no temptation to adopt the tactics of mounted infantry or dragoons. Moreover, from the beginning, Cromwell’s men were taught to 93charge home, and to rely on the impact of their charge and the sharpness of their swords. They were well mounted and many of them owned the horses they rode, being, as Whitelocke says, “freeholders or freeholders’ sons, who upon matter of conscience engaged in this quarrel.” Others were provided from the stables of Royalists, and one of Cromwell’s letters is a defence of an officer who had seized the horses of “Malignants” to mount his troop. A great lover of horses and arms himself, Colonel Cromwell made his men keep both in good condition. “Cromwell,” says a royalist writer, “used them daily to look after, feed, and dress their horses, and, when it was needful, to lie together on the ground; and besides taught them to clean and keep their arms bright and to have them ready for service.” Men of such a spirit, armed, mounted, drilled, and disciplined with care, soon proved their superiority both to the King’s troops and to those of Essex and Waller.
“That difference,” says Clarendon, “was observed shortly from the beginning of the war: that though the King’s troops prevailed in the charge, and routed those they charged, they never rallied themselves again in order, nor could be brought to make a second charge again the same day, whereas Cromwell’s troops if they prevailed, or though they were beaten and routed, presently rallied again, and stood in good order till they received new orders.”
In May, 1643, Essex ordered the forces of the eastern counties and the east midlands to unite in 94order to relieve Lincolnshire, and if possible to penetrate43 to Yorkshire and assist the Fairfaxes. Cromwell was eager to carry out his orders, but first one then another local commander declined to leave his particular locality unprotected. “Better it were that Leicester were not,” said Cromwell, “than that there should not be found an immediate44 taking of the field by our forces to accomplish the common ends.” He himself set out for Lincolnshire, and at Grantham on May 13th defeated a royalist force twice the size of his own. The Royalists were beaten mainly through their inferior tactics. Their commander had twenty-one troops and some dragoons to Cromwell’s twelve, but he never attempted to charge. The two bodies of horse stood about musket-shot from each other, and their dragoons exchanged shots for about half an hour.
“Then,” says Cromwell’s despatch45, “they not advancing toward us we agreed to charge them ... we came on with our troops at a pretty round trot46, they standing36 firm to receive us: and our men charging fiercely upon them, by God’s providence47 they were immediately routed and ran all away, and we had the execution of them two or three miles.”
Ten days later, Cromwell reached Nottingham and joined the forces of Lincolnshire and Derbyshire, but with all his eagerness he could get no farther. The three commanders quarrelled, and one of them, Captain John Hotham, was secretly in correspondence with the Royalists. To add to Cromwell’s difficulties, some of his soldiers were 95unpaid and mutinous, though he wrote urgently for money. It was a trouble continually recurring48 in his letters throughout this campaign, because parts of the Association were always behindhand in paying the men they raised.
“Lay not too much,” he appealed to one defaulter, “upon the back of a poor gentleman, who desires, without much noise, to lay down his life and bleed the last drop to serve the cause and you. I ask not your money for myself; if that were my end and hope—viz: the pay of my place—I would not open my mouth at this time. I desire to deny myself, but others will not be satisfied.”
Till the end of June, Cromwell stayed at Nottingham, defeating the Newark garrison in skirmishes, and hoping at least to bar the Queen’s march south, but his fellow commanders left him, and so he was obliged to fall back into the Association, and leave the Fairfaxes to be crushed at Adwalton Moor.
Now came the hour of danger for the Association. Backed by Newcastle’s army, the Royalists of the neighbouring counties began to press over its borders. One party threatened Peterborough, and garrisoned Burleigh House near Stamford. Another body besieged Lord Willoughby, the commander of the Lincolnshire Parliamentarians, in Gainsborough. Cromwell came to the rescue with his usual speed, captured Burleigh House and its garrison on July 24th, and, gathering49 what force he could get from Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, hurried to the relief of Gainsborough. Colonel Cavendish faced 96him with a body of royalist horse posted on the edge of a sandy plateau outside the town, and Cromwell’s men had to mount it before they could attack. Before they were completely formed, the royalist horse advanced, but Cromwell would not wait to receive their charge.
“In such order as we were,” says he, “we charged their great body. We came up horse to horse, where we disputed it with our swords and pistols a pretty time, all keeping close order, so that one could not break the other. At last they a little shrinking, our men, perceiving it, pressed in upon them, and immediately routed the whole body.”
Part of the Parliamentarians followed the chase five or six miles, but Cromwell halted three troops of his regiment as soon as he could, and it was well he did so; for in the meantime Cavendish and his reserve beat the Lincoln troops forming the parliamentary second line, and were hotly pursuing them when Cromwell with his three troops fell on their rear, and drove them down the hill and into a bog50. Cavendish was killed by Cromwell’s lieutenant51, and his regiment scattered52 to the winds. Powder and provisions were thrown into the besieged town, and the van of the Parliamentarians were actively53 engaged in attacking a body of Royalists discovered on the other side of Gainsborough, when Newcastle’s army arrived, fifty companies of foot, “and a great body of horse.” To fight was hopeless. There was nothing left for the Parliamentarians but to retreat if they could. The foot drew off with some confusion and 97took refuge in the town; the horse, under Cromwell’s command, were withdrawn54 in good order from position to position. Four troops of his regiment under Major Whalley, and four Lincoln troops under Captain Ayscough, alternately retiring and facing the enemy, covered the withdrawal55.
“They with this handful faced the enemy, and dared them to the teeth in, at the least, eight or nine several removes, the enemy following at their heels; and they, though their horses were exceedingly tired, retreating in order near carbine shot of the enemy, who thus followed them, firing upon them; Colonel Cromwell gathering up the main body and facing them behind those two lesser56 bodies.”
In this order he effected his retreat to Lincoln without loss.
Without a greater force it was impossible to drive Newcastle back, and in announcing his victory Cromwell appealed for reinforcements.
“God follows us with encouragements.... They come in season; as if God should say, ‘Up and be doing, and I will stand by you and help you.’ There is nothing to be feared but our own sin and sloth57.... If I could speak words to pierce your hearts with the sense of our and your condition I would.”
Two thousand foot must be raised at once if they meant to save Gainsborough. “If somewhat be not done in this you will see Newcastle’s army march up into your bowels58, being now, as it is, on this side Trent. I know it will be difficult to raise thus many 98in so short a time: but let me assure you, it’s necessary and therefore to be done.”
Parliament realised the imminence59 of the danger. On the day of Cromwell’s victory at Gainsborough, it had appointed him Governor of the Isle60 of Ely. A week later, he received the special thanks of the House for his “faithful endeavours to God and the kingdom,” and was voted three thousand pounds for his troops. On August 10th, an ordinance passed authorising the Associated Counties to raise ten thousand foot and five thousand horse to be commanded by the Earl of Manchester. It seemed, however, as if the eastern counties would be overrun before the new army could be raised. Gainsborough was taken, Lincoln was abandoned, all Lincolnshire except Boston fell into the power of the Royalists. In Norfolk, Lynn raised the King’s standard. However, Newcastle turned back with the bulk of his forces to besiege16 Hull, and while Manchester with all the foot he could get together besieged Lynn, Cromwell with his cavalry61 made a bold march into Lincolnshire. Sir Thomas Fairfax, who was shut up in Hull with his father, had with him twenty-one troops of horse, useless for the defence of the town, but capable of changing the fortune of the campaign if added to Cromwell’s force. Fairfax shipped them down the Humber in boats to Saltfleet in Lincolnshire, thus evading62 the attempts of Newcastle’s cavalry to intercept63 him, and effected his junction with Cromwell. Both then joined Manchester, who had by this time captured Lynn, and in October the joint64 army set about the reconquest of Lincolnshire.
99The Cavaliers of Lincolnshire and part of Newcastle’s cavalry, headed by Lord Widdrington and Sir John Henderson, fought them at Winceby on October 11th. Cromwell led the van, seconded by Sir Thomas Fairfax.
“Immediately after their dragooners had given the first volley,” says a parliamentary narrative65, “Colonel Cromwell fell with a brave resolution upon the enemy; yet they were so nimble, as that within half pistol shot, they gave him another; his horse was killed under him at the first charge, and fell down upon him; and as he rose up he was knocked down again by the gentleman who charged him; but afterwards he recovered a poor horse in a soldier’s hands, and bravely mounted himself again. Truly this first charge was so home given, and performed with so much admirable courage and resolution by our troops, that the enemy stood not another; but were driven back upon their own body which was to have seconded them; and at last put them into a plain disorder66; and thus in less than half an hour’s fight they were all quite routed.”
Thirty-five colours, and nearly a thousand prisoners were the trophies67 of the victors; Lincoln and Gainsborough fell into their hands a few weeks later. Moreover, on the very day of the victory of Winceby, Lord Fairfax sallied forth68 from Hull, beat Newcastle from his trenches69, and forced him to raise the siege in disorder. Thus the Association was secured from invasion, Lincolnshire conquered, and the Parliament’s hold on Yorkshire maintained.
So closed Cromwell’s second campaign. He had shown a skill in handling cavalry very rare amongst 100the courageous70 knights71 and squires72 who “rode forth a-colonelling.” He kept his promise to Hampden,—raised men of such a spirit that they never turned their backs to the enemy, and disciplined them so that they were an example to all the troops of the Parliament in camp or in battle. The general recognition of his great services was shown by two facts. On February 16, 1644, Parliament appointed a new committee for the management of the war, called, because it included representatives of Scotland, the Committee of Both Kingdoms. Cromwell had not been a member of the Committee of Safety appointed when the war began, but he was from the first a member of this new one. The second fact was Cromwell’s appointment as Lieutenant-General of the army of the Eastern Association. He had been practically Manchester’s second in command since the army was formed, and on January 22, 1644, he received his commission. The appointment had important results, political as well as military. Manchester himself, “a sweet, meek73 man,” says the Presbyterian Baillie, “permitted his Lieutenant-General to guide all the army at his pleasure.” Of Cromwell he adds: “the man is a very wise and active head, universally well-beloved as religious and stout74; being a known Independent most of the soldiers who loved new ways put themselves under his command.” Thus Cromwell’s influence spread to the whole army of the Eastern Association, and officers and men became permeated75 by the spirit of his regiment. By March, 1644, Manchester’s army was reported to be fifteen thousand strong.
EDWARD MONTAGUE, EARL OF MANCHESTER.
(From Birch’s “Heads of Illustrious Persons.”)
101“Neither,” said a newspaper, “is his army so formidable in number as exact in discipline; and that they might be all of one mind in religion, as of resolution in the field, with a severe eye he hath looked into the manners of those all who are his officers, and cashiered those whom he found to be in any way irregular in their lives or disaffected to the cause.”
CROMWELL CREST76.
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1
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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30
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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42
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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43
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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45
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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46
trot
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| n.疾走，慢跑；n.老太婆；现成译本；(复数）trots:腹泻（与the 连用）；v.小跑，快步走，赶紧 | |
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47
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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48
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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bog
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| n.沼泽；室...陷入泥淖 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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54
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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58
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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imminence
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| n.急迫，危急 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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62
evading
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| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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67
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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permeated
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| 弥漫( permeate的过去式和过去分词 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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