The King’s execution further swelled6 the royalist ranks; for whilst a portion of the Ulster Presbyterians openly declared for Ormond, and proclaimed 256Charles II., the rest threw off all semblance7 of obedience to the Parliament. Only Owen Roe8 and the Ulster Irish, dissatisfied with the terms of the treaty, stood aloof9 from the coalition10, and, negotiating first with Ormond, then with the parliamentary officers, maintained for some time a neutral attitude. In Londonderry, Sir Charles Coote still held out for the Parliament, Colonel Monk11 held Dundalk, and Colonel Michael Jones, ever vigilant12 and energetic, maintained himself in Dublin. Jones had been made Governor of Dublin, in June, 1647, when Ormond gave it up to the Parliament. He had won a signal victory over the Irish at Dungan’s Hill in August, 1647, and could be trusted to fight to the last. But unless help came from England, the preservation13 of these last strongholds was only a question of months.
It was not merely a question whether Ireland should be separated from England, for it was certain that Ireland in royalist hands would be used as a basis for an attack upon England. The young King’s messengers announced his speedy coming to Ireland, and nothing but the lack of money hindered his journey. Already Prince Rupert, with a squadron of eight ships, was in the harbours of Munster. It was at this juncture15 that the Council of State nominated Cromwell to command in Ireland (March 15, 1649). The speech which Cromwell made to the officers of the army a week later showed his appreciation16 of the crisis. “Your old enemies,” he told them, “are again uniting against you.” Scotland had proclaimed Charles II.; a great party in England was ready to co-operate with the Scots; all parties in Ireland were joined together “to root out the English interest there and set up the Prince of Wales.” “If we do not endeavour to make good our interest there, and that timely, we shall not only have our interest rooted out there, but they will in a very short time be able to land forces in England, and put us to trouble here.” All the national pride of an Englishman rose up at the thought of Scottish or Irish interference.
257“I confess,” he continued, “I have often had these thoughts with myself which perhaps may be carnal and foolish: I had rather be overrun by a Cavalierish interest than a Scotch17 interest, I had rather be overrun by a Scotch interest than an Irish interest, and I think that of all this is the most dangerous.... If they shall be able to carry on their work they will make this the most miserable18 people in the earth, for all the world knows their barbarism.... The quarrel is brought to this state: that we can hardly return to that tyranny which formerly19 we were under the yoke20 of, but we must at the same time be subject to the kingdom of Scotland or the kingdom of Ireland for the bringing in of the king. It should awaken21 all Englishmen.”
At bottom, as Cromwell truly said, the quarrel was a national quarrel, and the question was whether the growth of English freedom should be checked by Irishmen and Scotchmen, seeking, for their own ends, to replace the Stuarts on the throne they had lost. There was little real danger of this so long as the army remained united. “There is more cause of 258danger from disunion amongst ourselves than by anything from our enemies.... I am confident we doing our duty and waiting upon the Lord, we shall find He will be as a wall of brass22 round about us, till we have finished that work that He has for us to do.” But with all this faith in divine assistance, Cromwell did not underestimate the difficulty of reconquering Ireland, and left nothing undone23 that was necessary to secure success.
Cromwell refused to accept the command until he was certain of adequate support from the Government, and after accepting it (March 30th) declined to lead his soldiers across the sea until he was provided with money for their payment. Parliament entrusted24 him for three years with the combined powers of Lord-Lieutenant25 and Commander-in-chief, granting him a salary for the two posts of about thirteen thousand pounds a year, and giving him an army of twelve thousand men, well officered and well equipped. The organisation26 of his army, the collection of ships to transport it, and, more than all, the difficulty of raising money to maintain it, delayed his start for more than four months, and it was not till August 13th that Cromwell landed at Dublin.
If Ormond had been a great commander, or if Owen Roe had abandoned his neutrality in March instead of in August, every English garrison27 might have been taken before Cromwell’s coming. Inchiquin, Ormond’s lieutenant, took Dundalk and Drogheda in July, and Ormond himself blockaded Jones in Dublin. But Cromwell reinforced Jones with 259three regiments28 from England, and on August 2nd the garrison of Dublin surprised Ormond’s camp at Rathmines, and defeated him with a loss of five thousand men. “An astonishing mercy,” wrote Cromwell, “so great and seasonable that we are like to them that dreamed.” Its result was that Ormond could bring together no army which was sufficient to face Cromwell in the field, and was driven to rely on fortresses29 to check the invader30 till he could gather fresh forces. Into Drogheda, the first threatened, Ormond threw the flower of his army. Cromwell stormed Drogheda on September 10th, and put the twenty-eight hundred men who defended it to the sword. “I do not think thirty of the whole number escaped with their lives,” he wrote. Then sending a detachment to the relief of Londonderry, he turned his march southwards, and on October 11th took Wexford by storm. Some fifteen hundred of its garrison and its inhabitants fell in the streets and in the market-place, and, as at Drogheda, every priest who fell into the hands of the victors was immediately put to death.
At Drogheda the order to spare none taken in arms had been deliberately32 given by Cromwell after his first assault had been repulsed33. At Wexford the slaughter34 was accidental rather than intentional35. Cromwell showed no regret for this bloodshed. He abhorred36 the indiscriminating cruelties practised by many English commanders of the time in Ireland, and no general was more careful to protect peaceable peasants and non-combatants from plunder37 and violence. “Give us an instance,” he challenged 260Catholic clergy, “of one man, since my coming into Ireland, not in arms, massacred, destroyed, or banished39, concerning the massacre38 or the destruction of whom justice has not been done or endeavoured to be done.” But when towns were taken by storm, the laws of war authorised the refusal of quarter to their defenders40, and on this ground Cromwell justified41 his action at Drogheda and Wexford. He justified it both on military and political grounds. He had come to Ireland not merely as a conqueror42, but as a judge “to ask an account of the innocent blood that had been shed” in the rebellion of 1641, and “to punish the most barbarous massacre that ever the sun beheld43.” Of the slaughter at Drogheda he wrote:
“I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment44 of God upon those barbarous wretches45, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future; which are the satisfactory grounds of such actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse46 and regret.” Of Wexford he said: “God, by an unexpected providence47, in His righteous justice brought a just judgment upon them, causing them to become a prey48 to the soldiers who in their piracies49 had made preys50 of so many families, and with their bloods to answer the cruelties which they had exercised upon the lives of divers51 poor Protestants.”
Cromwell, in short, regarded himself, in Carlyle’s words, as “the minister of God’s justice, doing God’s judgments52 on the enemies of God!” but only fanatics53 can look upon him in that light. His 261justice was an imperfect, indiscriminating, human justice, too much alloyed with revenge, and, as St. James says, Ira viri non operatur justitiam Dei. Politically these massacres54 were a blunder—their memory still helps to separate the two races Cromwell wished to unite. From a military point of view, however, they were for a short time as successful as Cromwell hoped, in saving further effusion of blood.
“It is not to be imagined,” wrote Ormond, “how great the terror is that those successes and the power of the rebels have struck into this people. They are so stupefied, that it is with great difficulty that I can persuade them to act anything like men towards their own preservation.”
Trim and Dundalk were abandoned by their garrisons55, Ross opened its gates as soon as a breach56 was made in its walls, and Ormond’s English Royalists deserted57 in scores. But, in November, when Cromwell attacked Waterford, the spell was broken. Its stubborn resistance and the tempestuous58 winter weather obliged him to raise the siege, for the hardships of Irish campaigning had thinned his army, and a large part of it were “fitter for an hospital than the field.” Michael Jones, Cromwell’s second in command, died of a fever, and Cromwell himself fell ill.
Meanwhile, the inherent weakness of the coalition which Ormond had built up revealed itself. Between the Munster Protestants, whom Inchiquin had induced to declare for the King in 1648, and their Catholic Irish allies there was a gulf59 which no 262temporary political agreement could bridge over. Before Cromwell left England, he had opened secret negotiations60 with some of the commanders in Munster, and his intrigues61 now bore fruit. In October, Cork62 expelled Ormond’s garrison, and in November, Youghal, Kinsale, Bandon, and several smaller places hoisted the English flag. Thus, by the close of 1649, all the coast of Ireland, from Londonderry to Cape31 Clear, with the sole exception of Waterford, was in Cromwell’s hands: “a great longitude63 of land along the shore,” wrote Cromwell, “yet hath it but little depth into the country.”
The task of the next campaign was the extension of English rule inland. After wintering in the Munster ports, Cromwell led his army against the fortresses in the interior of Munster. Cashel, Cahir, and many castles fell in February, and Kilkenny, the seat of the Irish Catholic Confederation, capitulated at the end of March.
More and more the war became a purely64 national war between Celts and English. The last of Inchiquin’s Protestant officers made terms with Cromwell. On the other hand, the Ulster army of Owen Roe stood no longer neutral, and though Owen Roe himself died in November, 1649, his Celtic soldiers fought for the freedom of their race with unsurpassable courage and devotion. Owen’s nephew, Hugh O’Neill, defended Clonmel against Cromwell, and repulsed with enormous loss his attempt to storm it. The Ironsides confessed that they had found in Clonmel “the stoutest65 enemy this army had ever met in Ireland,” but though the garrison 263escaped by a skilful66 night march, the town itself was obliged to surrender (May 10, 1650).
By this time war between England and Scotland was imminent67. Cromwell’s recall had been voted by the Parliament in January, and a fortnight after the fall of Clonmel he sailed for England, leaving his lieutenants68 to complete the conquest of Ireland. Ireton, who remained as President of Munster and commander-in-chief, captured Waterford (August 10th), but failed before Limerick, while Coote in the north defeated Owen Roe’s old army at Scarrifholis (June 21st). There was no longer any Irish army in the field, and the war became a war of sieges and forays. At the end of 1650, Ormond left Ireland in despair. His successor, Clanricarde,—distrusted and disobeyed as Ormond had been,—could neither unite the Irish factions70 for the last struggle, nor combine the scattered71 bands who still held out in their bogs72 and mountains. The nobility still clung to the House of Stuart, but the clergy turned for help to the Catholic powers, and offered to accept the Duke of Lorraine as Protector of the Irish nation, if he would come to their defence with his army. In June, 1651, Ireton again besieged73 Limerick, and after a siege of five months the city yielded to famine and treachery. Ireton himself died of plague fever in November, 1651, but his successors, Ludlow and Fleetwood, completed the subjugation74 of the country. Galway, the last city to resist, surrendered to Coote in May, 1652. During the year, the last Irish commanders capitulated, and their soldiers entered Spanish or French service.
264So ended the twelve years’ war. The contest had been unequal, but the failure of the Irish to regain75 their independence was due not so much to the greater strength and wealth of England, as to their own divisions. As a contemporary Irish poet wrote:
“The Gael are being wasted, deeply wounded,
Subjugated76, slain77, extirpated78,
By plague, by famine, by war, by persecution79.
It was God’s justice not to free them,
They went not together hand in hand.”
Ireland was devastated80 from end to end, and a third of its population had perished during the struggle. Plague and famine, said an English officer, had swept away whole counties, and in some places “a man might travel twenty or thirty miles, and not see a living creature, either man, or beast, or bird.” “As for the poor commons,” said another, “the sun never shined upon a nation so completely miserable.”
It was not very difficult for Cromwell and the English Republic to subdue81 a divided nation, but the task which lay before them now was less easy. It remained to effect a settlement which would secure order, restore prosperity, prevent future rebellions, and extinguish the feuds82 of race and creed83. In the last years of the Republic and during the Protectorate, first under Lord-Deputy Fleetwood and then under Henry Cromwell, this reorganisation of Irish government and society was carried out. The main lines of the Cromwellian settlement of Ireland had been determined84 by the Long 265Parliament. In all essentials the parliamentary policy towards Ireland was simply a return to the traditional policy which, since the close of the Tudor period, all English governments had more or less consistently pursued. Colonisation, conversion85, and the impartial86 administration of justice were the aims of Cromwell just as they had been the aims of Strafford.
The basis of the settlement was therefore a great confiscation87 of Irish land, and the substitution of English for Irish landowners. Parliament had announced this policy in 1642, when it voted that two million five hundred thousand acres of Irish land should be set aside for the repayment88 of the “adventurers” who advanced money for the reconquest of Ireland. The pay of the soldiers employed against the Irish and the reimbursement89 of the merchants who supplied provisions and other necessaries were provided for in this way. By 1653, the debt which the Parliament owed these three classes of creditors90 amounted to over three and a half millions. Accordingly, in August, 1652, Parliament passed an Act confiscating91 the estates of all Catholic landholders who had taken part in the rebellion. The leaders and originators were to lose all their land, others two thirds, some one third, according to the degree of their guilt92. The rich Catholic burgesses of Waterford, Kilkenny, and other large towns shared the same fate, but the Munster Protestants who had revolted in 1648 were merely fined two years’ income. In 1653 it was decreed that even those persons to whom a portion of their estates was theoretically left should be transplanted to 266Connaught, and receive there the proportion of land to which they were entitled. In most cases they received inferior land, in some cases nothing, and in all cases the removal entailed93 great suffering. Even a still more sweeping94 scheme for the transplantation of all classes of native Irish was for a time under consideration, but in the end few but landholders were actually transplanted. Artificers and labourers were allowed to remain behind, partly because their guilt was held to be less, partly because it was difficult to remove them, and because their services were needed by the new owners of the soil. Finally, the confiscated95 lands were surveyed, divided into different classes, and distributed by lot amongst the soldiers and the creditors of the government.
By 1656, the process was practically completed, and two thirds of the land of Ireland had passed to its new owners.
Cromwell himself thoroughly96 approved of the principles of confiscation and colonisation. “Was it not fit,” he asked, “to make their estates defray the charges who had caused all the trouble?” “It were to be wished,” he told Parliament when announcing his capture of Wexford, “that an honest people would come to plant here.” Accordingly he wrote to New England inviting97 “godly people and ministers” to leave their homes in America and establish themselves in Ireland. But with the details of the land settlement effected during his Protectorate, Cromwell had little to do, though sometimes he intervened in favour of persons harshly treated by the Irish government. Thus he 267saved Peregrine Spenser, the grandson of the poet, from transplantation, not for the sake of the Faery Queene, but for the sake of Edmund Spenser’s Dialogue on the State of Ireland. Moreover, it was largely due to the Protector that the scheme for universal transplantation was reduced to more moderate limits.
The ecclesiastical policy of Cromwell and the Puritans was the traditional English policy of suppressing Catholicism in Ireland and propagating Protestantism. The difference consisted in the consistent vigour98 with which that policy was now pursued. Under the Stuarts the laws had forbidden the Catholic worship, but the government had often connived99 at its exercise. Charles, in his struggle with the Parliament, had promised the Catholics at one time toleration, at another equal rights. Cromwell, as soon as he arrived in Ireland, announced that the old laws would be rigidly100 enforced. Catholicism, he declared, had no right to exist in Ireland at all, the priests were mere14 intruders; for their own ends they had instigated101 the rebellion; they poisoned the flocks they professed102 to feed with their “false, abominable103, anti-Christian104 doctrine105 and practices.” Liberty of conscience, in the narrowest sense of the word, Irish Catholics might enjoy, for they were not to be forced to attend Protestant churches, but of liberty of worship they were to have none. “I meddle106 not with any man’s conscience,” wrote Cromwell to the Governor of Ross. “But if by liberty of conscience, you mean a liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to exercise plain dealing107 268and to let you know where the Parliament of England have power, that will not be allowed of.” “As for the people,” he declared, “what thoughts they have in matters of religion in their own breasts I cannot reach, but shall think it my duty, if they walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least to suffer for the same.” Under the Protector’s government, therefore, priests were hunted down, and either imprisoned108 or exiled. Some were transported to Spain, others shipped off to Barbadoes, and a sort of penal109 settlement was established in the island of Innis-boffin.
From persistency110 in these repressive measures, and from the active preaching of Protestantism, Cromwell hoped for the conversion of the Irish. He thought he saw signs of it even during his campaign. “We find the people,” he wrote, “very greedy after the word, and flocking to Christian meetings, much of that prejudice which lies upon people in England being a stranger to their minds. I mind you the rather of this because it is a sweet symptom if not an earnest of the good we expect.” During the Protectorate, the English governors of Ireland made great efforts to propagate Protestantism. Independent congregations were founded in most of the great towns, and preachers invited over. In 1654, the commissioners111 in whose hands the government was, appealed to New England for ministers. “Sir,” began one of their letters, “we being destitute112 of helpers to carry on the work of the Lord in holding forth113 the gospel of Christ in this poor nation, being informed that the Lord hath made you 269faithful and able in the work, we hereby desire you to come over and help us.”
“Assiduous preaching,” argued Cromwell, “together with humanity, good life, equal and honest dealing with men of different opinion,” would in the end convert the Irish to Protestantism. The government also hoped much from the spread of education. In 1650, Parliament endowed Trinity College with the lands of the Archbishopric of Dublin and the Dean and Chapter of St. Patrick’s. Trinity was reorganised and filled with Independent divines, while the appointment of a number of professors, the establishment of a public library, and the foundation of a second college were also projected. When Archbishop Ussher died, the officers of the Irish army bought his books to be the nucleus114 of the intended library.
Like Strafford, Cromwell believed that the impartial administration of justice would make the Irish people good subjects and attach them to English rule.
“We have a great opportunity,” he wrote, “to set up a way of doing justice amongst these poor people, which, for the uprightness and cheapness of it may exceedingly gain upon them, who have been accustomed to as much injustice115, tyranny, and oppression from their landlords, the great men, and those that should have done them right, as I believe any people in that which we call Christendom.... If justice were freely and impartially116 administered here, the foregoing darkness and corruption117 would make it look so much the more glorious and beautiful, and draw more hearts after it.”
270In the newly conquered country the obstacles which made the reform of the Law so difficult in England, could more easily be overcome. “Ireland,” Cromwell said, “was as a clean paper, and capable of being governed by such laws as should be found most agreeable to justice; which may be so impartially administered as to be a good precedent118 even to England itself.”
Some improvement in these respects there certainly was. The Irish judges appointed by Cromwell were capable and honest, and one of the chief-justices, John Cooke, was a zealous119 law-reformer. But no improvement in the administration of the laws could reconcile Irishmen to English rule while the laws themselves were so little “agreeable to justice.” Justice combined with forfeiture121 and proscription122, and without equal laws, was a legal fiction which had no healing virtue123.
Equally futile124 was the attempted conversion of the Irish. The struggle against England had made Irish nationality and Catholicism identical terms, and a faith associated with spoliation and foreign conquest could make no progress in the hearts of the conquered. The only permanent result of Cromwell’s zeal120 was an increase in the number of Protestant Nonconformists in Ireland. Some nominal126 converts from Catholicism were made. A few landowners professed themselves Protestants in order to obtain a temporary respite127 from transplantation, and a good many Irish women who had married English soldiers passed as Protestants in order to elude128 the laws against the intermarriage of soldiers 271and papists. But converts of this kind usually relapsed, and the mixture of the two races, which the government could not prevent, profited Catholicism, not Protestantism. The failure of the policy of conversion entailed the partial failure of the policy of colonisation as well. The families of the greater landowners established by the confiscations remained English and Protestant. The families of the smaller landowners—of the ex-soldiers who became yeomen and small farmers—tended to become Catholic in creed and Irish in feeling. “How many there are,” lamented129 a pamphleteer in 1697, “of the children of Oliver’s soldiers in Ireland who cannot speak one word of English. This comes of marrying Irish women instead of English.”
In the main, Cromwell’s Irish policy followed the lines which Tudor and Stuart statesmen had laid down. In one respect, however, he was more original and more enlightened than either his predecessors130 or his successors. Strafford’s economic policy had aimed at making the Irish rich, but also at keeping Ireland economically subject to England and preventing Irish manufactures or products from competing with those of England. No such jealousy131 of Irish trade warped132 Cromwell’s policy. Its fundamental principle was that the English colony were to be regarded simply as Englishmen living in Ireland, and entitled to the same rights as Englishmen living in England. “I would not,” said a speaker in the Parliament of 1657, “have our own people oppressed because they live in Ireland.” Accordingly, in the levy133 of any general tax on the three 272countries, care was taken that their respective shares should be equitably134 assessed. The same customs and excise135 were paid in Ireland as in England, and Ireland enjoyed equal rights with regard to foreign and colonial trade. However, as the native Irish and the Catholics were excluded from the corporate136 towns which were the seats of commerce and manufactures, the benefit of this trade was almost exclusively reaped by the English colony. Cromwell’s object was to secure the prosperity of what he called “the interest of England newly begun to be planted in Ireland.” If it were overtaxed, or in any other way overburdened, “the English planters must quit the country,” and then, as he warned his second Parliament, “that which hath been the success of so much blood and treasure, to get that country into your hands, what can become of it, but that the English must needs run away for pure beggary, and the Irish must possess the country again?”
With free trade, Cromwell also gave the English colonists137 in Ireland representation in the Parliament of the Three Nations. The Long Parliament had projected the legislative138 union of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and had fixed139 the number of their representatives, but it was left to Cromwell to call the first united Parliament. The “Instrument of Government” allotted140 Ireland thirty members, leaving the Protector to fix the particular constituencies by which these members were to be returned, and thirty representatives of Ireland sat accordingly in the Parliaments of 1654, 1656, and 1659. As Catholics and persons who had taken part in the rebellion were 273excluded from voting, the members for Ireland consisted entirely141 of officers and officials representing the English colony. “I am not here,” said one of them in 1659, “to speak for Ireland, but for the English in Ireland.”
Outside the ranks of the new colonists, the union of the English and Irish Parliaments found few cordial supporters. The older English colony preferred a separate Parliament for Ireland. It would be impossible, argued one of their spokesmen in 1659, for the Irish to get their grievances142 redressed143, if they had to come over to England and apply to the English Parliament for the purpose. “I pray that they may have some to hear their grievances in their own nation, seeing they cannot have them heard here.” In 1659, the republican opposition144 in Richard Cromwell’s Parliament, moved largely by the fact that the Irish members were staunch Cromwellians, urged their exclusion145 from the House. Ireland, Vane argued, was only a province, and had no right to a voice in the government of the mother country. “They are still in the state of a province, and you make them a power not only to make laws for themselves, but for this nation; nay146, to have a casting vote for aught I know in all your laws.” The attempted exclusion of the members from Ireland failed in 1659, but at the Restoration, the legislative union with Ireland was the first thing to go. No law was required to repeal147 it, for it had never received the King’s assent148, and no voice was raised in its defence. English conservatism and Irish provincialism were too strong, and Cromwell’s imperial scheme 274went to the limbo149 reserved for policies too wise for their generation.
The natural consequence of the termination of the legislative union was the loss of the commercial equality which had accompanied it. The English colonists were no longer treated as Englishmen domiciled in Ireland, but as strangers and rivals. The Navigation Act of Charles II. excluded them from American and colonial trade, while two other acts followed, prohibiting the export of Irish cattle and provisions to England. Finally, in the reign125 of William III. the Irish woollen manufacture was destroyed, and the ruin of Irish commerce and agriculture was completed.
It was only Cromwell’s policy towards the English colony in Ireland which was reversed; his policy towards the native Irish was still pursued. So far as his policy coincided with the traditional policy of England towards Ireland it was maintained; so far as it was wiser and more original it was abandoned. Carlyle draws a picture of Ireland as it might have been if the “ever blessed restoration” had not “torn up” Cromwell’s system “by the roots.” “Ireland under this arrangement,” he holds, “would probably have grown up into a sober, diligent150, drab-coloured population, developing itself most probably into some sort of Calvinistic Protestantism.” It is a baseless dream. Even in Cromwell’s lifetime it was evident that his scheme for the conversion of the Irish was doomed151 to failure. After his death the proscription of Catholicism and the hopeless attempt to force Protestantism on a reluctant people were 275still continued, nor were they abandoned till 1829. The new proprietors152 whom Cromwell had established still kept their hold, and only a very small proportion of the confiscated estates—nominally one third, in reality much less—returned to their old possessors at the Restoration. So the Cromwellian land settlement survived its author, to be his most permanent monument, and to be also, as Mr. Lecky writes, “the foundation of that deep and lasting153 division between the proprietary154 and the tenants69 which is the chief cause of the political and social evils of Ireland.”
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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roe
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| n.鱼卵；獐鹿 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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formerly
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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25
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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26
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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27
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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29
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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30
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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31
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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32
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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33
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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34
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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35
intentional
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| adj.故意的，有意（识）的 | |
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36
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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37
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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38
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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39
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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41
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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42
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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43
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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44
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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45
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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46
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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47
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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48
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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49
piracies
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| n.海上抢劫( piracy的名词复数 )；盗版行为，非法复制 | |
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50
preys
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| v.掠食( prey的第三人称单数 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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51
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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52
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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53
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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54
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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55
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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56
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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57
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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58
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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59
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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60
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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61
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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62
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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63
longitude
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| n.经线，经度 | |
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64
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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65
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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66
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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67
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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68
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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69
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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70
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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71
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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72
bogs
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| n.沼泽，泥塘( bog的名词复数 )；厕所v.（使）陷入泥沼， （使）陷入困境( bog的第三人称单数 )；妨碍，阻碍 | |
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73
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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75
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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76
subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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78
extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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79
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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80
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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81
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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82
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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83
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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84
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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85
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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86
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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87
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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88
repayment
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| n.偿还，偿还款；报酬 | |
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89
reimbursement
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| n.偿还，退还 | |
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90
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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91
confiscating
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| 没收（confiscate的现在分词形式） | |
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92
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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93
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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94
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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95
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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97
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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98
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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99
connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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100
rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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101
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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103
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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104
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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105
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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106
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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107
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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108
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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110
persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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111
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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112
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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113
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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114
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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115
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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116
impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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117
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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118
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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119
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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120
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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121
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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122
proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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123
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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124
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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125
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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126
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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127
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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128
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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129
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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131
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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132
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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133
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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134
equitably
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| 公平地 | |
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135
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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136
corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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137
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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138
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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139
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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140
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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142
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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143
redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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144
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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145
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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146
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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147
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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148
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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149
limbo
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| n.地狱的边缘；监狱 | |
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150
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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151
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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152
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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153
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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154
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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