Nothing delayed war between Scotland and England but the difficulty of effecting an agreement between Charles and the Scots. Except on their own terms the Presbyterians would not fight for him, and till no other way of regaining10 his crown was left Charles would not accept their terms.
The Scottish Commissioners11 demanded that he should not only accept the Covenant12 and the Presbyterian system for Scotland, but pledge himself to impose them on England and Ireland. As he declined to force Presbyterianism on those two kingdoms without the consent of their parliaments the negotiations13 were broken off in May, 1649, and while Charles prepared to join Ormond in Ireland, Montrose was commissioned to call the Scottish Royalists once more to arms.
In September, 1649, Charles landed at Jersey15 on his way to Ireland, but Cromwell’s victories checked his further progress. Before the year ended, it was evident that if he was to be restored it must be by Scottish hands, and in February, 1650, he returned to Holland. Necessity left him no choice. “Indeed,” wrote a Scottish agent from Jersey, “he is brought very low; he has not bread both for himself and his servants, and betwixt him and his brother not one English shilling.” Negotiations began again at Breda in March, 1650. The Scots required him to take 278both Covenants16, to impose Presbyterianism on England and Ireland, and to disavow both Ormond and Montrose. Charles struggled hard to modify these conditions, and the treaty by which he agreed to them was not signed till he was actually on his voyage. He hoped that when he came to Scotland his presence would win concessions17 from the Covenanters, and a royalist party would gather round him. But he found himself treated more as a captive than a king. English Royalists who had accompanied him from Holland were ordered to leave the country, Scottish Royalists were excluded from his army and his Court, and when he reached Edinburgh he saw, fixed19 over the tower of the Tolbooth, and fresh from the hangman’s hands, the head of Montrose.
The diplomacy20 of the King had sacrificed his noblest champion. Instead of holding Montrose back till the negotiations ended, he had urged him to immediate21 action. “Your vigorous proceeding,” he wrote, “will be a good means to bring them to such a moderation ... as may produce a present union of that whole nation in our service.” When the Scottish envoys at Breda demanded the abandonment of Montrose, Charles agreed to order him to disband his troops with a secret promise of their indemnity22. But the countermands23 came too late. Knowing that Charles was treating with the Covenanters, and that he was in danger of disavowal, Montrose still resolved to spend his life for the King’s service. In March, 1650, he arrived in the Orkneys with a little body of Danish and German mercenaries. In April, with about twelve hundred men and forty horse, he advanced through Caithness to the south of Sutherland. There, at Carbisdale, on April 27th, Major Strachan, with two hundred and fifty of David Leslie’s disciplined cavalry24, fell upon him in his march south, scattered25 his handful of horsemen, and cut to pieces his foreign infantry26. Montrose escaped from the rout27, and wandered amongst the hills till starvation obliged him to seek shelter. Macleod of Assynt gave him up to the Scottish Government, and on May 21st he was hanged at the market-cross in the High Street of Edinburgh.
THE SEAL OF THE “TRIERS.”
THE DUNBAR MEDAL.
HEAD OF CROMWELL, BY THOMAS SIMON.
MEDAL REPRESENTING CROMWELL AS LORD GENERAL OF THE ARMY.
BY THOMAS SIMON.
OBVERSE. ? ? ? REVERSE.
A CROWN-PIECE OF THE PROTECTOR ISSUED IN 1658.
(From Henfrey’s “Numismata Cromwelliana.”)
279About the time of Montrose’s death, Cromwell returned to England. Parliament had voted that both Fairfax and Cromwell should command against the Scots, the one as General, the other in his old post as Lieutenant-General. But when Fairfax found that the Council of State meant to invade Scotland, he laid down his commission. The best refutation of the theory that Cromwell sought to undermine Fairfax in order to obtain his post is the vigour28 with which he endeavoured to persuade him to keep it. It was morally certain, urged Cromwell, that the Scots meant to invade England. War was unavoidable. “Your excellency will soon determine whether it is better to have this war in the bowels29 of another country than our own.” But nothing could overcome Fairfax’s repugnance30 to an offensive war. Human probabilities, he repeated, were not sufficient ground to make war upon our brethren, the Scots. The truth was, he had long been dissatisfied with the results of the revolution in which events had given 280him so prominent a part, and seized any plausible31 excuse for retirement32. As he persisted, his resignation was accepted, and on the 26th of June, 1650, Cromwell became, by Act of Parliament, Captain-General and Commander-in-chief of all the forces of the Commonwealth33. “I have not sought these things,” he wrote to a friend; “truly I have been called unto them by the Lord, and therefore am not without some assurance that He will enable His poor worm and weak servant to do His will.”
At the end of July, Cromwell entered Scotland with an army of 10,500 foot and 5500 horse. His old comrade, David Leslie, to whom the Scots had given the command, could bring about eighteen thousand foot and eight thousand horse to meet him, but as Leslie’s soldiers were much inferior in quality, he stood resolutely34 on the defensive35. Marching along the coast and drawing supplies mainly from the English fleet, Cromwell found the Scottish army intrenched between Leith and Calton Hill. A month passed in marches around Edinburgh, in fruitless skirmishes, and unsuccessful attempts to draw the Scots from their unassailable fastnesses. Leslie took no risks, and met each move with unfailing skill. At the end of August, victuals36 grew scarce in the English camp and disease was rife37. With a “poor, shattered, hungry, discouraged army,” Cromwell fell back on Dunbar, intending to fortify38 the town to be used as a magazine and basis of operations, and to await reinforcements from Berwick. Leslie, pressing hard on his heels, occupied Doon Hill, which overlooks Dunbar, and seized the passes 281between Dunbar and Berwick. Thanks to his knowledge of the country he had again outman?uvred Cromwell, and the Scots boasted that they had Cromwell in a worse pound than the King had had Essex in Cornwall.
Cromwell owned the greatness of the danger.
“We are,” he wrote, “upon an engagement very difficult. The enemy hath blocked up our way at the pass at Copperspath, through which we cannot get without almost a miracle. He lieth so upon the hills that we know not how to come that way without great difficulty, and our lying here daily consumeth our men, who fall sick beyond imagination.”
His sixteen thousand men were reduced now to eleven thousand, and some officers proposed that the foot should be shipped on the fleet, while the horse endeavoured to cut their way through the enemy. But their General remained, as he expressed it, “comfortable in spirit and having much hope in the Lord.”
Leslie’s original plan was to fall on Cromwell’s rear as he tried to force his way along the road to Berwick, but the parliamentary committee in his camp ordered him to descend39 the hill and bar Cromwell’s route. Seeing that Cromwell did not continue his march, he believed he was shipping40 his guns, and perhaps part of his infantry, and thought all he had to do was to prevent the escape of the enemy. Accordingly, on September 2nd, Leslie moved his army from the Doon hill to the gentle slopes at its foot, intending to attack the next day. 282His left was covered in flank, and to some extent in front too, by the steep ravine of the Brock burn, which ran obliquely41 from the hill to the sea and separated the positions of the two armies. His infantry were posted in the centre, with their backs to the hillside. On the right, where the ground was more level and open, he had massed two-thirds of his cavalry. Leslie had twenty-two thousand men to Cromwell’s eleven thousand, and told his soldiers they would have the English army, alive or dead, by seven next morning.
When Cromwell examined the new position of the Scots, he saw that his opportunity had come at last. Leslie’s left, shut in between the hill and the ravine, was practically useless, and his centre, cramped42 by the hill in its rear, had too little room to man?uvre. Both Cromwell and Major-General Lambert agreed that if the Scottish right were beaten their whole army would be endangered.
That evening, in answer to Leslie’s movement, Cromwell drew up his forces along the line of the ravine and about Broxmouth House, as if his sole purpose was to stand on the defensive. The night was stormy and wet, and after one or two alarms the Scots were convinced that he did not mean to attack. Just before dawn Cromwell pushed a strong body of horse and foot across the ravine, and under cover of a false attack on their left massed all the troops he could against their right and their centre. Lambert and Fleetwood, with six regiments43 of horse, attacked the Scottish right, while Monck, with about three thousand or four thousand foot, engaged 283their centre, supported by the fire of Cromwell’s guns from the other side of the ravine. The Scots were taken unprepared, but as soon as they could get into battle order numbers told. Charging, with the slope in their favour, the Scottish lancers broke one of Lambert’s regiments, and Monk45’s division was repulsed46 and forced to give ground. At this critical moment, Cromwell himself came up with the reserve, consisting of three regiments of foot and one of horse. His own regiment44 of horse fell on the flank of the Scottish cavalry, Lambert’s troopers charged again, and after a short, sharp struggle the Scottish right wing was broken through and through. Simultaneously47 Cromwell’s and Pride’s foot regiments furiously assailed48 the advancing Scottish infantry, and “at push of pike did repel49 the stoutest50 regiment the enemy had,” while all along the line the English foot, once more advancing, drove back the Scots. Some of Leslie’s infantry stood stubbornly, but a cavalry charge on their exposed flank completed their discomfiture51. At Cromwell’s direction, the flank attack became more and more pronounced, till the Scottish centre was rolled up from right to left; and, penned in the triangle between the hill and the ravine, the Scottish infantry became a helpless mob, unable either to fight or fly.
“Horse and foot,” says one of Cromwell’s officers, “were engaged all over the field and the Scots all in confusion. The sun appearing upon the sea I heard Noll say, ‘Now let God arise, and His enemies shall be scattered,’ and following us as we slowly marched I heard him say, ‘I profess52 they run,’ and then was the 284Scots army all in disorder53 and running, both right wing and left and main battle. They routed one another after we had done their work on their right wing.”
Three thousand men fell in the battle, and ten thousand were taken prisoners. While Leslie collected the shattered remnant of his army at Stirling, Cromwell occupied Edinburgh and Leith, and all the eastern portion of the Scottish Lowlands. Edinburgh Castle held out, and the south-west was still in arms.
After Dunbar, as before it, Cromwell’s strongest wish was not a conquest but an agreement which would restore peace between the two nations.
“Give the State of England,” he wrote to the Committee of Estates, “that satisfaction and security for their peaceable and quiet living beside you, which may in justice be demanded from those who have, as you, taken their enemy into their bosom54, whilst he was in hostility55 against them.”
He had opened his campaign with manifestos protesting the affection of England for the Scots, and demonstrating their error in supporting the Stuarts. These overtures56 the leaders of the Independents urged him to renew. They regarded it as a fratricidal war. The grim Ireton expressed the fear that Cromwell had not been sufficiently57 forbearing and long-suffering. Subtle St. John drew a distinction between Scots and Irish, reminding him that although the Irish were atheists and papists to be ruled with a rod of iron, the Scots were truly children 285of God, and he must still endeavour to heap coals of fire on their heads. Cromwell, whose heart “yearned after the godly in Scotland,” began now a new set of expostulations, directed particularly to the ministers whose influence had frustrated58 his appeals to the nation. He charged them with pretending a reformation and laying the foundation of it in getting worldly power for themselves; with perverting59 the Covenant to serve secular60 ends; with claiming infallibility for their doctrine61 just as the Pope did. Their claim to control the civil government he dismissed with few words. “We look on ministers as helpers of, not lords over, God’s people.” Then he refuted with like vigour the claim of the Kirk to prohibit dissent62 in order to prevent heresy63.
“Your pretended fear lest error should step in, is like the man who would keep all wine out of the country, lest men should be drunk. It will be found an unjust and unwise jealousy64 to deprive a man of his natural liberty upon a supposition he may abuse it. When he doth abuse it, judge.”
Finally, he rebuked65 them for their hypocrisy66 and their blindness. Was it not hypocritical “to pretend to cry down all Malignants, and yet to receive and set up the head of them, and to act for the kingdom of Christ in his name?” Was it not blindness to shut their eyes to the meaning of their late defeat? God had given judgment67 in their controversy68 at Dunbar, and they refused to see it. “Did not you solemnly appeal and pray? Did not we do so too? And ought not you and we to think with 286fear and trembling of the hand of the great God in this mighty69 and strange appearance of his?”
Either events or Cromwell’s arguments produced their effect in the Scotch70 camp. There were great searchings of heart amongst devout71 Presbyterians, and a schism72 broke out in the army. Rigid73 Covenanters renounced74 worldly alliances and compliance75 with an ungodly monarch76. “I desire to serve the King faithfully,” said Colonel Ker, “but on condition that the King himself be subject to the King of Kings.” Colonel Strachan, after some negotiation14 with Cromwell, laid down his commission. Ker, with three or four thousand Westland Whigs, refused obedience77 to the Committee of Estates, and tried to wage war independently. But attempting to surprise Lambert, at Hamilton, in Lanarkshire, on December 1st, he was taken prisoner, his force scattered, and the whole of the south-west fell into Cromwell’s power.
More lasting78 was the division amongst the clergy. One party, headed by Gillespie and Guthry, published a Remonstrance79 repudiating80 the idea of fighting for Charles II. till he had proved his fitness to be a covenanted81 king, and condemning82 those who had closed their eyes to his insincerity. The Remonstrants, as they were termed, would have no alliance with either Malignants or Engagers. The other party, laxer in its moral views, and moved more by national than religious feeling, was ready to accept the compromises which the necessities of the State demanded. When Parliament passed resolutions allowing Malignants and Engagers to fight 287in the national ranks, it consented to their employment on a simple profession of penitence83. For the next ten years the quarrels of Resolutioners and Remonstrants made up Scotland’s ecclesiastical history.
Cromwell had foreseen the political consequences of Dunbar. “Surely,” he predicted, “it’s probable the Kirk has done their do. I believe their King will set up upon his own score now.” The prediction now came true. Charles had suffered great humiliations since he came to Scotland. He had submitted to all conditions and sworn many kinds of oaths. He had been obliged to declare his sorrow for his father’s hostility to the work of reformation and his mother’s love of idolatry. He had seen the Scottish ranks purged84 of Royalists, and had been forbidden to approach the army that was fighting in his name. At last, events had brought the Parliament round to his policy. From the date of his coronation at Scone85 on January 1, 1651, Charles was King of Scotland in fact as well as name. Partly driven by necessity, because the ecclesiastical divisions had deprived him of his strongest supporters, partly lured86 by hope, because Charles offered to marry his daughter, Argyle fell in with the King’s policy. But each stage in its development diminished his influence. First he had to share his power with Hamilton and his partisans88, and then the repeal89 of the Act of Classes put an end to it altogether by allowing even Montrose’s adherents90 to hold office.
Thus within a year from his landing in Scotland 288Charles had succeeded in combining both Royalists and Presbyterians in support of his cause. His hopes were never higher. It seemed possible to effect a similar combination between the Presbyterians and Royalists in England. In March, 1651, the English Government detected a plot for a rising in Lancashire which was to be helped by troops from Scotland, and isolated91 insurrections which broke out in Norfolk (December, 1650) and in Cardiganshire (June, 1651) proved the reality of these conspiracies92. If a Scottish army entered England, the general royalist rising of 1648 might be repeated, and perhaps with a different issue.
The campaign of 1651 began late. During the winter, Blackness and Tantallon castles were captured, and in February there was an advance on Stirling which the tempestuous93 weather frustrated. In the spring, Cromwell’s illness delayed operations. The hardships of Irish campaigning had impaired94 his health. “I grow an old man, and feel the infirmities of age marvellously stealing upon me,” he wrote to his wife on the day after Dunbar; but he never spared himself, and in February, 1651, he fell ill of an intermittent96 fever brought on by exposure. Three successive relapses brought him to the verge97 of the grave, and more than once his life was despaired of. Parliament in alarm sent him two of the best physicians of the day, and advised him to remove to England for change of air. In June he was sufficiently recovered to take the field, and found Leslie’s army posted on the hills south of Stirling. “We cannot come to fight him except he 289please, or we go upon too manifest hazards,” wrote Cromwell, “he having very strongly laid himself, and having a very great advantage there.”
Unable to attack or to lure87 Leslie from his position, Cromwell resolved to turn it. The English fleet commanded the sea, and it was easy to throw Lambert and four thousand men across the Forth5 into Fife. Leslie sent Sir John Brown against him with a like force, but Lambert annihilated98 Brown’s force at Inverkeithing on July 20th. Cromwell poured more troops across the water till he had fourteen thousand men in Fife, and then taking their command himself he marched on Perth, which fell after a siege of twenty-four hours (August 2nd).
The capture of Perth cut off Leslie from his supplies, and severed99 his communications with the north of Scotland. But the way to England was left open, and confident that English Royalists would flock to his banner Charles and his whole army marched for the border. Cromwell had foreseen the movement, and was well aware that it might alarm the English Government. But he justified100 his strategy with sober confidence.
“We have done,” he said, “to the best of our judgment, knowing that if some issue were not put to this business it would occasion another winter’s war, to the ruin of your soldiery, for whom the Scots are too hard in respect of enduring the winter difficulties of this country, and to the endless expense of the treasury101 of England in prosecuting102 this war. It may be supposed we might have kept the enemy from this by interposing between him and England; which truly I believe we 290might, but how to remove him out of this place without doing what we have done, unless we had a commanding army on both sides the river of Forth, is not clear to us; or how to answer the inconveniences afore-mentioned we understand not.”
He bade them be of good courage and collect what forces they could to check the march of the Scots.
“Indeed we have this comfortable experience from the Lord, that the enemy is heart-smitten by God, and whenever the Lord shall bring us up to them, we believe the Lord will make the desperateness of this counsel of theirs to appear, and the folly103 of it also. When England was much more unsteady than now, and when a much more considerable army of theirs unfoiled invaded you, and we had but a weak force to make resistance, at Preston, upon deliberate advice, we chose rather to put ourselves between their army and Scotland; and how God succeeded that is not well to be forgotten.”
Charles entered England by Carlisle, and marched through Lancashire and along the Welsh border, hoping to gather recruits from those districts during his progress. Cromwell, leaving Monk to secure Scotland, sent his cavalry under Lambert and Harrison to pursue the King, and followed himself through Yorkshire with the infantry. As he went, he was joined by the forces of the counties through which he passed, and all over England the new county militia104 rushed to arms. For, however much they might detest105 the Republic, Englishmen hesitated to assist a Scottish invader106.
291In Lancashire, distrust of Malignants prevented the Presbyterians from taking up arms, though the Earl of Derby raised a little army amongst the Cavaliers. On the 22nd of August, Charles reached Worcester with less than sixteen thousand men, worn out by marching, and halted to rest and collect his adherents. A few devoted107 gentlemen made their way to his standard, but the people remained apathetic108, and three days later Derby’s levies109 were routed at Wigan by Colonel Lilburn. By this time the net was closing round the King. Cromwell, joining Lambert and Harrison, had established himself at Evesham, and blocked the road to London with thirty thousand men. His superior numbers enabled him to divide his forces, and to attack Worcester from both sides. Lambert and Fleetwood, with eleven thousand men, crossed to the west bank of the Severn, and prevented the retreat of the Royalists into Wales, whilst Cromwell, with the bulk of the army, remained on the east bank and pushed close up to the city. On September 3rd, the anniversary of Dunbar, Fleetwood’s force advanced upon Worcester from the south-west. Between it and Worcester lay the river Teame, a tributary110 of the Severn, held by a royalist division, which had broken the bridges. Cromwell threw a bridge of boats across the Severn, just above the mouth of the Teame, and fell on the flank of the Scots with four of his best regiments. “The Lord General did lead the van in person, and was the first man that set foot on the enemy’s ground.” Under cover of Cromwell’s attack, Fleetwood threw a similar bridge across the Teame, and 292his infantry poured across to co-operate with Cromwell. Outnumbered, but fighting stubbornly, the Scots gave way. “We beat the enemy from hedge to hedge,” wrote Cromwell, “till we beat him into Worcester.”
Charles, who watched the battle from the tower of the cathedral, seeing that the great part of Cromwell’s army was engaged on the western bank, sallied forth with every man he could muster111 to crush the force left on the eastern side. For three hours the struggle lasted. At first the Scots gained ground, but Cromwell, recrossing the river, put himself at the head of his men, and drove the enemy back in confusion into the city. His soldiers entered at their heels, and storming their “Fort Royal” turned its guns on the streets. “My Lord General did exceedingly hazard himself, riding up and down in the midst of the fire; riding himself in person to the enemy’s foot to offer them quarter, whereto they returned no answer but shot.” In the end, what was left of the foot laid down their arms, while the horse fled through the north gate, and took the road to Scotland. But not a single regiment or troop reached their home. The militia, which beset112 the bridges and highways, gathered up prisoners in hundreds, and the country people hunted down stragglers with merciless ferocity. Half the nobility of Scotland were amongst the prisoners.
Amongst the few who escaped was the young King. The Parliament threatened all who sheltered Charles with the penalties of high treason, and promised one thousand pounds to any person who 293gave him up. Troopers scoured113 the roads to find him, and officials at all the ports were warned to watch for “a tall man above two yards high, with hair a deep brown near to black.” But, though Englishmen would not fight for Charles, they would not betray him, and of the scores he trusted not one proved false. Sometimes hiding in an oak tree, sometimes in a “priest’s hole,” disguised now as a countryman in an old worn leathern doublet and green breeches, and now as a serving-man in grey homespun, Charles wandered through the south-west searching for a ship. At last he found one at Brighton, and landed safe in France on October 22nd.
For Scotland, Cromwell’s victory marked the end of independence. The absence of Leslie’s army left no force in Scotland capable of giving battle to Monk’s six thousand veterans, and there was no fortress114 in Scotland which could resist his artillery115. Monk captured Stirling on August 14th, and the seizure116 of the Committee of Estates at Alyth on August 28th deprived the national defence of its head, and destroyed the last relic117 of a national government. Dundee was stormed and sacked on September 1st. Montrose, Aberdeen, Inverness, and other towns fell without a blow. In February, 1652, the Orkneys were occupied, and in May, Dunottar Castle, the last fortress to hold out, surrendered. Argyle, who had refused to follow Charles into England, endeavoured to maintain an independent position in the West Highlands, but in August he too was forced to give in his adhesion to the English Government, and the subjugation119 of Scotland was 294completed. An English garrison120 of twelve thousand or fourteen thousand men, and strong fortresses121 built at Leith, Ayr, Inverness, and Inverlochy, kept henceforth the conquered country in submission122. In spite of the general discontent no effort to throw off the English yoke123 had any chance of success. In 1653, the war with Holland emboldened124 the Highlanders to take arms again, and a rising began which was headed first by the Earl of Glencairn, afterwards by General Middleton. The insurgents125 made forays into the Lowlands, but were never strong enough to do much more, and their own disputes ruined their cause. Monk returned to his command in Scotland in May, 1654, wasted the Highland118 glens with fire and sword, defeated Middleton’s forces, and by the end of the year put an end to the insurrection.
The policy of the Long Parliament and of the Protector toward Scotland resembled in its aim their policy toward Ireland. In each case the object was to make the conquered country into an integral part of a British empire. But the measures adopted to attain126 this object differed considerably127 in the two countries. In Scotland there was no general confiscation128 of the lands of the vanquished129, and no far-reaching alteration130 in the framework of society. The Scottish Royalists were treated much as the English Cavaliers had been. The Long Parliament confiscated131 the estates of those who had invaded England in 1648 and 1651, but the Protector adopted a more moderate policy, imposing132 the penalty of forfeiture133 only on twenty-four leaders, and fining minor134 offenders135. A few English officers were given 295grants of the forfeited136 lands, but most of their revenue was devoted to public purposes. Hence the Scottish confiscations, although they ruined many of the nobility and gentry137, left the bulk of the nation untouched.
In Scotland there was no proscription138 of the national religion, but the national Church lost a portion of its independence, and was deprived of all power to check or control the civil government. In 1653, the General Assembly—“the glory and strength of our Church upon earth,” as a Presbyterian minister termed it—was forcibly dissolved, but local synods and presbyteries were allowed to meet. The English Government deprived the Church courts of their coercive jurisdiction139 over non-members, and protected the formation of Independent congregations. It appointed commissioners to visit the universities, punished ministers who preached against it, and decided140 disputes about appointments to vacant livings. But it interfered141 little in the internal affairs of the Church, and held the balance tolerably even between Remonstrants and Resolutioners. Though deprived of its political power and much of its independence, the Scottish Church was not unprosperous. “These bitter waters,” says Robert Blair, “were sweetened by the Lord’s remarkably142 blessing143 the labours of His faithful servants. A great door and an effectual was opened to many.”
As in Ireland so in Scotland the separate national Parliament ended, and was replaced by representation in the Parliament of Great Britain. The incorporating union, which James I. had unskilfully 296attempted, the Long Parliament decreed, and the Protector realised. In 1652, commissioners sent by the Long Parliament extorted144 a reluctant consent to the principle of the union, but the details were still unsettled when Cromwell became Protector. By the “Instrument of Government,” Scotland was assigned thirty members in the British Parliament, and the Protector’s ordinances145 completed the work. English statesmen regarded the union as a generous concession18. It was intended by the Parliament, says Ludlow,
“to convince even their enemies, that their principal design was to procure146 the happiness and prosperity of all that were under their government,” and “was cheerfully accepted by the most judicious147 amongst the Scots, who well understood how great a concession it was in the Parliament of England to permit a people they had conquered to have a part in the legislative148 power.”
In reality, both ecclesiastical and national feeling were arrayed against it. “As for the embodying149 of Scotland with England,” said Robert Blair, “it will be as when the poor bird is embodied150 in the hawk151 that has eaten it up.” With few exceptions all classes regarded the incorporating union with hostility and aversion.
The Protector hoped to reconcile Scotland to the union by the material benefits which accompanied it. Absolute freedom of trade between the two countries, proportionate taxation152, and a better system of justice were promised. Nor were these empty words. Tenures implying vassalage153 and servitude 297and heritable jurisdictions154 were abolished. Popular courts-baron were set up, English justices of the peace introduced, the fees of the law courts diminished, and new judges appointed who administered the laws without fear or favour. Even Scots admitted the improvement in the administration of justice. “There was good justice done,” says Burnet. “To speak truth,” adds Nichol, “the English were more indulgent and merciful to the Scots, than the Scots to their own countrymen and neighbours, and their justice exceeded the Scots’ in many things.”
The civil administration of Scotland was in the hands, at first, of parliamentary commissioners, and, after 1655, of a Scottish Council of Nine appointed by the Protector, which included two Scots. Under their vigorous rule, such order was maintained as Scotland had never known before. The Highlands were tamed by the English garrisons155, and the mosstroopers of the border hunted down and punished. A man, boasted one of the English officials, might ride all through Scotland with a hundred pounds in his pocket, and nothing but a switch in his hand.
The class which benefited most by these reforms was the middle class. “The towns,” wrote Monk to Cromwell, “are generally the most faithful to us of any people in this nation.” In 1658, Cromwell, describing to his Parliament the condition of Scotland, exulted156 over the improvement which English rule had produced.
“The meaner sort,” he said, “live as well and are likely to come into as thriving a condition under your government, as when they were under their own great lords, who 298made them work for their living no better than the peasants of France. I am loath157 to speak anything which may reflect upon that nation; but the middle sort of people do grow up into such a substance as makes their lives comfortable, if not better than before.”
Burnet, in his description of the Cromwellian régime in Scotland, goes so far as to say, “we always reckon those eight years of usurpation158 a time of great peace and prosperity.” But this is an evident exaggeration. The devastation159 and loss caused by the long wars had produced widespread poverty. “I do think,” admitted the Protector, “the Scots nation have been under as great a suffering, in point of livelihood160 and subsistence outwardly, as any people I have yet named to you. I do think truly they are a very ruined nation.” The weak point of English rule was the heavy taxation which the necessity of maintaining so large an army in Scotland caused. Baillie’s letters are full of complaints of the burden of taxation. “A great army in a multitude of garrisons bides161 above our heads, and deep poverty keeps all estates exceedingly under; the taxes of all sorts are so great, the trade so little, that it is a marvel95 if extreme scarcity162 of money end not soon in some mischief163.” The English Government had originally imposed a land tax of ten thousand pounds per month on Scotland, but this was levied164 with such difficulty that it was finally reduced to six thousand pounds. And in the year of Cromwell’s death, England had to remit165 to Scotland a contribution of over ￡140,000 towards the expenses of the military government which held Scotland in obedience.
299Scots in general regarded the benefits which English rule conferred as too dearly purchased at the cost of heavy taxes and national independence. In Ireland, for weal or woe166, the Cromwellian conquest left an ineffaceable mark on the national history. In Scotland, on the other hand, all that Cromwell had done, or tried to do,—union, law-reform, and freedom of trade,—vanished when the Restoration came. But the aims of his policy were so just that subsequent statesmen were compelled to follow where he led. The union and free trade came in 1707, and the abolition167 of hereditary168 jurisdictions in 1746.
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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7
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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8
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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9
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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10
regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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11
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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12
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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13
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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14
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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15
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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16
covenants
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| n.（有法律约束的）协议( covenant的名词复数 )；盟约；公约；（向慈善事业、信托基金会等定期捐款的）契约书 | |
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17
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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18
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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19
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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20
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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21
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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22
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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23
countermands
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| v.取消（命令），撤回( countermand的第三人称单数 ) | |
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24
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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25
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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26
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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27
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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28
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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29
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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30
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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31
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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32
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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33
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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34
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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35
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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36
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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37
rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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38
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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39
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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40
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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41
obliquely
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| adv.斜； 倾斜； 间接； 不光明正大 | |
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42
cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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43
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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44
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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45
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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46
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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47
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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48
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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49
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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50
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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51
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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52
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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53
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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54
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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55
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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56
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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57
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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58
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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59
perverting
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| v.滥用( pervert的现在分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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60
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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61
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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62
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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63
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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64
jealousy
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|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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65
rebuked
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|
| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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67
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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68
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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69
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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70
scotch
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|
| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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71
devout
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|
| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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72
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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73
rigid
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|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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74
renounced
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|
| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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75
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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76
monarch
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|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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77
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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78
lasting
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|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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79
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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80
repudiating
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|
| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的现在分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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81
covenanted
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|
| v.立约，立誓( covenant的过去分词 ) | |
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82
condemning
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|
| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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83
penitence
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|
| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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84
purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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85
scone
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|
| n.圆饼，甜饼，司康饼 | |
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86
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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87
lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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88
partisans
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|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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89
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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90
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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91
isolated
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|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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92
conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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93
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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94
impaired
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|
| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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96
intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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97
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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98
annihilated
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|
| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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99
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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100
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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101
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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102
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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103
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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104
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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105
detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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106
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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107
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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108
apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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109
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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110
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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111
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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112
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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113
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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114
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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115
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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116
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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117
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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118
highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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119
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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120
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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121
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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122
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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123
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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124
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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126
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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127
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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128
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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129
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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130
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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131
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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133
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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134
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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135
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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136
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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138
proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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139
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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140
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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141
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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142
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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143
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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144
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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145
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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146
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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147
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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148
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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149
embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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150
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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151
hawk
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| n.鹰，骗子；鹰派成员 | |
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152
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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153
vassalage
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| n.家臣身份，隶属 | |
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154
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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155
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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156
exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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158
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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159
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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160
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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161
bides
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| v.等待，停留( bide的第三人称单数 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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162
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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163
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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164
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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165
remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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166
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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167
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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168
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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