Battle of Lake Erie Battle of Lake Erie
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Even to that purpose, however, Massachusetts contributed, in the second campaign of 1814, more recruits than any other single State; and New England more than all the Southern States together. New England could have given no stronger proof of her loyalty9, if only Mr. Madison had known how to turn it to advantage. He was absolutely deaf and blind to it; but his ears were quick to hear and his eyes to see, when he learned presently that the New Englanders were seriously calculating the value of the union under such rule as they had had of late. It was not often that he relieved himself by intemperate10 language, but he could not help saying now, in writing to Governor Nicholas of Virginia, that "the greater part of the people in that quarter have been brought by their leaders, aided by their priests, under a delusion11 scarcely exceeded by that recorded in the period of witchcraft12; and the leaders themselves are becoming daily more desperate in the use they make of it." The "delusion" was taking a practical direction. Mr. Madison had learned before the letter was written that a convention was about to meet at Hartford, the object of which was to weigh in a balance, upon the one side, the continuation of such government as that of the last two or three years, and, upon the other side, the value of the union. He ardently13 hoped that the commissioners14, then assembled at Ghent, would agree upon a treaty; and there seemed to be no good reason why there should not be peace when nothing was[312] to be said of the cause of the war, no apology demanded for the past, and no stipulation15 for the future. But if by any chance the commissioners should fail, Mr. Madison saw in the Hartford Convention the huge shadow of a coming conflict more difficult to deal with than a foreign war. It was the first step in dead earnest for the formation of a Northern Confederacy, and it is quite possible he may have felt that he was not the man for such a crisis. Every line of the letter pulsates16 with anxiety. The only consoling thought in it is that without "foreign co?peration revolt and separation will hardly be risked," and to such co?peration he hoped a majority of the New England people would not consent. A treaty of peace, however, came to save him and the union. Within a few weeks the administration papers were laughing at Harrison Gray Otis of Boston, who had started for Washington as the representative of the Hartford Convention, but turned back at the news of peace; and were advertising17 him as missing under the name of Titus Oates. It was, however, the hysterical18 laugh of recovery from a terrible fright.
If ambition to be a second time President led Mr. Madison to consent against his own better judgment19 to a war with England, he paid a heavy penalty. It was the act of a party politician and not of a statesman; for the country was no more prepared for a war in 1812, when as a politician he assented20 to it, than it had been for the previous[313] half dozen years when as a statesman he had opposed it. He gave the influence of the United States in support of a despotism that aimed at the subjugation21 of all Europe; he threw a fresh obstacle in the way of that power to which Europe could chiefly look to resist a common enemy; and he did both under the pretense22 that the just complaints of the United States were greater against one of these powers than against the other. He declared war mainly to redress23 a wrong which ceased to exist before a blow was struck; he then rejected an offer of peace because another wrong was still persisted in; but finally, of his own motion, he accepted a treaty in which the assumed cause of war was not even alluded24 to.
That Mr. Madison was not a good war President, either by training or by temperament25, was, if it may be said of any man, his misfortune rather than his fault. But it was his fault rather than his misfortune that he permitted himself to be dragged in a day into a line of conduct which the sober judgment of years had disapproved26. He is usually and most justly regarded as a man of great amiability27 of character; of unquestionable integrity in all the purely28 personal relations of life; of more than ordinary intellectual ability of a solid, though not brilliant, quality; and a diligent29 student of the science of government, the practice of which he made a profession. But he was better fitted by nature for a legislator than for executive office, and his fame would have been[314] more spotless, though his position would have been less exalted30, had his life been exclusively devoted31 to that branch of government for which he was best fitted. It was not merely that for the sake of the Presidency32 he plunged33 the country into an unnecessary war; but when it was on his hands he neither knew what to do with it himself nor how to choose the right men who did know.
It is our amiable34 weakness—if one may venture to say so of the American people—that all our geese are swans, or rather eagles; that we are apt to mistake notoriety for reputation; that it is the popular belief of the larger number that he who, no matter how, has reached a distinguished35 position, is by virtue36 of that fact a great and good man. This is not less true, in a measure, of Mr. Madison than of some other men who have been Presidents, and of still more who have thought that they deserved to be. But, if that false estimate surrounds his name, there is a strong undercurrent of opinion, common among those whose business or whose pleasure it is to look beneath the surface of things historical, that he was wanting in strength of character and in courage. He did not lack discernment as to what was wisest and best; but he was too easily influenced by others, or led by the hope of gaining some glittering prize which ambition coveted37, to turn his back upon his own convictions. It was this weakness which swept him beyond his depth into troubled waters where his struggles were hopeless. Had he refused[315] to assume the responsibility of a war which his judgment condemned38, and which he should have known that he wanted the peculiar39 ability to bring to a successful and honorable conclusion, he might never have been President, but his fame would have been of a higher order. History might have overlooked the act of political fickleness40 in his earlier career, which was so warmly resented by many of his contemporaries. Abandonment of party is too common and often too justifiable41 to be accounted as necessarily a crime; and it can rarely be said with positiveness, whatever the probabilities, that a political deserter is certainly moved by base motives42. It is rather from ex post facto than from immediate43 evidence, as in Madison's case, that a just verdict is likely to be reached. But there can be neither doubt nor mistake as to the President's management of foreign affairs during the two years preceding the declaration of war against England; nor of the remarkable44 incompetence45 which he showed in rallying the moral and material forces of the nation to meet an emergency of his own creation.
Opposition46 to war generally and therefore opposition to an army and navy were sound cardinal47 principles in the Jeffersonian school of politics. Mr. Madison was curiously48 blind to the logical consequences of this doctrine49; he could not see, or he would not consider, that, when war seemed advisable to an administration, the result must depend mainly upon the success of the appeal to[316] the people for their countenance50 and help. But he unwisely sought to raise and employ an army for the invasion and conquest of the territory of the enemy in spite of the opposition of a large proportion of the wealthiest and most intelligent people in the country; while at the same time he refused to see any promise or any presage51 in a naval warfare52 which had opened with unexpected brilliancy, and would, had it been followed up, have been sure of popular support. His title to fame rests, with the multitude, upon the fact that he was one of the earlier Presidents of the republic. But it is that period of his career which least entitles him to be remembered with gratitude53 and respect by his countrymen.
Its crowning humiliation54 came with the capture of Washington in August, 1814, when the British admiral, Cockburn, entered the Hall of Representatives, at the head of a band of followers55, and springing into the speaker's chair shouted: "Shall this harbor of Yankee Democracy be burned? All for it will say, Aye!" Early in the war Madison had written to Jefferson, "We do not apprehend56 invasion by land,"—the one thing, it would seem, that a commander-in-chief should have apprehended57, whose single aim was the invasion and conquest of the enemy's territory. His devotion to this one purpose, to the exclusion58 of any other idea of either offense59 or defense60, and in spite of continued failure, was almost an infatuation. Within a year of that expression of[317] confidence to Mr. Jefferson the whole coast was blockaded from the eastern end of Long Island Sound to the mouth of the Mississippi. For a year before Washington was taken, the shores of Chesapeake Bay were harassed61 and raided and devastated62 by a blockading force, till the people were reduced almost to the condition of a conquered country. Two months before the British commanders, Ross and Cockburn, went up the Potomac, Mr. Gallatin, who was then in London, had informed the President that the fleet was to be reinforced for that very purpose; but neither he nor Congress took any effective measures to meet a danger so imminent63. Their eyes were fixed64 with a far-off gaze across the Northern border, while only five hundred regular troops, a body of untrained militia65 who had never heard the whistle of a bullet, and a few gunboats on the Potomac, guarded the national capital against a British fleet, a thousand marines, and thirty-five hundred men from Wellington's best regiments66. The President fleeing in one direction with the secretary of war, the secretary of state, and the general in command; Mrs. Madison fleeing in another, with her reticule filled with silver spoons snatched up in haste as she left the White House;[15] behind them all as they fled, the horizon [318]red with the blaze of the largest navy yard in the country and of all the public buildings, but one, of the capital,—these incidents are an amazing commentary on the early assertion that invasion was not to be apprehended.
The end of this wretched war, which has been foolishly called the second war of independence, came four months afterward67. Never was a peace so welcome as this was on all sides. England was exhausted68 with the long contest with Napoleon; and now, that being over, as there was no practical question to differ about with the United States, the ministry69 were not unwilling70 to listen to the demands of the commercial and manufacturing classes. In America so great was the universal joy that the Federalists and the Democrats71 forgot their differences and their hates, and wept and laughed by turns in each other's arms and kissed each other like women. One party was delivered from calamities72 for which, if continued[319] much longer, there seemed only one desperate and dreaded73 remedy; the other was overjoyed to back out of a blunder which was the straight and broad road to national ruin. Of all men, Mr. Madison had the most reason to be glad for a safe deliverance from the consequences of his own want of foresight74 and want of firmness. Less than two years remained to him of his public career. In that brief period much was forgotten and more forgiven—as our national way is—in the promise of a great prosperity to be speedily achieved in the released energies of a vigorous and industrious75 people. He had not again to choose between differing factions76 of his own party, nor to carry out a policy against the will of a formidable opposition. To the Federalists hardly a name was left in the progress of events at home and abroad; while all immediate vital questions of difference vanished, the party in power remained in almost undisputed ascendency. The most important Democratic measures it then insisted upon were a national bank and a protective tariff77. To the establishment of a bank Mr. Madison assented against his own conviction that any provision could be found for it in the Constitution; and a tariff, both for revenue and for the protection and encouragement of American industry, he agreed with his party was the true policy.
For nearly twenty years after his retirement78 to Montpellier—a name which, with rare exceptions, he always spelled correctly, and not in the Ameri[320]can way—it was his privilege to live a watchful79 observer of the prosperity of his country. If it ever occurred to him in his secret soul that at the period of his pre?minence he had done anything to arrest that prosperity, he gave no sign. He loved rather to remember and sometimes to recall to others the part he had taken in the nurture80 of the young republic in the feeble days of its infancy81. Of his own administration and the events of that time he had much less to say than of the true interpretation82 of the Constitution, of the intent of its framers, and the circumstances that influenced their deliberations. His voluminous correspondence shows the bent83 of his mind as a legislator and a student of fundamental law; and on that, rather than on his ability and success as the chief magistrate84 of the nation, rests his true fame.
These twenty years, though passed in retirement, were not years of leisure. "I have rarely," he wrote in 1827, "during the period of my public life, found my time less at my disposal than since I took my leave of it; nor have I the consolation85 of finding, that as my powers of application necessarily decline, the demands on them proportionally decrease." Much as he wrote upon questions of an earlier period, there were no topics of the current time that did not arouse his interest. Upon the subject of slavery he thought much and wrote much and always earnestly and humanely86. How to get rid of it was a problem which he never solved to his own satisfaction. Though it was one[321] he always longed to see through, it never occurred to him that the way to abolish slavery was—to abolish it. How kind he was as a master, Paul Jennings bears witness. "I never," he says, "saw him in a passion, and never knew him to strike a slave, though he had over a hundred; neither would he allow an overseer to do it." He rebuked87 those who were in fault; but, adds Jennings, he would "never mortify88 them by doing it before others." It will be remembered that on the first occasion of his being a candidate for public office he refused to follow the universal Virginian habit of "treating" the electors. To the principle which governed him then he adhered through life, and his letters show the warm interest he always took in every phase of the temperance movement. "I don't think he drank a quart of brandy in his whole life," says Jennings. A single glass of wine was all he ever took at dinner, and this he diluted89 with water, when, says the same witness, "he had hard drinkers at his table who had put away his choice madeira pretty freely." This will go for something, considering the times, with even the most zealous90 of the modern supporters of that cause; but they must be quite satisfied to know that "for the last fifteen years of his life he drank no wine at all." Consideration for his own health, always feeble, may have led him to this abstinence; but it is rather remarkable that a man of his position should have held, fifty years ago, the advanced notions which he certainly did[322] upon this question, and that the doubt only of the possibility of enforcing laws for prohibiting the manufacture and sale of spirits seems to have withheld91 him from proposing them.
Social as well as moral questions he discussed with evident interest and without passion or prejudice. Aside from the party meaning of the term, he belonged to that school of democracy, now extinct, which believed that the highest object of human exertion2 is to improve man's condition, and to secure to each the rights which belong to all. He did not agree with Robert Owen as to methods; but neither did he reject his schemes as inevitably92 absurd because they were new and untried. One would not gather from his correspondence with Frances Wright that this was the notorious Fanny Wright whom the world chose to consider, as its way is, a disreputable and probably wicked woman, inasmuch as she proposed some radical93 changes in its social relations which she thought would be a gain. He gave much attention to popular education, and all the influence he could command was devoted, through all the later years of his life, to the establishment and well-being94 of the University of Virginia. Education, he maintained, was the true foundation of civil liberty, and on it, therefore, rested the welfare and stability of the republic. It is probable that he would have drawn95 a line at difference of color then, simply because of the difference of condition implied by color. But he made no such distinction in sex.[323] Sixty-three years ago he saw his way quite clearly on a question which is a sore trial now to many timid souls. The capacity of "the female mind" for the highest education cannot, he said, "be doubted, having been sufficiently96 illustrated97 by its works of genius, of erudition, and of science." The capacity, he assumed, carried with it the right. In short, he was ready always to consider fairly questions relating to the well-being of society which since his time have deeply agitated98 the country; and he approached them all much in the spirit of the reformer who hopes to leave the world a little better and happier because he has lived in it.
"Mr. Madison, I think," says Paul Jennings, "was one of the best men that ever lived." This is the testimony99 of an intelligent man whose opportunities of knowing the personal qualities of him of whom he was speaking were more intimate than those of any other person could be except Mrs. Madison. "He was guilty," says Hildreth, "of the greatest political wrong and crime which it is possible for the head of a nation to commit." One saw the private gentleman, always conscientious100 and considerate in his personal relations to other men; the other judged the public man, moved by ambition, entangled101 in party ties and supposed party obligations, his moral sense blinded by the necessities of political compromises to reach party ends. It is not impossible to strike a just balance between these opposing estimates, though one is[324] that of a servant, the other that of a learned and judicious102 historian.
Mr. Madison left a legacy103 of "Advice to My Country," to be read after his death and to "be considered as issuing from the tomb, where truth alone can be respected, and the happiness of man alone consulted." It is the lesson of his life, as he wished his countrymen to understand it. "The advice," he said, "nearest to my heart and deepest in my convictions is, that the union of the States be cherished and perpetuated104. Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with her box opened, and the disguised one as the serpent creeping with his deadly wiles105 into Paradise." The thoughtful reader, as he turns to the first page of this volume to recall the date of Mr. Madison's death, will hardly fail to note how few the years were before these open and disguised enemies, against whom he warned his countrymen, were found only in that party which he had done so much, from the time of the adoption106 of the Constitution, to keep in power.
The End
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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enlisting
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| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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pulsates
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| v.有节奏地舒张及收缩( pulsate的第三人称单数 )；跳动；脉动；受（激情）震动 | |
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advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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hysterical
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| adj.情绪异常激动的，歇斯底里般的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amiability
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| n.和蔼可亲的，亲切的，友善的 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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fickleness
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| n.易变；无常；浮躁；变化无常 | |
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justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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presage
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| n.预感，不祥感；v.预示 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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nurture
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| n.养育，照顾，教育；滋养，营养品；vt.养育，给与营养物，教养，扶持 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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humanely
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| adv.仁慈地；人道地；富人情地；慈悲地 | |
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mortify
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| v.克制，禁欲，使受辱 | |
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diluted
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| 无力的，冲淡的 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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