Until I went to British North Borneo I had considered the British the best colonial administrators1 in the world. And, generally speaking, I hold to that opinion. But what I saw and heard in that remote and neglected corner of the Empire disclosed a state of affairs which I had not dreamed could exist in any land over which flies the British flag. It was not the iniquitous2 character of the administration which surprised me, for I had seen the effects of bad colonial administration in other distant lands—in Mozambique, for example, and in Germany's former African possessions—but rather that such an administration should be carried on by Englishmen, by Anglo-Saxons. Were you to read in your morning paper that an ignorant alien had been arrested for brutally3 mistreating one of his children you would not be particularly surprised, because that is the sort of thing that might be expected from such a man. But were you to read that a neighbor, a man who went to the same church and belonged to the same clubs, whom you had known and respected all your life, had been arrested for mistreating one of his children, you would be shocked and horrified4.
[51]Save on the charge of indifference5 and neglect, neither the British people nor the British government can be held responsible for the conditions existing in North Borneo, for strictly6 speaking, the country is not a British colony, but merely a British protectorate, being owned and administered by a private trading corporation, the British North Borneo Company, which operates under a royal charter. But the idea of turning over a great block of territory, with its inhabitants, to a corporation whose sole aim is to earn dividends8 for its absentee stockholders, is in itself abhorrent10 to most Americans. What would we say, I ask you, if Porto Rico, which is only one-tenth the size of North Borneo, were to be handed over, lock, stock and barrel, to the Standard Oil Company, with full authorization11 for that company to make its own laws, establish its own courts, appoint its own officials, maintain its own army, and to wield12 the power of life and death over the natives? And, conceiving such a condition, what would we say if the Standard Oil Company, in order to swell13 its revenues, not only permitted but officially encouraged opium14 smoking and gambling15; if, in order to obtain labor16 for its plantations17, it imported large numbers of ignorant blacks from Haiti and permitted the planters to hold those laborers19, through indenture21 and indebtedness, in a form of servitude not far removed from slavery; if it authorized22 the punishment of recalcitrant23 laborers by flogging with the cat-o'nine-tails; if it denied to the natives as well as to the imported laborers a system [52]of public education or a public health service or trial by jury; and finally, if, in the event of insurrection, it permitted its soldiery, largely recruited from savage25 tribes, to decapitate their prisoners and to bring their ghastly trophies26 into the capital and pile them in a pyramid in the principal plaza27? Yet that would be a fairly close parallel to what the chartered company is doing in British North Borneo. As I have already remarked, North Borneo is a British protectorate. And it is in more urgent need of protection from those who are exploiting it than any country I know. But the voices of the natives are very weak and Westminster is far away.
With the exception of Rhodesia, and of certain territories in Portuguese28 Africa, North Borneo is the sole remaining region in the world which is owned and administered by that political anachronism, a chartered company. It was in the age of Elizabeth that the chartered company, in the modern sense of the term, had its rise. The discovery of the New World and the opening out of fresh trading routes to the Indies gave a tremendous impetus29 to shipping30, commercial and industrial enterprises throughout western Europe and it was in order to encourage these enterprises that the British, Dutch and French governments granted charters to various trading associations. It was the Russia Company, for example, which received its first charter in 1554, which first brought England into intercourse31 with an empire then unknown. The Turkey Company—later known as the Levant [53]Company—long maintained British prestige in the Ottoman Empire and even paid the expenses of the embassies sent out by the British Government to the Sublime32 Porte. The Hudson's Bay Company, which still exists as a purely33 commercial concern, was for nearly two centuries the undisputed ruler of western Canada. The extraordinary and picturesque34 career of the East India Company is too well known to require comment here. In fact, most of the thirteen British colonies in North America were in their inception35 chartered companies very much in the modern acceptation of the term. But, though these companies contributed in no small degree to the commercial progress of the states from which they held their charters, though they gave colonies to the mother countries and an impetus to the development of their fleets, they were all too often characterized by misgovernment, incompetence36, injustice37 and cruelty in their dealings with the natives. Moreover, they were monopolies, and therefore, obnoxious38, and almost without exception the colonies they founded became prosperous and well-governed only when they had escaped from their yoke40. The existence of such companies today is justified—if at all—only by certain political and economic reasons. It may be desirable for a government to occupy a certain territory, but political exigencies41 at home may not permit it to incur42 the expense, or international relations may make such an adventure inexpedient at the time. In such circumstances, the formation of a chartered company to take over the desired territory [54]may be the easiest way out of the difficulty. But it has been demonstrated again and again that a chartered company can never be anything but a transition stage of colonization43 and that sooner or later the home government must take over its powers and privileges.
The story of the rise of the British North Borneo Company provides an illuminating44 insight into the methods by which that Empire On Which the Sun Never Sets has acquired many of its far-flung possessions. Though the British had established trading posts in northern Borneo as early as 1759, and had obtained the cession45 of the whole northeastern promontory46 from the Sultan of Sulu, who was its suzerain, the hostility47 of the natives, who resented their transfer to alien rule, was so pronounced that the treaty soon became virtually a dead letter and by the end of the century British influence in Borneo was to all intents and purposes at an end. Nor was it resumed until 1838, when an adventurous48 Englishman, James Brooke, landed at Kuching and eventually made himself the "White Rajah" of Sarawak. In 1848 the island of Labuan, off the northwestern coast of Borneo, was occupied by the British as a crown colony and some years later the Labuan Trading Company established a trading post at Sandakan. In an attempt to open up the country and to start plantations the company imported a considerable number of Chinese laborers, but it did not prosper39 and its financial affairs steadily49 went from bad to worse. As [55]long as the company kept its representative in Sandakan supplied with funds he managed to maintain a certain authority among the natives. But one day he received a letter bearing the London postmark from the company's chairman. It read:
"Sir: We are sorry to inform you that we cannot send you further funds, but you should not let this prevent you from keeping up your dignity."
To which the agent replied:
"Sir: I have on a pair of trousers and a flannel50 shirt—all I possess in the world. I think my dignity is about played out."
Another syndicate for the exploitation of North Borneo was formed in England in 1878, however, to which the Sultan of Sulu was induced to transfer all his rights in that region, of which he had been from time immemorial the overlord. Four years later this syndicate, now known as the British North Borneo Company, took over all the sovereign and diplomatic rights ceded51 by the original grants and proceeded to organize and administer the territory. In 1886 North Borneo was made a British protectorate, but its administration remained entirely52 in the hands of the company, the Crown reserving only control of its foreign relations, though it was also agreed that governors appointed by the company should receive the formal sanction of the British Colonial Secretary. To quote the chairman of the board of directors: "We are not a trading company. We are a government, [56]an administration. The Colonial Office leaves us alone as long as we behave ourselves."
The government is vested primarily in a board of directors who sit in London and few of whom have ever set foot in the country which they rule. The supreme53 authority in Borneo is the governor, under whom are the residents of the three chief districts, who occupy positions analogous54 to that of collector or magistrate55. The six less important districts are administered by district magistrates56, who also collect the taxes. Though there is a council, upon which the principal heads of departments and one unofficial member have seats, it meets irregularly and its functions are largely ornamental57, the governor exercising virtually autocratic power. Unfortunately, there is no imperial official, as in Rhodesia, to supervise the company's activities. As was the case with the East India Company, the minor58 posts in the North Borneo service are filled by cadets nominated by the board of directors, a system which provides a considerable number of positions for younger sons, poor relations and titled ne'er-do-wells. Most of the officials go out to Borneo as cadets, serve a long and arduous59 apprenticeship60 in one of the most trying climates in the world, are miserably61 paid (I knew one official who held five posts at the same time, including those of assistant magistrate and assistant protector of labor and who received for his services the equivalent of $100. a month), and eventually retire, broken in health, on a pension which permits them to live in a Bloomsbury [57]lodging-house, to ride on a tuppenny bus, and to occasionally visit the cinema.
There is no trial by jury in North Borneo, all cases being decided62 by the magistrates, who are appointed by the company and who must be qualified63 barristers. Nor are there mixed courts, as in Egypt and other Oriental countries, though in the more important cases five or six assessors, either native or Chinese, according to the nationality of those involved, are permitted to listen to the evidence and to submit recommendations, which the magistrate may follow or not, as he sees fit. Neither is there a court of appeal, the only recourse from the decision of a magistrate being an appeal to the governor, whose decision is final.
The country is policed by a force of constabulary numbering some six hundred men, comprising Sikhs, Pathans, Punjabi Mohammedans, Malays, and Dyaks, officered by a handful of Europeans. Curiously64 enough, the tall, dignified65, deeply religious Sikhs and the little, nervous, high-strung Dyak pagans get on very well together, eating, sleeping and drilling in perfect harmony. Though the Dyak members of the constabulary are recruited from the wild tribes of the interior, most of them having indulged in the national pastime of head-hunting until they donned the company's uniform, they make excellent soldiers, courageous66, untiring, and remarkably67 loyal. Upon King Edward's accession to the throne a small contingent68 of Dyak police was sent to England to march in the coronation procession. When, owing to the serious [58]illness of the king, the coronation was indefinitely postponed69 and it was proposed to send the Dyaks home, the little brown fighters stubbornly refused to go, asserting that they would not dare to show their faces in Borneo without having seen the king. They did not wish to put the company to any expense, they explained, so they would give up their uniforms and live in the woods on what they could pick up if they were permitted to remain until they could see their ruler.
Though the Dyaks make excellent soldiers, as I have said, they are always savages70 at heart. In fact, when they are used in operations against rebellious71 natives, their officers permit and sometimes actively72 encourage their relapse into the barbarous custom of taking heads. An official who was stationed in Sandakan during the insurrection of 1908 told me that for days the police came swaggering into town with dripping heads hanging from their belts and that they piled these grisly trophies in a pyramid eight feet high on the parade ground in front of the government buildings. Imagine, if you please, the storm of indignation and disgust which would have swept the United States had American officers permitted the Maccabebe Scouts73, who served with our troops against the insurgents74 in the Aguinaldo insurrection, to decapitate their Filipino prisoners and to bring the heads into Manila and pile them in a pyramid on the Luneta!
Though the term Dyak is often carelessly applied75 to all the natives of North Borneo, as a matter of [59]fact the Dyaks form only a small minority of the population, the bulk of the inhabitants being Bajows, Dusuns and Muruts. The Bajows, who are Mohammedans and first cousins of the Moros of the southern Philippines, are found mainly along the east coast of Borneo. They are a dark-skinned, wild, sea-gipsy race, rovers, smugglers and river thieves. Though, thanks to the stern measures adopted by the British and the Americans, they no longer indulge in piracy76, which was long their favorite occupation, they still find profit and excitement in running arms and opium across the Sulu Sea to the Moro Islands, in attacking lonely light-houses, or in looting stranded77 merchantmen. It is the last coast in the world that I would choose to be shipwrecked on.
The Dusuns and the Muruts, who are generally found in widely scattered78 villages in the jungles of the interior, represent a very low stage of civilization, being unspeakably filthy79 in their habits and frequently becoming disgustingly intoxicated80 on a liquor of their own manufacture—the Bornean equivalent of home brew81. A Murut or Dusun village usually consists of a single long hut divided into a great number of small rooms, one for each family—a jungle apartment house, as it were. These rooms open out into a common gallery or verandah along which the heads taken by the warriors82 of the tribe are festooned. It is as though the tenants83 of a New York apartment house had the heads of the landlord and the rent-collector and the janitor84 swinging over the front entrance. I [60]should add, perhaps, that the practise of head-hunting of which I shall speak at greater length when we reach Dutch Borneo is fostered and encouraged by the unmarried women, for every self-respecting Bornean girl demands that her suitor shall establish his social position in the tribe by acquiring a respectable number of heads, just as an American girl insists that the man she marries must provide her with a solitaire, a flat and a flivver.
Though the chartered company has ruled in North Borneo for more than forty years, it has only nibbled85 at the edges of the country. The interior is still uncivilized and largely unexplored, the home of savage animals and still more savage men. Though a railway has been pushed up-country from Jesselton for something over a hundred miles, both road and rolling-stock leave much to be desired, the little tin-pot locomotives not infrequently leaving the rails altogether and landing in the river. Some years ago an attempt was made to build a highway across the protectorate, from coast to coast, but after sixty miles had been completed the project was abandoned. It was known as the Sketchley Road and ran through a rank and miasmatic87 jungle, it being said that every hundred yards of construction cost the life of a Chinese laborer20 and that those who were left died at the end. Today it is only a memory, having long since been swallowed up by the fast-growing vegetation.
The company has taken no steps toward establishing a system of public schools, as we have done in the [61]Philippines, for it holds to the outworn theory that, so far as the natives are concerned, a little learning is a dangerous thing. Perhaps the company is right. Were the natives to acquire a little learning it might prove dangerous—for the company. There are a few schools in North Borneo, but they are maintained by the Protestant and Roman Catholic missions and are attended mainly by Chinese. Whether they have proved as potent88 an influence in the propagation of the Christian89 faith as their founders90 anticipated is open to doubt. When I was in Sandakan I made some purchases in the bazaars91 from a Chinese lad who addressed me quite fluently in my own tongue.
"How does it happen that you speak such good English?" I asked him.
"Go to school," he grunted92, none too amiably93.
"Where? To a public school?"
"No public school. Church school."
"So you're a good Christian now, I suppose?" I remarked.
"To hell with Clistianity," he retorted. "Me go to school to learn English."
The chartered company maintains no public health service, nor, so far as I was able to discover, has it adopted the most rudimentary sanitary94 or quarantine precautions. It is, indeed, so notoriously lax in this respect that when we touched at ports in Dutch Borneo, the Celebes, and Java, the mere7 fact that we had come from British North Borneo caused the health [62]officers to view us with grave suspicion. When we were in Sandakan the town was undergoing a periodic visitation of that deadliest and most terrifying of all Oriental diseases, bubonic plague. As it is transmitted by the fleas95 on plague-infested rats, we took the precaution, when we went ashore96, of wearing boots and breeches or of tying the bottoms of our trousers about our ankles with string, so as to prevent the fleas from biting us. It being necessary to go alongside the coal-wharves97 in order to replenish98 the bunkers of the Negros, orders were given that rat-guards—circular pieces of tin about the size of a barrel-top—should be fixed99 to our hawsers100, thus making it difficult, if not impossible, for rats to invade the ship by that route, while sailors armed with clubs were posted along the landward rail to despatch101 any rodents102 that might succeed in gaining the deck. As the native and Chinese laborers had fled in terror from the wharves, where the dreaded103 disease had first manifested itself through the deaths of several stevedores104, the authorities offered their freedom to those prisoners in the local jail who would volunteer for the hazardous105 work of cleaning up the wharves and warehouses106 and sprinkling them with petroleum107. Six prisoners volunteered, but they might better have served out their terms, for the next day four of them were dead. Though the stout108 Cockney, harbormaster, known as "Pinkie" because of his rosy109 complexion110, was pallid111 with fear, the other European residents of Sandakan seemed utterly112 indifferent to the danger to which they were exposed. But [63]life in a land like Borneo breeds fatalism. As an official remarked, with a shrug113 of his shoulders, "After you have spent a few years out here you don't much care how you die, or how soon. Plague is as convenient a way of going out as any other."
The greatest obstacle to the successful development of Borneo's enormous natural resources is the labor problem. The truth of the matter is that life in these tropical islands is too easy for the natives' own good. In a land where a man has no need for clothing, being, indeed, more comfortable without it; where he can pick his food from the trees or catch it with small effort in the sea; and where bamboos and nipa are all the materials required for a perfectly114 satisfactory dwelling115, there is no incentive116 for work. It being impossible, therefore, to depend on native labor, the company has been forced to import large numbers of coolies from China. These coolies, whom the labor agents attract with promises of high wages, a delightful117 climate, unlimited118 opium, and other things dear to the Chinese heart, are employed under an indenture system, the duration of their contracts being limited by law to three hundred days. That sounds, on the face of it, like a safeguard against peonage. The trouble is, however, that it is easily circumvented119. Here is the way it works in practise. Shortly after the laborer reaches the plantation18 where he is to be employed he is given an advance on his pay, frequently amounting to thirty Singapore dollars, which he is [64]encouraged to dissipate in the opium dens120 and gambling houses maintained on the plantation. Any one who has any knowledge of the Chinese coolie will realize how temperamentally incapable121 he is of resistance where opium and gambling are concerned. This pernicious system of advances has the effect, as it is intended to have, of chaining the laborer to the plantation by debt. For the first advance is usually followed by a second, and sometimes by a third, and to this debit122 column are added the charges made for food, for medical attendance, for opium, and for purchases made at the plantation store, so that, upon the expiration123 of his three-hundred-day contract, the laborer almost invariably owes his employer a debt which he is quite unable to pay. As he cannot obtain employment elsewhere in the colony under these conditions, he is faced with the alternative of being shipped back to China a pauper124 or of signing another contract. There is no breaking of the law by the planter, you see: the laborer is perfectly free to leave when his contract has expired—as free as any man can be who is absolutely penniless.
Let me quote from a letter from the former Assistant Protector of Labor of British North Borneo. From the very nature of his duties he knows whereof he speaks:
"One sees a large number of healthy, able-bodied Chinese coming into the country as laborers and, at the end of a year or two, instead of going back to their homes with money in their pockets and healthy [65]with outdoor work, they go back as broken beggars, pitifully saturated125 with disease or confirmed drug fiends. It is really sad to see some of them return home after a struggle of four or five years to save money—a struggle not only against themselves and their acquired opium habit, but against the numerous parasites126 which always fatten127 on laborers."
During the term of his indenture the laborer is to all intents and purposes a prisoner, his only appeal against any injustices128 practised on the plantation being to the Protector of Labor, who is supposed to visit each estate once a month. In theory this system is admirable, but in practise it does not afford the laborer the protection which the law intends, for it frequently happens that laborers who have been brutally mistreated have been coerced129 into silence by the plantation managers by threats of what will happen to them if they dare to lay a complaint before the inspecting official. Moreover, many of the plantations are so remotely situated130, so far removed from civilization, that a manager can treat his laborers as he pleases with little fear of detection or punishment. If negroes are held in peonage, flogged, and even murdered on plantations in our own South, within rifle-shot of courthouses and sheriffs' offices and churches, is it to be wondered at that similar conditions can and do exist in the world-distant jungles of Borneo. Mind you, I do not say that such conditions exist on all or most of the estates in British North Borneo, but I have the best [66]of reasons for believing that they exist on some of them.
One of the most serious defects in the labor laws of North Borneo is that trivial actions or omissions131 on the part of ignorant coolies, such as misconduct, neglect of work, or absence from the estate without leave, are punishable by imprisonment132. As a result, the illiterate133 and incoherent coolie does not know where he stands. He can never be sure that some trivial action on his part, no matter how innocent his intent, will not bring him within reach of the criminal law. He is, moreover, denied the right of trial by jury, his case usually being decided off-hand by a bored and unsympathetic magistrate who has no knowledge of the defendant's tongue. Moreover, the company's laws permit the punishment of unruly laborers by flogging, with a maximum of twelve lashes134. In view of the remoteness of most of the estates, it is scarcely necessary for me to point out that this is a form of punishment open to the gravest abuse.
Although, as I have shown, the British North Borneo Company permits the existence of a system not far removed from slavery, a far more serious indictment135 of the company's administration lies in its systematic136 debauchery of its laborers by encouraging them to indulge in opium smoking and gambling for the purpose of swelling137 its revenues. Nor does its heartless exploitation of the laborer end there, for when a coolie has dissipated all his earnings138 in the opium dens and gaming houses, which are run under government[67] concessions139, he can usually realize a little more money for the same purpose by pawning141 his few poor belongings142 at one of the pawnshops controlled by the company. In other words, from the day a laborer sets foot in Borneo until the day he departs, he is systematically143 separated from his earnings, which are diverted, through the channels provided by the opium dens, the gambling houses and the pawn140 shops, into a stream which eventually empties into the company's coffers. For, mark you, the chartered company did not go to North Borneo from any altruistic144 motives86. It is animated145 by no desire to ameliorate the condition of the natives or to increase the well-being146 and happiness of its imported laborers. It is there with one object in view, and one alone—to pay dividends to its stockholders. As the chairman of the company said at a recent North Borneo dinner in London: "They have acted the parts of Empire makers147 and yet they are filling their own pockets, for the golden rain is beginning to fall."
Let me show you where this "golden rain" comes from. The two principal sources of revenue of the British North Borneo Company are opium and gambling. Suppose that you come with me for a stroll down the Jalan Tiga in Sandakan and see the gaming houses and the opium dens for yourself. Jalan Tiga (literally "Number Two Street") is a moderately broad thoroughfare, perhaps a quarter of a mile in length, which is solidly lined on both sides with gambling houses, or, as they are called in Borneo, gambling [68]farms, the term being due to the fact that the gambling privileges are farmed out by the government. There may be wickeder streets somewhere in the East than the Jalan Tiga, but I do not recall having seen them. It, and the thoroughfares immediately adjoining, in which are situated the opium dens and the houses of prostitution, form a district which represents the very quintessence of Oriental vice24. Over virtually every door are signs in Chinese, Malay and English announcing that games of chance are played within. Such resorts are not camouflaged148 in Borneo. They are as open as a railway station or a public library in the United States. From afternoon until sunrise these resorts are crowded to the doors with half-naked, perspiring149 humanity, brown skins and yellow being in about equal proportions, for the Malay is as inveterate150 a gambler as the Chinese. The downstairs rooms, which are frequented by the lower classes, are thickly sprinkled with low tables covered with mats divided into four sections, each of which bears a number. A dice151 under a square brass152 cup is shaken on the table and the cup slowly raised. Those players who have been lucky enough to place their bets on the square whose number corresponds to the number uppermost on the dice have their money doubled, the others see their earnings swept into the lap of the croupier, a fat and greasy153 Chinaman, usually stripped to the waist. In this system the chances against the player are enormous. The play is very rapid, the dice being shaken, the cup raised, the [69]winners paid and the wagers155 of the losers raked in too quickly for the untrained eye to follow. The players seldom quit as long as they have any money left to wager154, but as soon as one drops out there is another ready to take his place. The upstairs rooms, which are usually handsomely decorated and luxuriously156 furnished, are reserved for the wealthier patrons, it being by no means uncommon157 for a player to lose several thousand dollars in a single night. Here cards are generally used instead of dice to separate the players from their money, fan-tan being the favorite game. I was told that the monthly subsidy158 paid by the British North Borneo Company to the Sultan of Sulu, who comes over from Jolo with great regularity159 to collect it, never leaves the country, as he invariably loses it over a Sandakan gaming-table. Gambling is a government monopoly in Borneo, the company farming out the privilege each year to the highest bidder160. In 1919 the gambling rights for the entire protectorate were sold for approximately $144,000.
Crossing the Jalan Tiga at right angles and running from the heart of the town down to the edge of the harbor is the street of the prostitutes. It is easy to recognize the houses of ill-fame by their scarlet161 blinds and by the scarlet numbers over their doors. Should you stroll down the street during the day you will find the sullen-eyed inmates162 seated in the doorways163, brushing their long and lustrous164 blue-black hair or painting their faces in white and vermillion preparatory to the evening's entertainment. Probably four-[70]fifths of the filles de joie in Sandakan are Chinese, the others are products of Nippon—quaint, dainty, doll-like little women with faces so heavily enameled165 that they would be cracked by a smile. When a Chinese merchant wants a wife he usually visits a house of prostitution, selects one of the inmates, drives a hard bargain with the hard-eyed mistress of the establishment, and, the transaction concluded, brusquely tells the girl to pack her belongings and accompany him to his home. I might add that the girls thus chosen invariably make good wives and remain faithful to their husbands.
Running parallel to the Jalan Tiga is another street—I do not recall its name—in which are the opium farms. Far from being veiled in secrecy166, they are operated as openly as American soda167 fountains. A typical opium farm consists of a two-story wooden house, one of a long row of similar buildings, containing a number of small, ill-lighted rooms which reek168 with the sickly sweet fumes169 of the drug. The furniture consists of a number of so-called beds, which in reality are wooden platforms or tables, their tops, which are raised about three feet above the floor, providing space on which two smokers171 can recline. Each smoker170 is provided with a block of wood which serves as a pillow and a small lamp for heating his "pill." The number of patrons who may be accommodated at one time is prescribed by law and rigidly172 enforced, signs denoting the authorized capacity of the house being posted at the door, like the signs in elevators and on ferry-boats in America. For example, the door [71]of one farm that I visited bore the notice "Only fifteen beds. Room for thirty persons." Over-crowding is forbidden by the authorities, not, as in the case of elevators and ferry-boats, for reasons of safety, but for financial reasons. The more opium farms there are, you see, the greater the company's profits.
The opium is purchased by the chartered company from the Government of the Straits Settlements for $1.20 a tael (about one-tenth of a pound troy) and, after being adulterated with various substances, is sold to the opium farmers, nearly all of whom are Chinese, for $8.50 a tael, the company thus making a very comfortable margin173 of profit on the transaction. The opium farmers either keep opium dens themselves or sell the drug to anyone wishing to buy it, just as a tobacconist sells cigars and cigarettes. The sale of the opium privilege in Sandakan alone nets the government, so I was informed, something over $500,000 annually174.
Now, iniquitous and deplorable as such a traffic is, the British North Borneo administration is not the only government engaged in the sale of opium. But it is the only government, so far as I am aware, which virtually forces the drug on its people by insisting that it shall be purchasable in localities which might otherwise escape its malign175 influence. A planter who, actuated either by moral scruples176 or by a desire to maintain the efficiency of his laborers, opposes the opening of an opium farm on his estate, might as well sell out and leave Borneo, for the company will [72]promptly retaliate177 for such interference with its revenues by cutting off his supply of labor. It will defend its action by na?vely asserting that, as the coolies would contrive178 to obtain the drug any way, the planter, in refusing to permit the opening of an opium farm on his property, is guilty of conniving179 at the illegal use of the drug!
The British North Borneo Company professes180 to find justification181 for engaging in the opium traffic by insisting that, as the Chinese will certainly obtain opium clandestinely182 if they cannot obtain it openly, it is better for everyone concerned that its sale and use should be kept under government control. The fact remains183, however, that China, decadent184 though she may be and desperately185 in need of increased revenues, has succeeded, in spite of the powerful opposition186 of the British-owned Opium Ring, in putting an end to the traffic within her borders, while Siam, likewise under Oriental rule, is about to do the same. It is a curious commentary on European civilization that this vice, which the so-called "backward" races are vigorously attempting to stamp out, should be not only permitted but encouraged in a country over which flies the flag of England. Its effects on the population are summed up in this sentence from a letter written me by a former high official of the chartered company: "Fifty per cent of the thefts and robberies committed during the period that I was magistrate in that territory can be directly traced to opium and gambling."
[73]There is held each year, at one of the great London hotels, the North Borneo Dinner. It is one of the most brilliant affairs of the season. At the head of the long table, banked with flowers and gleaming with glass and silver, sits the chairman of the chartered company, flanked by cabinet ministers, archbishops, ambassadors, admirals, field marshals. The speakers work the audience into a fervor187 of patriotic188 pride by their sonorous189 word-pictures of England's services to humanity in bearing the white man's burden, and of the spread of enlightenment and progress under the union Jack190. But the heartiest191 applause invariably greets the announcement that the North Borneo Company has declared a dividend9. Whence the money to pay the dividend was derived192 is tactfully left unsaid. The dinner always concludes with the singing of the anthem193 Land of Hope and Glory. Yet they say that the English have no sense of humor!
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administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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5
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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6
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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7
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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8
dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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9
dividend
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| n.红利，股息；回报，效益 | |
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10
abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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11
authorization
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| n.授权，委任状 | |
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12
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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13
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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14
opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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15
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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16
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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17
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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18
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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19
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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20
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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21
indenture
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| n.契约；合同 | |
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22
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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23
recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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24
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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25
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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26
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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27
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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28
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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29
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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30
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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31
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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32
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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33
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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34
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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35
inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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36
incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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37
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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38
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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39
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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40
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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41
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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42
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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43
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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44
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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45
cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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46
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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47
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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48
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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49
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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50
flannel
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| n.法兰绒；法兰绒衣服 | |
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51
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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52
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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53
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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54
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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55
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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56
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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57
ornamental
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| adj.装饰的；作装饰用的；n.装饰品；观赏植物 | |
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58
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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59
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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60
apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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61
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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62
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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63
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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64
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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65
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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66
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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67
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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68
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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69
postponed
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|
| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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70
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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71
rebellious
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|
| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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72
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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73
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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74
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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75
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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76
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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77
stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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78
scattered
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|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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79
filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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80
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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81
brew
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| v.酿造，调制 | |
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82
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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83
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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84
janitor
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| n.看门人，管门人 | |
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85
nibbled
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| v.啃，一点一点地咬（吃）( nibble的过去式和过去分词 )；啃出（洞），一点一点咬出（洞）；慢慢减少；小口咬 | |
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86
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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87
miasmatic
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| adj.毒气的，沼气的 | |
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88
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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89
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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90
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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91
bazaars
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| （东方国家的）市场( bazaar的名词复数 )； 义卖； 义卖市场； （出售花哨商品等的）小商品市场 | |
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92
grunted
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| （猪等）作呼噜声( grunt的过去式和过去分词 )； （指人）发出类似的哼声； 咕哝着说 | |
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93
amiably
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| adv.和蔼可亲地，亲切地 | |
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94
sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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95
fleas
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| n.跳蚤( flea的名词复数 )；爱财如命；没好气地（拒绝某人的要求） | |
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96
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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97
wharves
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| n.码头，停泊处( wharf的名词复数 ) | |
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98
replenish
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| vt.补充；(把…)装满；(再)填满 | |
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99
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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100
hawsers
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| n.（供系船或下锚用的）缆索，锚链( hawser的名词复数 ) | |
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101
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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102
rodents
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| n.啮齿目动物( rodent的名词复数 ) | |
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103
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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104
stevedores
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| n.码头装卸工人，搬运工( stevedore的名词复数 ) | |
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105
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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106
warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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107
petroleum
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| n.原油，石油 | |
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109
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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110
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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111
pallid
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| adj.苍白的，呆板的 | |
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112
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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113
shrug
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| v.耸肩(表示怀疑、冷漠、不知等) | |
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114
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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115
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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116
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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117
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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118
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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119
circumvented
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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120
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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121
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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122
debit
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| n.借方，借项，记人借方的款项 | |
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123
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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124
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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125
saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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126
parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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127
fatten
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| v.使肥，变肥 | |
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128
injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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129
coerced
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| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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130
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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131
omissions
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| n.省略( omission的名词复数 )；删节；遗漏；略去或漏掉的事（或人） | |
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132
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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133
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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134
lashes
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| n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 )；鞭子；突然猛烈的一击；急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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135
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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136
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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137
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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138
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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139
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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140
pawn
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| n.典当，抵押，小人物，走卒；v.典当，抵押 | |
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141
pawning
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| v.典当，抵押( pawn的现在分词 )；以（某事物）担保 | |
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142
belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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143
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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144
altruistic
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| adj.无私的，为他人着想的 | |
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145
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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146
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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147
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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148
camouflaged
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| v.隐蔽( camouflage的过去式和过去分词 )；掩盖；伪装，掩饰 | |
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149
perspiring
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| v.出汗，流汗( perspire的现在分词 ) | |
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150
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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151
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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152
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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153
greasy
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| adj. 多脂的，油脂的 | |
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154
wager
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| n.赌注；vt.押注，打赌 | |
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155
wagers
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| n.赌注，用钱打赌( wager的名词复数 )v.在（某物）上赌钱，打赌( wager的第三人称单数 )；保证，担保 | |
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156
luxuriously
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| adv.奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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157
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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158
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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160
bidder
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| n.(拍卖时的)出价人，报价人，投标人 | |
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161
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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163
doorways
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| n.门口，门道( doorway的名词复数 ) | |
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164
lustrous
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| adj.有光泽的；光辉的 | |
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165
enameled
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| 涂瓷釉于，给…上瓷漆，给…上彩饰( enamel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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soda
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| n.苏打水；汽水 | |
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168
reek
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| v.发出臭气；n.恶臭 | |
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169
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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170
smoker
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| n.吸烟者，吸烟车厢，吸烟室 | |
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171
smokers
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| 吸烟者( smoker的名词复数 ) | |
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172
rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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173
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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175
malign
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| adj.有害的；恶性的；恶意的；v.诽谤，诬蔑 | |
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176
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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177
retaliate
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| v.报复，反击 | |
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178
contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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179
conniving
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| v.密谋 ( connive的现在分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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181
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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182
clandestinely
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| adv.秘密地，暗中地 | |
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183
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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184
decadent
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| adj.颓废的，衰落的，堕落的 | |
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185
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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186
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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187
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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188
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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189
sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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190
jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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191
heartiest
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| 亲切的( hearty的最高级 )； 热诚的； 健壮的； 精神饱满的 | |
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192
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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193
anthem
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| n.圣歌，赞美诗，颂歌 | |
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