It will appear to him a still stranger fact, that this zeal11 against African slavery was so partial in its exhibition. Up to this day, not only the Southern States of the late American union, but the Brazilian, Turkish, and Spanish empires, among civilized12 nations, and many barbarous people, have continued the explicit13 practice of slavery, in so stern a form, that the institution in the Confederate States was, by comparison, extremely mild. Yet, throughout the Northern States of America and Europe, it is upon the devoted14 heads of Southern masters almost exclusively that the vials of holy wrath15 are poured out. Renascent16 Spain is quite a pet among Yankees and Europeans, though tenaciously17 clinging, in her colonies, to a system of slavery at whose barbarities the public sentiment of these Southern States would shudder18, and though persistently19 winking20 at the African Slave Trade in addition. Slaveholding Brazil is on most pleasing terms with the United States and the European governments, which vie in soliciting21 her commercial intercourse22 and friendship with most amiable23 suavity24. But when the sounding lash25 of the self-constituted friend of man is raised to chastise26 "the wickedness of slavery," all Yankeedom and all Europe seem to think only of us sinners. And yet here, of all places where it prevailed, African bondage27 was most ameliorated and most justifiable28! Indeed, not a few of these consistent reformers have ten-fold as much patience with that demon29 of slaveholders, the King of Dahomey, as with the benignant Christian2 master in Virginia; and go to that truculent30 savage31 to request him not to cut the throats of another thousand of his inoffensive slaves in a "grand custom," with far more of 11 courtesy, forbearance, and amiability32, than they can exercise towards us, when they come to reason with us touching33 the rights of our late peaceful and well-fed domestics. We see no reason for this partiality, but that the King of Dahomey is himself of that colour, which seems to be the only one acceptable to the tastes of this type of philanthropists. An Abolitionist poet has sung of our oppressing our brother man, because he was "guilty of a skin." To give the contrast, these persons act as though, in their view, the King of Dahomey's meritorious35 possession of the skin of approved colour, were enough to cover his multitude of sins! Now, if the rest of Christendom have determined36 to take slaveholders for their pet objects of abuse, we may justly demand of them, at least, to distribute their hard words more generally, and give all a share.
This injustice37 is to be accounted for, in part, by the greater prominence38 which the late United States held before the world, making all their supposed sins more prominent; and in part by the zeal of our late very amiable and equitable39 partners, the Yankee people. They reserved their abuse and venom40 on this subject for their Southern fellow-citizens alone. They made it their business to direct the whole storm of odium, from abroad and at home, on our heads. They, having the manufacture of American books chiefly in their hands, took pains to fill Europe and their own country with industrious41 slanders42 against their own brethren: and so occupied the ear of the world with abuse of us, as to make men almost forget that there were any other slaveholders. For this they had two motives43, one calculated, and the other passionate3 and instinctive45. The 12 latter was the sectional animosity which was bred by the very intimacy46 of their association under one government, with rival interests. The man who has learned to hate his brother, hates him, and can abuse him, more heartily47 than any more distant enemy. The deliberative motive44 was, to reduce the South to a state of colonial dependency upon themselves, and exclude all other nations from the rich plunder48 which they were accustomed to draw from the oppressed section, by means of the odium and misunderstanding which they created concerning us. The South was their precious gold mine, from which they had quarried50, and hoped yet again to quarry51, hoards52 of wealth, by the instruments of legislative53 and commercial jugglery54. From this precious mine, they wished to keep other adventurers away by the customary expedient55 of spreading an odious56 character for moral malaria57 and pestilential vices58 around it. It did not suit their selfish purposes, that Europe should know, that in this slaveholding South was the true conservative power of the American Government, the most solid type of old English character, the greatest social stability and purity, and above all, the very fountain of international commerce and wealth; lest Europe should desire to visit and to trade with this section for itself. And the readiest way to prevent this, was to paint the South to all the rest of the world, in the blackest colours of misrepresentation, so as to have us regarded as a semi-barbarous race of domestic tyrants59, whose chief occupations were chaining or scourging60 negroes, and stabbing each other with bowie-knives. The trick was a success. The Yankee almost monopolized61 the advantages of Southern trade and intercourse. 13
But the South should have been impelled62 by the same facts to defend its institutions before the public opinion of the civilized world; for opinion is always omnipotent63 in the end, whatever prejudices and physical powers may oppose it. If its current is allowed to flow unchecked, its silent waters gradually undermine the sternest obstacles. This great truth men of thought are more apt to recognize than men of action. While the true statesman is fully65 awake to it, the mere66 politician is unconscious of its power; and when his expedients—his parties and his statutes67—have all been silently swept away by the diffusion69 of abstract principles opposed to them, he cannot understand his overthrow70. If the late Confederate States would have gained that to which they aspired71, the position of a respectable and prosperous people among the nations of the world, it was extremely important that they should secure from their neighbours a more just appreciation72 of their institutions. A respectful and powerful appeal in defence of those institutions was due to our neighbours' opinions, unfair and unkind as they have been to us; and due to our own rights and self-respect.
Our mere politicians committed an error in this particular, while we were still members of the United States, by which we should now learn. They failed to meet the Abolitionists with sufficient persistence73 and force on the radical74 question—the righteousness of African servitude as existing among us. It is true that this fundamental point has received a discussion at the South, chiefly at the hands of clergymen and literary men, which has evoked75 a number of works of 14 the highest merit and power, constituting almost a literature on the subject. One valuable effect of this literature was to enlighten and satisfy the Southern mind, and to produce a settled unanimity76 of opinion, even greater than that which existed against us in other States. But such is the customary and overweening egotism of the Yankee mind, that none of these works, whatever their merit, could ever obtain general circulation or reading in the North. People there were satisfied to read only their own shallow and one-sided arguments, quietly treating us as though our guilt34 was too clear to admit of any argument, or we were too inferior to be capable of it. The consequence was, that although the North has made the wrongs of the African its own peculiar77 cause—its great master-question—it is pitiably ignorant of the facts and arguments of the case. After twenty-five years of discussion, we find that the staple78 of the logic79 of their writers is still the same set of miserable80 and shallow sophisms, which Southern divines and statesmen have threshed into dust, and driven away as the chaff81 before the whirlwind, so long ago, and so often, that any intelligent man among us is almost ashamed to allude82 to them as requiring an answer. When the polemic83 heat of this quarrel shall have passed away, and the dispassionate antiquary shall compare the literature of the two parties, he will be amazed to see that of the popular one so poor, beggarly, and false, and that of the unpopular one so manly84, philosophic85, and powerful. But at present, such is the clamour of prejudice, our cause has not obtained a hearing from the world.
The North having arrogated86 to itself the name of 15 chief manufacturer of literary material, and having chief control of the channels of foreign intercourse, of course our plea has been less listened to across the Atlantic than in America. The South has been condemned88 unheard. Well-informed men in Great Britain, we presume, are ignorant of the names and works of the able and dignified89 advocates to whom the South confidently and proudly committed her justification90; and were willing to render their verdict upon the mere accusations91 of our interested slanderers. But while the United States yet existed unbroken, there was one forum92, where we could have demanded a hearing upon the fundamental question: the Federal Legislature. From that centre of universal attention, our defence of the righteousness of the relation of master and slave, as existing among us, might have been spread before the public mind; and the abstract question having been decided93 by triumphant94 argument, the troubles of our Federal relations might possibly have been quieted. There were two courses, either of which might have been followed by our politicians, in defending our Federal rights against Abolitionism. One plan would have been, to exclude the whole question of slavery persistently from the national councils, as extra-constitutional and dangerous, and to assert this exclusion95 always, and at every risk, as the essential condition of the continuance of the South in those councils. The other plan was, to meet that abstract question from the first, as underlying96 and determining the whole subject, and to debate it everywhere, until it was decided, and the verdict of the national mind was passed upon it. Unfortunately, the Southern men did neither persistently. After temporary 16 resistance, they permitted the debate; and then failed to conduct it on fundamental principles. With the exception of Mr. Calhoun, (whom events have now shown to have been the most far-seeing of our statesmen, notwithstanding the fashion of men to depreciate97 him as an "abstractionist" while he lived,) Southern politicians usually satisfied themselves with saying, that the whole matter was, according to the Constitution, one of State sovereignty; that Congress had no right to legislate98 concerning its merits; and that therefore they would not seem to admit such a right, by condescending99 to argue the matter on its merits. The premise100 was true; but the inference was practically most mischievous101. If the Congress had no right to legislate about slavery, then it should not have been permitted to debate it. And Southern men, if they intended to make their stand on that ground, should have exacted the exclusion of all debate, at every cost. But this was perhaps impossible. The debate came; and, of course, the principles agitated102 ran at once back of the Constitution, to the abstract ethical104 question: "Is the holding of an African slave in the South a moral wrong in itself?" Southern men should have industriously105 followed them there; but they did not do it: and soon the heat and animosity of an aggressive and growing faction106 hurried the country beyond the point of calm consideration. A moment's reflection should have shown that the decisive question was the abstract righteousness of the relation of master and slave. The Constitution gave to the Federal Government no power over that relation in the States. True; but that Constitution was a compact between sovereign commonwealth107: 17 it certainly gave recognition and protection to the relation of master and slave; and if that relation is intrinsically unrighteous, then it protected a wrong. Then the sovereign States of the North were found in the attitude of protecting a wrong by their voluntary compact; and therefore it would have been the duty of all citizens of those States to seek, by all righteous means, the amendment108 or repeal109 of that compact. They would not, indeed, have been justified110 to claim all the benefits of the compact, and still agitate103 under it a matter which the compact excluded. But they would have been more than justified, they would have been bound to clear their skirts of the wrong, by surrendering the compact, if necessary. There was no evasion111 from the duty, except by proving that the Constitution did nothing unrighteous by protecting the relation; in other words, that the relation was not unrighteous. Again, on the subject of the "Higher Law," our conservative statesmen and divines threw up a vast amount of pious112 dust. This partially113 quieted the country for a time; but, as might have been foreseen, it was destined114 to be inevitably115 blown away. There is a higher law, superior to constitutions and statutes; not, indeed, the perjured116 and unprincipled cant117 which has no conscience against swearing allegiance to a Constitution and laws which it declares sinful, in order to grasp emoluments118 and advantages, and then pleads "conscience" for disobeying what it had voluntarily sworn to obey; but the everlasting119 law of right in the word of God. Constitutions and laws which contravene120 this, ought to be lawfully122 amended123 or repealed124; and it is the duty of all citizens to seek it. Let this be applied125 to 18 the Fugitive126 Slave Law. If the bondage was intrinsically unrighteous, then the Federal law which aided in remanding the fugitive to it, legalized a wrong. It became, therefore, the duty of all United States officers, who were required by statute68 to execute this law—not, indeed, to hold their offices and emoluments, and swear fidelity127, and then plead conscientious128 scruples129 for the neglect of these sworn functions, (for this is a detestable union of theft and perjury130 with hypocrisy,)—but to resign those offices wholly, with their profits and their sinful functions. It would have become the duty of any private citizen, who might have been summoned by a United States officer, to act in a posse, guard, or any other way in enforcing this law, to decline obedience131; and then, in accordance with Scripture132, to submit meekly133 to the legal penalty of such a refusal, until the unrighteous law were repealed. But, moreover, it would have become the right and duty of these and all other citizens to seek the repeal of that law, or, if necessary, the abrogation134 of that Federal compact which necessitated135 it. But on the other hand, when we proved that the relation of master and slave is not unrighteous, and that therefore the Fugitive Slave Law required the perpetration of no wrong, and was constitutional, it became the clear moral duty of every citizen to concur136 in obeying it.
Once more: the true key of the more commanding question of free soil was in the same abstract ethical point. If the relation of master and servant was unrighteous, and the institution a standing49 sin against God and human rights, then it was not to be extended at the mere dictate137 of convenience and gain. Although 19 Northern men might be compelled to admit that, in the States, it was subject to State control alone, and expressly exempted138 from all interference of the Federal Government by the Constitution; yet, outside of the States, that Constitution and Government, representative as it was as a majority of free States, ought not to have been prostituted to the extension of a great moral wrong. Those free States ought, if their Southern partners would not consent to relinquish139 their right by a peaceable amendment of the Constitution, to have retired140 from the odious compact, and to have surrendered the advantages of the union for conscience' sake. If, on the contrary, African slavery in America was no unrighteousness, no sin against human rights, and no contradiction to the doctrines141 of the Constitution, then the general teachings of that instrument concerning the absolute equality of the States and their several citizens under it, were too clear to leave a doubt, that the letter and spirit of the document gave the slaveholder just the same right to carry his slaves into any territory, with that of the Connecticut man to carry his clock-factory. Hence the ethical question, when once the slavery agitation143 became inevitable144, should have been made the great question by us. The halls of Congress should have rung with the arguments, the newspaper press should have teemed145 with them. But little was done to purpose in this discussion, save by clergymen and literary men; and for reasons already indicated they were practically unheard. After it was too late to stem the torrent146 of passion and sectional ambition pouring against us, politicians did indeed awake to a tardy147 perception of these important views; but the 20 eyes of the Northern people were then obstinately148 closed against them by a foregone conclusion.
We have cited these recent and striking illustrations of the fundamental importance of the ethical discussion, to justify149 the task we have undertaken. Some may suppose that, as the United States are no more as they were, and slaveholding is absolutely and finally ended, the question is obsolete150. This is a great mistake. The status of the negro is just beginning to develop itself as an agitating151 and potent64 element in the politics of America. It will still continue the great ground of contrast, and subject of moral strife152, between the North and the South.
We have attempted to indicate the potency153 of the slow and silent but irresistible154 influence of opinion over human affairs. Let our enemies claim the triumph without question in the field of opinion; let them continue to persuade mankind successfully that we were a people stained by a standing social crime; and we shall be continually worsted by them. In order to be free, we must be respected: and to this end we must defend our good name. We need not urge that instinctive desire for the good opinion of our fellow-men, and that sense of justice, which must ever render it painful to be the objects of undeserved odium. Instead, therefore, of regarding the discussion of the rightfulness of African slavery as henceforth antiquated155, we believe that it assumes, at this era, a new and wider importance. While the swords of our people were fighting the battles of a necessary self-defence, the pens of our statesmen should have been no less diligent156 in defending us against the adverse157 opinion of 21 a prejudiced world. Every opening should have been seized to disabuse158 the minds of Europeans, a jury to which we have hitherto had no access, although condemned by it. The discussion should everywhere have been urged, until public opinion was effectually rectified159 and made just to the Confederate States.
At the first glance, it appears an arduous160, if not a hopeless undertaking161, to address the minds of such nations as the North and Great Britain in defence of Southern slavery. We have to contend against the prescriptive opinions and prejudices of years' growth. We assert a thesis which our adversaries162 have taken pains to represent as an impossible absurdity163, of which the very assertion is an insult to the understanding and heart of a freeman. Ten thousand slanders have given to the very name of Southern slaveholder a colouring, which darkens every argument that can be advanced in his favour. Yet the task of self-defence is not entirely164 discouraging. Our best hope is in the fact that the cause of our defence is the cause of God's Word, and of its supreme165 authority over the human conscience. For, as we shall evince, that Word is on our side, and the teachings of Abolitionism are clearly of rationalistic origin, of infidel tendency, and only sustained by reckless and licentious166 perversions167 of the meaning of the Sacred text. It will in the end become apparent to the world, not only that the conviction of the wickedness of slaveholding was drawn168 wholly from sources foreign to the Bible, but that it is a legitimate169 corollary from that fantastic, atheistic170, and radical theory of human rights, which made the Reign87 of Terror in France, which has threatened that country, and which now threatens 22 the United States, with the horrors of Red-Republicanism. Because we believe that God intends to vindicate171 His Divine Word, and to make all nations honour it; because we confidently rely in the force of truth to explode all dangerous error; therefore we confidently expect that the world will yet do justice to Southern slaveholders. The anti-scriptural, infidel, and radical grounds upon which our assailants have placed themselves, make our cause practically the cause of truth and order. This is already understood here by thinking men who have seen Abolitionism bear its fruit unto perfection: and the world will some day understand it. We shall possess at this time another advantage in defending our good name, derived172 from our late effort for independence. Hitherto we have been little known to Europeans, save through the very charitable representations of our fraternal partners, the Yankees. Foreigners visiting the United States almost always assumed, that when they had seen the North, they had seen the country, (for Yankeedom always modestly represented itself as constituting all of America that was worth looking at.) Hence the character of the South was not known, nor its importance appreciated. Its books and periodicals were unread by Europeans. But now the very interest excited by our struggle has caused other nations to observe for themselves, and to find that we are not Troglodytes174 nor Anthropophagi.
Another introductory remark which should be made is, that this discussion, to produce any good result, must distinctly disclaim175 some extravagant176 and erroneous grounds which have sometimes been assumed. It is not our purpose to rest our defence on an assumption 23 of a diversity of race, which is contradicted both by natural history and by the Scripture, declaring that "God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth." Nor does the Southern cause demand such assertions as that the condition of master and slave is everywhere the normal condition of human society, and preferable to all others under all circumstances. The burden of odium which the cause will then carry, abroad, will be immeasurably increased by such positions. Nor can a purpose be ever subserved by arguing the question by a series of comparisons of the relative advantages of slave and free labour, laudatory177 to the one part and invidious to the other. There has been hitherto, on both sides of this debate, a mischievous forgetfulness of the old adage178, "comparisons are odious!" When Southern men thus argued, they assumed the disadvantage of appearing as the propagandists, instead of the peaceful defenders179, of an institution which immediately concerned nobody but themselves; and they arrayed the self-esteem of all opponents against us by making our defence the necessary disparagement180 of the other parties. True, those parties have usually been but too zealous181 to play at this invidious game, beginning it in advance. We should not imitate them. It is time all parties had learned that the lawfulness182 and policy of different social systems cannot be decided by painting the special and exceptional features of hardship, abuse, or mismanagement, which either of the advocates may imagine he sees in the system of his opponent. The course of this great discussion has too often been this: Each party has set up an easel, and spread a canvas upon it, 24 and drawn the system of its adversary183 in contrast with its own, in the blackest colours which a heated and angry fancy could discover amidst the evils and abuses imputed184 to the rival institution. The only possible result was, that each should blacken his adversary more and more; and consequently that both should grow more and more enraged185. And this result did not argue the entire falsehood of either set of accusations. For, unfortunately, the human race is a fallen race—depraved, selfish, unrighteous and oppressive, under all institutions. Out of the best social order, committed to such hands, there still proceeds a hideous186 amount of wrongs and woe187; and that, not because the order is unrighteous, but because it is administered by depraved man. For this reason, and for another equally conclusive188, we assert that the lawfulness, and even the wisdom or policy of social institutions affecting a great population, cannot be decided by these odious contrasts of their special wrong results. That second reason is, that the field of view is too vast and varied189 to be brought fairly under comparison in all its details before the limited eye of man. First, then, if we attempt to settle the matter by endeavouring to find how much evil can be discovered in the working of the opposite system, there will probably be no end at all to the melancholy190 discoveries which both parties will make against each other, and so no end to the debate: for the guilty passions of men are everywhere perpetual fountains of wrong-doing. And second, the comparison of results must be deceptive191, because no finite mind can take in all the details of both the wholes. Our wisdom, then, will be to take no extreme positions, and to make no 25 invidious comparisons unnecessarily. It is enough for us to place ourselves on this impregnable stand; that the relation of master and slave is recognized as lawful121 in itself by a sound philosophy, and above all, by the Word of God. It is enough for us to say (what is capable of overwhelming demonstration) that for the African race, such as Providence192 has made it, and where He has placed it in America, slavery was the righteous, the best, yea, the only tolerable relation. Whether it would be wise or just for other States to introduce it, we need not argue.
And in conclusion, we would state that it is our purpose to argue this proposition chiefly on Bible grounds. Our people and our national neighbours are professedly Christians193; the vast majority of them profess8 to get their ideas of morality, as all should, from the Sacred Scriptures194. A few speculative195 minds may reason out moral conclusions from ethical principles; but the masses derive173 their ideas of right and wrong from a "Thus saith the Lord." And it is a homage196 we owe to the Bible, from whose principles we have derived so much of social prosperity and blessing197, to appeal to its verdict on every subject upon which it has spoken. Indeed, when we remember how human reason and learning have blundered in their philosophizings; how great parties have held for ages the doctrine142 of the divine right of kings as a political axiom; how the whole civilized world held to the righteousness of persecuting198 errors in opinion, even for a century after the Reformation; we shall feel little confidence in mere human reasonings on political principles; we shall rejoice to follow a steadier light. The scriptural argument for the 26 righteousness of slavery gives us, moreover, this great advantage: If we urge it successfully, we compel the Abolitionists either to submit, or else to declare their true infidel character. We thrust them fairly to the wall, by proving that the Bible is against them; and if they declare themselves against the Bible (as the most of them doubtless will) they lose the support of all honest believers in God's Word.
This discussion will therefore be, in the main, a series of expositions. The principles of scriptural exposition are simply those of common sense; and it will be the writer's aim so to explain them that they shall commend themselves to every honest mind, and to rid them of the sophisms of the Abolitionists.
But before we proceed to this discussion we propose to devote a few pages to the exposition of the historical facts which place the attitude of Virginia in the proper light.
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vagaries
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| n.奇想( vagary的名词复数 )；异想天开；异常行为；难以预测的情况 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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conceited
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| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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renascent
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| adj.新生的 | |
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tenaciously
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| 坚持地 | |
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shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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winking
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| n.瞬眼，目语v.使眼色( wink的现在分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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suavity
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| n.温和；殷勤 | |
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lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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truculent
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| adj.野蛮的，粗野的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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amiability
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| n.和蔼可亲的，亲切的，友善的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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37
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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38
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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39
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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40
venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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41
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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42
slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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43
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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44
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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45
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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46
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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47
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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48
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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49
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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50
quarried
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| v.从采石场采得( quarry的过去式和过去分词 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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51
quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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52
hoards
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|
| n.（钱财、食物或其他珍贵物品的）储藏，积存( hoard的名词复数 )v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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54
jugglery
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| n.杂耍，把戏 | |
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55
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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56
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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57
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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58
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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59
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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60
scourging
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| 鞭打( scourge的现在分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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61
monopolized
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| v.垄断( monopolize的过去式和过去分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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62
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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64
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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65
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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66
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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67
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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68
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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69
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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70
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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71
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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73
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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74
radical
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|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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75
evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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76
unanimity
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|
| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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77
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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78
staple
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|
| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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79
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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80
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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81
chaff
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|
| v.取笑，嘲笑；n.谷壳 | |
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82
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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83
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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84
manly
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|
| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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85
philosophic
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|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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86
arrogated
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|
| v.冒称，妄取( arrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；没来由地把…归属（于） | |
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87
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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88
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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89
dignified
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|
| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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90
justification
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|
| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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91
accusations
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|
| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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92
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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93
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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94
triumphant
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|
| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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95
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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96
underlying
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|
| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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97
depreciate
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| v.降价，贬值，折旧 | |
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98
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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99
condescending
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| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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100
premise
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| n.前提；v.提论，预述 | |
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101
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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102
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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103
agitate
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| vi.(for,against)煽动，鼓动；vt.搅动 | |
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104
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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105
industriously
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106
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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107
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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108
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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109
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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110
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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111
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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112
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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113
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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114
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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115
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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116
perjured
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| adj.伪证的，犯伪证罪的v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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118
emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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119
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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120
contravene
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| v.违反，违背，反驳，反对 | |
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121
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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122
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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123
Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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124
repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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126
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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127
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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128
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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129
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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130
perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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131
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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132
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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133
meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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134
abrogation
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| n.取消，废除 | |
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135
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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137
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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138
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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140
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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141
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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142
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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143
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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144
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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145
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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146
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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147
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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148
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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149
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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150
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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151
agitating
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| 搅动( agitate的现在分词 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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152
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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153
potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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154
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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155
antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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156
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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157
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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158
disabuse
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| v.解惑；矫正 | |
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159
rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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160
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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161
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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162
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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163
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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164
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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165
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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166
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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167
perversions
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| n.歪曲( perversion的名词复数 )；变坏；变态心理 | |
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168
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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169
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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170
atheistic
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| adj.无神论者的 | |
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171
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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172
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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173
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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174
troglodytes
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| n.类人猿( troglodyte的名词复数 )；隐居者；穴居者；极端保守主义者 | |
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175
disclaim
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| v.放弃权利，拒绝承认 | |
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176
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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177
laudatory
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| adj.赞扬的 | |
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178
adage
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| n.格言，古训 | |
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179
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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180
disparagement
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| n.轻视，轻蔑 | |
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181
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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182
lawfulness
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| 法制，合法 | |
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183
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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184
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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186
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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187
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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188
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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189
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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190
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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191
deceptive
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| adj.骗人的，造成假象的，靠不住的 | |
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192
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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193
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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194
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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195
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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196
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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197
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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198
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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