Since no traces of this practice can be found in the records of antiquity1, we must seek for its origin in more modern times, and we shall find that it arose from an association of brute2 courage with superstition3 of the most credulous4 and degrading nature. In those rude ages when personal valour and prowess were considered the greatest qualifications for public and private estimation, the strongest was sure to rule. Religion and love, two of the most mighty6 levers of mankind, were soon associated to warrant the commission of the most ruthless excesses, and the palm of victory was supposed to be suspended over the head of each combatant by the Deity7 and woman: a just cause could be maintained by the sword alone, and true love only proved by the lance.
The barbarous courage of the northern nations has been fully8 illustrated9 by their historian Tacitus, and it was their firm belief that both public and private quarrels could only be decided10 22 by single combat; when we consider that these savage11 and superstitious12 hordes13 afterwards overran the whole of Europe, the practice of a personal appeal to arms may be easily traced to their irruption in the fifth century, when their innumerable masses poured forth14 from their ancient and gloomy forests, to seek a more congenial clime, and a more profitable field for the display of their overwhelming power. The Anglo-Saxons inundated15 the British isles16; while the Lombards, the Suevi, the Vandals, the Visigoths and Ostrogoths, established their iron sway in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Sarmatia.3
Thus did these barbarians17 establish an universal militarism, the parent of feudality—its first-born offspring, when only two classes were recognised in society—the powerful and the weak—the lord and the villain18. The soldier and the militant19 priest reigned20 with despotic rule; all learning and intellectual improvement were considered hostile to their mighty power, and every institution that they framed was consistent with ignorance and barbarity.4 23
To give their decrees a greater moral weight, they were clothed with the sanctity of a divine law. The sword was considered the only mode of arbitrating between right and wrong. Whatever the priest had stigmatized22 by bell, book, and candle, was considered detestable in the eyes of God, and therefore doomed23 to worldly destruction: plunged24 in an abyss of apathetic25 stupidity in all matters where judgment26 should have decided, or hurried headlong by a vortex of superstitious fears, man had no light to guide him but the ignis fatuus of bigotry27.
All these barbarous races knew no other mode of deciding differences but that of brute force. Tacitus informs us that, when a tribe of Germans contemplated28 a war with any neighbouring race, they endeavoured to take one of them prisoner, and, by setting the captive to fight one of their own people, formed an idea of their chances of success. Plutarch informs us that Alexander tried the same expedient29 ere he commenced his attack on Darius.5 24
In vain had the Romans endeavoured to civilize30 the Cimbri and the Teutones. In vain did Varus seek to arbitrate amongst them, and terminate their bloody31 feuds32; if, for a moment they seemed to yield to his suggestions, it was the better to conceal33 their preparations for the destructive insurrection they meditated34.
A speedy recourse to arms must have been the natural result of any difference that arose amongst men who never assembled but in warlike array, whether the object of the meeting was public or private: and, superstition inducing them to believe that the gods would shield the innocent, an “ordeal35” was established, by which the accuser was to make good his assertions, and the accused defend his innocence36; and these combats were thence called judicial37.6
The first legal establishment of these ordeals38 is to be found in the laws of Gundebald, King of the Burgundians, A. D. 501. This law enacted39 that Gundebald, being fully convinced that many of his “subjects suffered themselves to be corrupted40 by their avarice41, or hurried on by their 25 obstinacy42, so as to attest43 by oath what they knew not, or what they knew to be false: in order to put a stop to such scandalous practices, whenever two Burgundians are at variance44, if the defendant45 shall swear that he owes not what is demanded of him, or that he is not guilty of the crime laid to his charge; and the plaintiff, on the other hand, not satisfied therewith, shall declare that he is ready to maintain, sword in hand, the truth of what he advances; if the defendant does not then acquiesce47, it shall be lawful48 for them to decide the controversy49 by dint50 of sword. This is likewise understood of the witnesses of either party; it being just that every man should be ready to defend with his sword the truth which he attests51, and to submit himself to the judgment of Heaven.”
To a certain extent, to the shame of the civilized52 world be it said, this savage and absurd decree is acted upon in the present age!
The manner in which these judicial combats 26 were carried on was equally ferocious53 and disgusting. “The accuser was with the peril54 of his own body to prove the accused guilty; and, by offering his glove, to challenge him to this trial, which the other must either accept, or else acknowledge himself culpable55 of the crime whereof he was accused. If it were a crime deserving death, then was the combat for life and death either on horseback or on foot. If the offence only deserved imprisonment56, then was the combat accomplished57 when the one had subdued58 the other, by forcing him to yield, or disabling him from defending himself. The accused had the liberty to choose a champion in his stead; but the accuser must appear in his own person, and with equality of weapons. No women were allowed to behold60 the contest, nor male children under the age of thirteen. The priests and the people did silently pray that the victory might fall on the guiltless; and, if the fight were for life or death, a bier stood ready to carry away the dead body of him who should be slain61. None of the people might cry out, shriek62, make any noise, or give any sign whatever; and hereunto, at Hall in Suevia, (a place appointed for a camp-fight,) was so great a regard taken, that the executioner stood beside the judges, ready with his axe63 to cut off the right hand and left foot of any party so offending. He that, being wounded, did yield himself, was at the mercy of 27 the other, to be killed or allowed to live: if he were slain, he was buried honourably64, and he that slew65 him reputed more honourable66 than before; but if, being overcome, he was left alive, then was he declared by the judges void of all honest report, and never after allowed to ride on horseback or to carry arms.”
In later days, the Burgundians, faithful to their early institutions, and the Flemish citizens governed by the Duke of Burgundy, used to settle their disputes in a manner somewhat similar. In imitation of the ancient athlet?, who anointed their bodies with oil, these worthies67 smeared68 themselves over with tallow or hog’s lard, and then, with a buckler and club, fell to; having first dipped their hands in ashes, and filled their mouths with honey or sugar. They then contended until one of the parties was killed,—and the survivor69 was hanged for his trouble.
As civilization improved, the ladies were allowed to witness these exhibitions; and a curious duel70 is related by Brant?me. At the coronation of Henry II, a dispute arose between a Baron71 des Guerres and a certain Seigneur de Faudilles, and they applied72 for a “field” to settle the quarrel: the sovereign, however, had made a vow73 not to sanction any duel since the death of his favourite De la Chasteneraye; and they therefore met at Sedan, which was under the sovereignty of Monsieur de Bouillon. The combatants appeared 28 after all due preparation; Le Sieur de Faudilles having lighted a fire and set up a gallows74, to the which he intended to suspend the corpse75 of his antagonist76. They were both attended by their parrains; the baron being armed with a peculiar77 sort of sword, called épée batarde, the dexterous78 use of which had been taught him by a cunning priest. The action commenced, when Faudilles ran his sword through the baron’s thigh79, and inflicted80 a large wound that bled most profusely81; then, throwing away the sword, a wrestling match ensued, the baron being very expert in this exercise, which had been taught him by a priest of Brittany, a chaplain of Cardinal82 de Lennicourt. Both parties now belaboured each other furiously, although from loss of blood the baron was every moment becoming more weak; until a scaffolding, upon which were collected a vast throng83 of ladies and elderly gentlemen assembled to see the fight, broke down with a tremendous crash. The outcries and shrieks84 of the ladies, with limbs bruised85 and fractured, added to the general uproar86, the bystanders not knowing whom they should first assist,—the combatants, who, sprawling87 on the ground, were still pummelling each other; or the affrighted ladies: while the relations and friends of the baron, perceiving that he was becoming more enfeebled, roared out, “Throw sand in his eyes and mouth—sand—sand in his eyes and mouth!” 29 which advice they dared not have given but for the interruption of the fall of the scaffolding; for the bystanders were not allowed to speak, move, or even blow their noses: the baron took the hint, and lost no time in seizing a handful of sand, and cramming88 it into the eyes and mouth of his opponent, who gave in, amidst the loud shouts of the spectators, some approving and others blaming the stratagem89; the baron’s friends asserted that his opponent had yielded, which his party as firmly denied; and had it not been for M. de Bouillon, the judge of the “field,” both parties would have come to blows.
These barbarous ordeals and judicial combats were managed with great solemnity: the ground being selected, as we have seen in the last duel, a large fire was kindled90, and a gallows erected91 for the accommodation of the vanquished92; two seats, covered with black, were also prepared for the combatants, on which they received certain admonitions, and were made to enter into various obligations, such as to swear on the Holy Evangelists that they had not had recourse to any sorcery, witchcraft93, or incantation. Each combatant selected his seconds, who were styled parrains, or godfathers, and who at first had no other duties to perform than to guard with vigilance the rights and privileges of their principals, but who were afterwards obliged either to support or to avenge94 their champion. This practice arose in 30 France, amongst the “mignons” of Henry III, in 1578, having been introduced from Italy.
These preliminaries settled, the champions were to take God, the Virgin95 Mary, and all the saints, more especially Monsieur St. George, chevalier, to witness that their cause was a just one, and that they would maintain it; having previously96 attended the celebration of mass, the forms of which are still to be found in certain old missals, where it is called Missa pro5 duello. The advantages of ground, wind, and sun, were then fairly divided; and, not unfrequently, sweetmeats and sugar-plums were distributed at the same time. The arms of the combatants were next measured; and, when they had taken their ground, the marshal of the “field” exclaimed “Let go the good champions!” During the fight no one was allowed to speak, to cough, spit, sneeze, blow his nose, or, in short, do anything that could possibly disturb the combatants, or communicate a preconcerted signal or advice.
The weapons admitted in these meetings were a double-edged straight sword, a cuirass, a buckler, and a lance when the combatants were mounted. Villains97 were only allowed to decide their differences with cudgels.
In the reign21 of St. Louis (1283), these combats not only took place between the principals, but were allowed between one of the parties and the witnesses of his opponent; and, in 31 the event of such witness being discomfited98, his evidence was considered perjury99. The latitude100 of impeaching101 an accusation102 went further; for the accused, found guilty upon evidence, could sometimes tell the judge that he had asserted a falsehood, in which case he was obliged to give him satisfaction sword in hand.
The form of denial was most eloquent:—“Thou liest, and I am ready to defend my body against thine; and thou shalt either be a corpse or a recreant103 any hour of the day: and this is my gage104.” So saying, the appellant knelt, and presented a glove, or some other gage, to his accuser.
This privilege granted the accused, was, however, only allowed when the judge was not his lord or suzerain; in the which case, his presuming to doubt his judgment and hereditary105 wisdom was not deemed a felony; for, in other cases, as Desfontaines has it, “Between thee, my lord, and thy villains, there is no other Judge than God.”
In certain cases of physical inability, and where women and the clergy106 were concerned, a battle by proxy107 was allowed; and regular bravoes, called champions, were employed,—a trade rather perilous108, since their right hand was lopped off in the event of their being worsted, perhaps to encourage their companions to more zeal109 on the behalf of their clients, or more dexterity110. The case of the principals was not much pleasanter; 32 for, while their champions were discussing the point, they were kept out of the lists with a rope round their necks, and the one who was beaten by proxy was forthwith hanged in person, although in certain cases they were indulged with decapitation.
A gentleman could call out a villain, but the villain had not the slightest right to demand satisfaction from his superior; therefore he had no other resource than an appeal to the trial of hot iron, and water boiling or cold, which was conducted in the following manner:
In the trial by hot iron, the defendant was obliged to hold a heated plate of iron for a certain time in his hand; his hand was then bandaged, and a seal affixed111 upon it. When this dressing113 was raised three days after, if any burn was apparent, his cause was lost. It appears that proxies114 with hands callous115 and fireproof were often procured116 for this operation.7
In the trial by hot water, the accused was ordered to withdraw a consecrated117 ring from a vessel118 filled with boiling water. In the ordeal of cold water, the patient was thrown into a pond with his hands and feet tied up. If he did not sink, his guilt46 was evident; inasmuch as, the water having previously received a priest’s blessing119 33 in Latin, its refusal to receive the patient was a convincing proof of his unholiness and criminality.
There was another test of guilt, called the ordeal of the cross. The prisoner having declared his innocence upon oath, and appealed to the judgment, two sticks were prepared exactly like each other, and the figure of the cross was cut upon one of them; each of them was then wrapped up in wool, and placed upon a relic120 on the altar. After proper prayers, a priest took up one of the sticks; and, if it was the one that bore the sign of the cross, the accused was proclaimed innocent. There was another ordeal of the cross, resorted to in civil cases. The judges, parties, and all concerned, being assembled in a church, each of the parties chose a priest, the youngest and stoutest121 he could find, to be his representative in the trial. These representatives were then placed one on each side of some famed crucifix, and, a signal given, they both at once stretched their arms at full length, so as to form a cross with their bodies. In this painful posture122 they continued to stand while divine service was performing; and the party whose representative dropped his arm first, lost his cause. Under Charlemagne, this trial took place to settle litigations on account of children; but, under Louis le Debonnaire, it was confined to ecclesiastical disputes.
It is somewhat curious, that similar ordeals 34 have been practised by various nations in modern times, who, in all probability, never heard of these ancient absurdities123. In the kingdom of Siam, both in criminal and in civil causes, the parties are made to swallow certain pills; and the one that is first affected124 is considered convicted. In Thibet the plaintiff and defendant are made to take out of a vessel filled with boiling water a black and a white counter; the one who has the good luck to draw the white prize is declared innocent, although both parties are generally so scalded as to be crippled for the remainder of their days.
It appears that the trial by ordeal was an ancient usage amongst the Hindoos, and continues to this day to be practised in nine different ways: 1, by the balance; 2, by fire; 3, by water; 4, by poison; 5, by cosha, or water in which an idol125 has been washed; 6, by rice; 7, by boiling oil; 8, by red-hot iron; and 9, by images.
1. The ordeal by balance is thus performed. The beams having been adjusted, the cord fixed112, and both scales made perfectly126 even, the person accused and a Pundit127 fast a whole day. After the accused has been bathed in sacred water, the horna, or oblation128, presented to the fire, and the deities129 worshiped, he is carefully weighed; and, when he is taken out of the scale, the Pundits130 prostrate131 themselves before it, pronounce a certain mentra, or incantation, agreeably to the Sastra; and, having written the substance of the accusation 35 on a piece of paper, bind132 it on his head. Six minutes after they place him again in the scale; and, if he weigh more than before, he is held guilty; if less, innocent; but, if exactly the same, he must be weighed a third time, when, as it is written in the mitacshera, there will certainly be a difference in his weight. Should the balance, though well fixed, break down, this circumstance would be considered as a damning proof of criminality.
2. In the fire ordeal, an excavation133 nine hands long, two spans broad, and one span deep, is made in the ground, and filled with a fire of pippal wood. Into this the person accused must walk bare-footed; and, if his foot be unhurt, they hold him guiltless.
3. The water ordeal is performed by causing the person accused to stand in a certain depth of water, either flowing or stagnant134, sufficient to reach his middle; but care is taken that no ravenous135 animal be in it, and that it be not moved by much air. A Brachman is then directed to go into the water, holding a staff in his hand; and a soldier shoots three arrows on dry ground from a bow of cane136. A man is then despatched to bring the arrow that has been shot the farthest; and, after he has taken it up, another is ordered to run from the edge of the water: at which instant, the person accused is told to grasp the foot, or the staff, of the Brachman, who stands near him in the water, and immediately to dive. He 36 must remain under water till the two men who went to fetch the arrows are returned; for, if he raise his head or body above the surface before the arrows are brought back, his guilt is considered as fully proved. A peculiar species of water ordeal prevails on the coast of Malabar: a person accused of any enormous crime is obliged to swim over a large river abounding137 with crocodiles, and, if he escapes unhurt, he is esteemed138 innocent.
4. The trials by poison are of two sorts. In the first, the Pundits having performed their horna, and the accused person his ablution, two rettis and a half, or seven barleycorns, of Vishanaga, a poisonous root, or of Sanc’hya, or white arsenic139, are mixed in eight marhas of clarified butter, which the accused must eat from the hand of a Brachman. If the poison produce no effect, he is declared innocent.
In the second method, the hooded140 snake, called naga, is thrown into a deep earthen pot, into which is dropped a ring, coin, or seal. This the accused person is ordered to take out; and, if the serpent bite him, he is pronounced guilty.
5. In the trial by cosha, the accused is made to drink three draughts141 of the water in which the images of the Sun, Devi, and other deities have been washed for that purpose; and if within fourteen days he has any sickness or indisposition, his crime is considered as proved. 37
6. In the trial by rice, which is resorted to under accusation of theft, some dry rice is weighed with the sacred stone called salgram, or certain slocas are read over it; after which the suspected persons are severally ordered to chew a quantity of it. As soon as they have chewed it, they are to throw it on some leaves of the pippal, or, if none be at hand, on some B’hurja patra, or bark of a tree from Nipal or Cashmere. The man from whose mouth the rice comes dry, or stained with blood, is holden guilty.
7. In the ordeal by hot oil, the ground appointed for the trial is cleared, and rubbed with cow-dung; the next day, at sun-rise, the Pundit worships Ganesa, or the Hindoo Janus; presents his oblations, and pays adoration142 to other deities, conformably to the Sastra. Then, having read the incantations prescribed, he places a covered pan of gold, silver, copper143, iron, or clay, sixteen fingers broad, and four fingers deep, and throws into it one S’ér or eighty sicca weight of clarified butter or oil of seramurz. After this a ring of gold, silver, or iron, is cleaned, washed with water, and cast into the oil, which they proceed to heat, and, when it is very hot, put into it a fresh leaf of pippela or of bilna. When the leaf is burned, the oil is known to be sufficiently144 hot. Then, having pronounced a metra over the oil, they order the accused to take out the ring; and if he withdraw it without being burnt, or 38 without a blister145 on his hand, his innocence is considered evident.
8. In the red-hot iron trial, an iron ball, or the head of a spear red-hot, is placed on the hand of the accused.
9. To perform the ordeal by Dharm’anch, an image named Dharma, as the genius of justice, is made of silver, and another called Adharma, of clay or iron, both of which are thrown into a large earthen jar; the accused, having thrust his hand into it, is acquitted146 if he draw forth the silver image, but condemned147 if he bring out the iron. In another form of this trial, the figure of a deity is painted on white cloth, and another on black; the first of which is named Dharma, and the second Adharma. These are severally rolled up in cow-dung, and thrown into a large jar, without having been shown to the accused, who must put his hand into the jar, and is acquitted or convicted as he draws out the figure on the white or black cloth.
A strange and poetical148 method of deciding a quarrel is said to be adopted in Greenland: each of the parties is obliged to sing in public a satirical attack against his opponent, and the production which is considered the most virulent149, or which excites the most mirth, is deemed conclusive150.
The practice of ordeals may be traced to the remotest antiquity. In Sicily, near the temples 39 of the Palici, were two pools of sulphureous water, supposed to have sprung from the earth when these deities were born; the most solemn oaths were taken near these springs by those who had quarrels to decide. These oaths being inscribed151 were thrown into the mystic waters; if they floated upon the surface, innocence was proved, and the perjured152 was instantly punished in some supernatural manner. When both their tests remained buoyant, the oracle153 was to decide, and the altars of the Palici were constantly polluted by human sacrifices.
Amongst the Jews, women accused of adultery were obliged to drink water in which ashes had been mixed. Grotius mentions many instances of water ordeal in Bithynia, Sardinia, and other countries.
These ordeals were distinguished154 into the Judicium Dei, or judgment of God, and the Vulgaris Purgatio.
The first account we have of the appeal to the fire ordeal as a proof of innocence, is that of Simplicius bishop155 of Autun, in the fourth century. This prelate, as the story is related, before his promotion156 to the episcopal dignity, had married a wife, whom he fondly loved, but who, being unwilling157 to leave him after his clerical preferment, continued to sleep in the same chamber158 with him. The sanctity of Simplicius suffered materially, at least on the score of fame, by the 40 constancy of his wife’s affection; and it was rumoured159 that the holy man, though a bishop, persisted, in opposition160 to the canonical161 laws, to taste the sweets of matrimony. Upon which his wife, in the presence of a great concourse of people, took up a considerable quantity of burning coals, which she applied to her breast, without the least hurt to her person or garments. It is needless to add that this was a sufficient proof of her husband’s innocence. In the fifth century, St. Brice went through the same trial on a similar occasion.
The ordeal of hot water was resorted to by Lothair the husband of Teutberge, daughter of a duke of Burgundy, who was accused of incest with her brother, a monk162 and deacon; for the which he sought a dissolution of his marriage, that he might wed59 his mistress Valrade. The poor Queen immediately justified163 herself by proxy, getting her attorney-general to draw out a blessed ring from a kettle of hot water; but the obdurate164 King swore that her champion had recourse to witchcraft or cunning, and was possessed165 of some secret that rendered him proof against hot water. Others, however, were not so incredulous; and her innocence was proclaimed as having been confirmed by a Divine judgment, although it appears that the Queen had confessed her guilt to her confessor. To decide therefore between a supposed Divine judgment 41 and an admission of her offence became a matter of such a ticklish166 nature, that it was very properly submitted to the consideration of two ecclesiastical councils, who thereupon pronounced a divorce.
Howbeit, Pope Nicholas I, who of course must have known more of the business than any other earthly power, annulled167 the decision, and excommunicated and anathematized Goutier, the archbishop of Cologne, who had had the impudence168 to advocate the divorce; but this refractory169 prelate’s subsequent conduct showed his criminality, for he thus animadverts on the pontiff’s act: “Although our lord, Nicholas, whom people call Pope, has thought proper to excommunicate us, we defy his nonsense.” Then, having the presumption170 to address his holiness personally, he adds: “And let me tell you, we will not receive your cursed sentence—we despise it; we fling you from our communion, being perfectly satisfied with that of our bishops171 and our brethren, whom you affect to despise.”
This insolent172 message was carried to Rome by a brother of the archbishop, who, sword in hand, laid the protestation on the very sepulchre that, according to tradition, contains the remains173 of St. Peter. Nevertheless, the pontiff being succeeded by Adrian II, the doughty174 archbishop thought it more prudent175 to submit to the power of the Vatican; and therefore, despite his brother’s 42 gasconading over St. Peter’s sepulchre, addressed the supreme176 head of the church in the following highly decorous and respectful language:
“I declare before God and all the saints, more especially to you, my lord, Adrian, sovereign pontiff, and to all the bishops that are submitted to your authority, as well as to the Omnipresent, that I humbly177 submit myself to the excommunication and dismissal canonically178 inflicted upon me by Pope Nicholas,” &c. &c.
Adrian, thus satisfied, forthwith excommunicates Lothair’s second wife, and orders that prince immediately to take back his former spouse179. Of course, all Europe was in a state of commotion180. The Emperor, Louis II, uncle of Lothair, takes his part against Pope Adrian, whom he dares to threaten with an invasion; and all Italy is in a state of alarm. Queen Teutberge sets off for Rome, so does Valrade her rival, Lothair’s second wife and his ex-mistress; but her conscience did not allow her to pursue her journey, and her excommunicated husband was obliged to repair to Rome to ask the Pope’s pardon, not from any apprehension181 of his holiness, but the fear of his uncle, surnamed the Bald, who espoused182 the pontiff’s cause, put his threat into execution, and stripped his Majesty183 of the kingdom of Lorraine.
It appears that Adrian II. was a very fastidious 43 and punctilious184 man, and he would not receive Lothair back into the bosom185 of the church, despite his most abject186 excuses, until he swore to him that, since his predecessor187 Nicholas had thought proper to order him not to keep up any further connexion with Valrade, he had in every sense of the injunction, both in letter and spirit, obeyed the order. To this, Lothair swore most religiously; and, having done so, he was re-admitted into the pale, and shortly after died. Historians agree, and there can be no doubt on the subject, that his death was the just punishment of his perjury; what confirmed the fact was, the circumstance that all his followers188 who had taken a similar oath (although it is somewhat curious to know how they could have obtained any satisfactory information on so delicate a subject) died in the course of the same year.
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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illustrated
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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inundated
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| v.淹没( inundate的过去式和过去分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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villain
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militant
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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22
stigmatized
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| v.使受耻辱，指责，污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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24
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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25
apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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26
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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27
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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28
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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29
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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30
civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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31
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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32
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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33
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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34
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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35
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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36
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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37
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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38
ordeals
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| n.严峻的考验，苦难的经历( ordeal的名词复数 ) | |
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39
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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41
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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42
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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43
attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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44
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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45
defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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46
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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47
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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48
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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49
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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50
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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51
attests
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| v.证明( attest的第三人称单数 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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52
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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53
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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54
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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55
culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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56
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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57
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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58
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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59
wed
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| v.娶，嫁，与…结婚 | |
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60
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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61
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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62
shriek
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| v./n.尖叫，叫喊 | |
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63
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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64
honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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65
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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66
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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67
worthies
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| 应得某事物( worthy的名词复数 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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68
smeared
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| 弄脏； 玷污； 涂抹； 擦上 | |
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69
survivor
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| n.生存者，残存者，幸存者 | |
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70
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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71
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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72
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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73
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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74
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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75
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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76
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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77
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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78
dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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79
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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80
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
profusely
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| ad.abundantly | |
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82
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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83
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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84
shrieks
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| n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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85
bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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86
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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87
sprawling
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| adj.蔓生的，不规则地伸展的v.伸开四肢坐[躺]( sprawl的现在分词 )；蔓延；杂乱无序地拓展；四肢伸展坐着（或躺着） | |
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88
cramming
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|
| n.塞满，填鸭式的用功v.塞入( cram的现在分词 )；填塞；塞满；（为考试而）死记硬背功课 | |
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89
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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90
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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91
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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92
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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93
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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94
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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95
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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96
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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97
villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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98
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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99
perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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100
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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101
impeaching
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的现在分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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102
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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103
recreant
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| n.懦夫；adj.胆怯的 | |
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104
gage
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| n.标准尺寸，规格；量规，量表 [=gauge] | |
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105
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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106
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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107
proxy
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| n.代理权，代表权；（对代理人的）委托书；代理人 | |
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108
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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109
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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110
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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111
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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112
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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113
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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114
proxies
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| n.代表权( proxy的名词复数 )；（测算用的）代替物；（对代理人的）委托书；（英国国教教区献给主教等的）巡游费 | |
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115
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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116
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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117
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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118
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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119
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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120
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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121
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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122
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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123
absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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124
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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125
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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126
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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127
pundit
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| n.博学之人；权威 | |
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128
oblation
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| n.圣餐式；祭品 | |
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129
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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130
pundits
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| n.某一学科的权威，专家( pundit的名词复数 ) | |
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131
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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132
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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133
excavation
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| n.挖掘，发掘；被挖掘之地 | |
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134
stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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135
ravenous
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| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
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136
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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137
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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138
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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139
arsenic
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| n.砒霜，砷；adj.砷的 | |
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140
hooded
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| adj.戴头巾的；有罩盖的；颈部因肋骨运动而膨胀的 | |
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141
draughts
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| n. <英>国际跳棋 | |
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142
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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143
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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144
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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145
blister
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| n.水疱；(油漆等的)气泡；v.(使)起泡 | |
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146
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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147
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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149
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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150
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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152
perjured
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| adj.伪证的，犯伪证罪的v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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154
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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155
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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156
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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157
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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158
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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rumoured
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| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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162
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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163
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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164
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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165
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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ticklish
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| adj.怕痒的；问题棘手的；adv.怕痒地；n.怕痒，小心处理 | |
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167
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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168
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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169
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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170
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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171
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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172
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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173
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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174
doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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175
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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176
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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177
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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178
canonically
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| adv.照宗规地，宗规上地 | |
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179
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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180
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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181
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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182
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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184
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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185
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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186
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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187
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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188
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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