The combat that took place in 1371 between Macaire and the dog of Montargis has been too frequently related and dramatized to need a repetition. Charles V. was present at the meeting, which took place in the Isle3 Notre Dame4, in Paris; and Macaire, who was conquered by the faithful companion of Aubry de Montdidier, was duly hanged. Montfaucon, in his erudite work, has given an engraving5 of this event, taken from a painting preserved in the castle of Montargis.
In 590, Gontran, King of Burgundy, was hunting in the royal forest of the Vosges, when he found the remains6 of a stag which had been killed by some poacher. The game-keeper accused Cherndon the king’s chamberlain, who, being confronted with his accuser, stoutly7 denied the charge. Gontran immediately ordered a combat. 45 A nephew of the chamberlain was his champion; and in the conflict the game-keeper received a wound from his lance, which pierced his foot: having fallen from the severity of the injury, his antagonist9 rushed upon him to despatch10 him, when the prostrate11 man drew out a knife and ripped up his antagonist’s belly12. The two combatants remained on the field, and Cherndon endeavoured to seek refuge in the church of St. Marcel; but Gontran ordered him to be seized and stoned to death.
A curious trial by battle took place in 626. Queen Gundeberge, the consort13 of Rharvald King of Lombardy, as much admired for her beauty and talents as her unimpeachable14 virtue15, had thought it expedient16 to drive from her court a certain gossiping slanderous17 fellow of the name of Adalulf, who, it appears, had presumed to make some base proposal to her majesty18. Adalulf forthwith, in a fit of revenge, hastened to the King, and informed him that the sharer of his bed had entered into a plot to poison him, and to marry the Duke Tason her paramour. The indignant Rharvald, without further inquiry19, banishes20 the accused from his presence, and immures21 her in a castle, although she was nearly related to the Kings of the Francs. An emissary of Clotaire, however, indignant at the usage the Queen had received, urged the monarch22 to order a judicial23 contest; and Adalulf was therefore 46 commanded to prepare himself to meet a cousin of the unfortunate Queen, of the name of Pithon, who having cut Adalulf’s throat, the innocence24 of Gundeberge was made manifest, to the entire satisfaction not only of her royal husband, but of all the gossips of the court of Burgundy. It was in consequence of this favourable25 and satisfactory result, that Grunvalt, in 668, made some alteration26 in the laws, by which it was enacted27 that ladies placed in a similar situation should enjoy the faculty28 of selecting their own champions.
Brant?me relates a case somewhat similar. Ingelgerius, Count of Gastonois, having been found dead one morning by the side of his wife, a relation of his, named Gontran, not only accused her of murder, but of adultery, offering to substantiate29 the accusation30 in person. No one coming forward to defend the afflicted31 lady, the young Count of Anjou, Ingelgerius, her godson, to whom she had very kindly32 given her husband’s name, presented himself. The youth, who was only in his sixteenth year, was as anxious to defend his godmother as Cherubino could have been to defend the Countess Almaviva; and having very properly and devoutly33 attended mass, recommended himself to the Divine protection, distributed alms, and secured himself by carrying with him the symbol of the cross, he hastened to the lists, where he found his antagonist prepared to receive 47 him. The countess having duly sworn both parties, the combatants rushed upon each other. The onset34 of Gontran was so fierce that his lance bent35 in the breast-plate of the youthful hero, who forthwith, no ways discouraged by the shock, ran his own through his antagonist’s body: the conqueror36 nimbly jumped off his horse, and most dexterously37 severed38 the slanderer’s head from his base body, and laid it at the feet of his sovereign. It is needless to add, that, the countess’s innocence being thus made manifest, she fondly embraced her liberator40, who, on the following day, was promoted to high titles and estates.
The rules and regulations were not only frequently drawn41 out by the clergy42, but ecclesiastics43 themselves were not always exempted45 from liability to a trial by battle. Thus we see in the charter of the abbey of St. Maur des Fossés, granted by Louis le Gros, that they possessed46 bellandi et certificandi licentiam.
It is recorded, in the annals of St. Bertin, that the superior of his abbey in the village of Caumont near Hesdin had to defend certain rights in the field: the abbot of St. Bertin did not make his appearance; but two snow-white doves appeared coming from the Saint himself, and were seen hovering47 and fluttering over the field. The champion felt so emboldened48 by this miracle, that he rushed upon his antagonist, and substantiated49 the claim of the abbey by giving an unmerciful 48 cudgelling to his opponent. In like manner, Geoffroi du Marne, bishop50 of Angers, ordered certain of his monks51 to determine their right to tithes52 by a similar process.
The trials or ordeals53 by fire and water were not always conclusive55; for, in 1103, we find that one Luitprant, a Milanese priest, having accused his archbishop of simony, offered to make good his charge by walking through a fire; a feat56 which he performed to the amazement57 of all. However, as the accused was a prelate of distinction, the Pope absolved58 him, and very properly banished59 his impertinent accuser, who indeed, if strict justice had been done, ought to have been burnt alive as a wizard.
Our William of Normandy would not allow clerks to fight without due permission from their diocesan: “Si clericus duellum sine episcopi licentia susceperit,” &c.
We have abundant authority to show that priests were very frequently expert fencing-masters, and as chaplains of the army were especially celebrated60 for their skill.
A singular trial by battle took place at Toledo, in 1085, to decide whether the Roman or the Muzarabic ritual was to be observed in the celebration of mass. Two champions were selected. Don Ruiz de Mastanza, the Muzarabic knight61, unhorsed his adversary62 and killed him. But the Queen, who had a particular predilection63 for the 49 trial by fire, insisted that it should be resorted to: now, as it was contrary to the laws of chivalry64 that the conquering knight should be sent to the stake, a copy of each liturgy65 was thrown into the fire; when, as it appears that both of them were consumed, the King decided66 that in certain churches and chapels68 prayers should be put up according to the Muzarabic ritual, and in others in conformity69 with the Roman.—The Muzarabic chapel67, a most curious monument, may to this day be seen in the cathedral of Toledo.
Not only did the clergy order that these judicial battles should take place, but many instances are on record where they were instituted by several French parliaments. Under Philip de Valois, the parliament decreed that two knights70, Dubon and Vernon, should endeavour to cut each other’s throats; the latter having asserted that the former had bewitched his sovereign. The same learned body ordered a man of the name of Carrouge to fight another man of the name of Legris, to prove to the satisfaction of the public that he had committed an act of violence towards Carrouge’s wife. Carrouge must have been right, for Legris was killed; though, according to President Henault, his innocence was afterwards fully71 substantiated by his accuser’s confession72 upon his death-bed. In another instance, a knight, by name Jean Picart, who was accused of an incestuous 50 intercourse73 with his daughter, was directed to fight her husband.
The frequency of these duels induced several monarchs74 to issue various edicts. In 1041 was issued one called the Saviour’s truce75, in which duels were prohibited from Wednesdays to Mondays, these days having been consecrated76 by our Saviour’s passion. In 1167, the King prohibited all duels upon claims that did not exceed two-pence halfpenny. In 1256, causes of adultery were to be brought to this issue; while, in 1324, it was enjoined77 in cases of rape78 and poisoning. In 1145, the provost of Bourges was instructed to call out all persons who did not obey his orders.
In the reign39 of Henry II. the celebrated judicial duel1 (for such it might be considered) between Jarnac and De La Chasteneraye took place under very peculiar79 circumstances, carefully extracted from ancient chronicles by Cockburn, who gives us the following interesting account, most descriptive of the brutal80 manners of those chivalrous81 days.—“The persons were the Lords of Chasteneraye and of Jarnac, who were both neighbours and kinsmen82. The first had said to Francis I. that the other was maintained so plentifully83 by his mother-in-law, with whom he had unlawful conversation. The King told this to Jarnac, for whom he had a great affection. Upon which Jarnac said to the King, 51 that Chasteneraye had lied to him; but he not only maintaining what he had said, but adding that Jarnac had divers85 times owned it to himself, Jarnac did earnestly supplicate86 the King that the truth might be tried by combat; which Francis I. first granted, but afterwards recalled.
“Upon his death, an earnest supplication87 was made to his successor, Henry II. who, with the advice of his council, not only allowed, but appointed it at St. Germain-en-Laye, on the 10th July 1547, when the King, the whole court, the constable88, admiral, and marshals of France being present, the two parties were brought before the King, attended by their several friends and trumpets89, when each took the usual oaths. After this they were led to their several pavilions, where they were dressed for the combat, each having a friend and a confidant in the other’s pavilion while this was doing. It is said that Jarnac was but newly recovered of a sickness, and that he whispered to a friend, if he did not trust to the goodness of his cause, he should fear the acting91 of the part of a poltroon92. When all the usual preamble93 of the ceremonies was over, they were call out by the King’s trumpet90, and by his herald94 commanded to end their difference by combat. Chasteneraye was observed to brave it with some insolence95; but Jarnac carried it modestly and humbly96.
“Each attacked the other with great vigour97; 52 and, after several strokes and trifling98 wounds on both sides, while Chasteneraye was making a pass at Jarnac, he fetched a stroke which cut the ham of Chasteneraye’s left leg, and presently redoubling his stroke, cut also the ham on the right:8 upon which Chasteneraye fell to the ground, and the other ran up to him, telling him that now his life was at his discretion99, yet he would spare it if he would restore him his honour, and acknowledge his offence to God and the King. Chasteneraye answering nothing, Jarnac turned to the King, and, kneeling down, prayed that now he might be so happy as to be esteemed100 by him a man of honour; and, seeing his honour was restored, he would make his majesty a present of the other’s life, desiring his offence might be pardoned, and never more imputed101 to him or his, being the inconsiderate act of youth:9 to which the King made no answer. The former returned to his antagonist, and finding him still upon the ground, lifted up his face and hands to Heaven, and said, Lord, I am not worthy102; not to me, but unto thy name be thanks! having said this, he prayed Chasteneraye to confess his error: but, instead of this, the latter raised himself on his knee, and, having a sword and buckler in his hand, offered a pass at 53 Jarnac, who told him that if he offered to resist any more he would kill him, and the other bid him do it; without, however, doing him any harm, Jarnac made a second humble103 address to the King to accept of Chasteneraye’s life, to which the King made no manner of reply.
“Whereupon Jarnac coming back to his antagonist, who was lying stretched out upon the ground, his sword out of his hand, and his dagger104 out of its sheath, he accosted105 him with the fair words of old friend and companion, entreated106 him to remember his Creator, and to let them become friends again. But he attempting to turn himself without the signs of repentance107 and submission108, Jarnac took away his sword and dagger, and laid them at the King’s feet, with repeated supplications to interpose for Chasteneraye’s life; which the King at last was advised to do, and ordered some of the great officers to go to him, and surgeons to take care of his life; but he would not suffer his wounds to be dressed, being wearied of life because of his disgrace, and so died in a little time through the loss of blood. It being told the King that, according to custom, Jarnac should be carried in triumph, Jarnac protested against it, saying that he affected109 no ostentation110 or vain-glory, that he had been only desirous to have his honour restored, and was contented111 with that; upon which the King made him this compliment, that he fought like C?sar, and spoke112 54 like Aristotle. Yet the King’s inclinations113 were towards Chasteneraye. The poor lady, Jarnac’s mother-in-law, whose honour was at stake too, was all the while at St. Cloud, fasting and praying, and waiting impatiently the issue of this purgation of her innocency114.”
Chasteneraye was considered the first swordsman in France, and he certainly did display in this transaction a singular mixture of vanity and brutality115. Brant?me, who was a nephew of Chasteneraye, endeavours to show that there was foul116 play in this meeting, and that Jarnac wore a brassart without joint117, by which means the buckler was held with greater security; at the same time, he states that Chasteneraye’s right arm was still weak from a wound he had received at Conys, in Piedmont. Howbeit, this unfortunate young man, who was only in his twenty-eighth year, was considered such an expert fencer and wrestler118, that several duels were fought when a report of this fatal duel had been spread abroad, as his partisans119 would not admit the possibility of his succumbing120 before any other combatant: his dexterity121 in wrestling was so great, that Jarnac, to avoid the chances of a struggle, had insisted that both parties should wear two daggers122.
By way of retribution, the monarch expressed his royal pleasure that no further duels should be allowed: indeed, this duel may be considered the last judicial one that has been recorded 55 in France; although Charles IX. did authorize123 a combat between Albert de Luignes, who had been accused of treasonable practices by Panier, a captain in the guards. The parties fought in presence of the King and his court, in the wood of Vincennes: Panier inflicted124 a severe wound on the head of his opponent, who fell upon his knee; his seconds ran to his rescue; but Luignes, recovering himself, gave him a mortal thrust through the body. Nor was this the only instance where this weak and savage125 prince had recourse to the swords of others to rid himself of an enemy; he employed a famed bravo of the name of Maugerel to fight for him, who was therefore called the King’s Killer126; and it is well known that he instructed Villequen to seek a quarrel with Lignerolles, the favourite and confidant of the Duke d’Anjou, while they were out hunting, on which occasion Lignerolles was killed.
While such was the practice in France, and other parts of the continent of Europe, England was not exempt44 from similar scenes of cruelty and superstition127, and it was only during the reign of our Henry III. that the trial by ordeal54, or ordaly, was abolished, in 1219: for, although several historians have doubted the fact, there is great reason to believe, from the barbarous customs of the times, that Edward the Confessor did actually compel Emma, the Queen Dowager, to the ordeal of the heated ploughshares, on the charge of her 56 having participated in the murder of Alfred, besides having been guilty of a criminal intercourse with the Bishop of Winchester; the prelate very wisely refused to submit himself to a similar trial, by producing a letter written by Pope Stephen VI. to the Archbishop of Mayence in 887, in which he prohibited such practices.
The personal combat that is said to have taken place between Edmund Ironside and Canute, near Gloucester, appears to be a fabulous130 tradition, although the following account of it has been chronicled: “Edmund had the advantage of stature131 and of strength, but Canute possessed most address and activity. The conflict which took place in the presence of both their armies, was long and doubtful, until the Dane, beginning to lose ground, proposed an amicable132 settlement of their differences, thus addressing his adversary: ‘Valiant prince, have we not fought for a sufficient length of time to prove our courage? Let us therefore show proofs of our moderation; and, since we have equally shared the sun and the honour of this day, let us quit the field of battle and share the kingdom.’” This is evidently a fiction of romance, although there is some reason to believe that a challenge might have passed between them. We may view with similar hesitation133 of belief other no less chivalric134 relations of that important battle, in which it is stated that Edwi having cut off the head of one Osmer, whose countenance135 bore a 57 strong resemblance to that of Edmund, had it carried on a spear, calling out to the English that their sovereign was no more; when Edmund, observing the consternation136 of his troops, took off his helmet to prove the error under which they laboured. It appears more probable that both these princes were compelled to enter into an amicable treaty by their own nobility and their troops, when Canute reserved to himself the northern division, and Edmund retained the sovereignty of the southern provinces.
Doubting the truth of this hostile personal meeting, several writers, amongst others Selden, maintain that duels were not known in England until the Norman invasion, when it is recorded that William sent a message by certain monks to Harold, requiring him either to resign the kingdom, submit their cause to the arbitration137 of the Pope, or fight him in single combat, to which Harold replied, that the God of battles would soon be the arbiter138 of their differences.
It has been observed, that, had the practice of duelling on such occasions been prevalent, the English chief could not, consistently with the laws of honour as then understood, have refused the challenge. It is, moreover, certain that at this period single combats were common in Normandy and other provinces in France; and what renders it probable that duelling, to ascertain139 rights maintained by the trial of combat, 58 was introduced on the Norman accession, was the entrance of a champion in the ceremonial of the coronation, to this day preserved, who, casting down the gauntlet of defiance140, declares himself ready to meet any one who dares contest the sovereign’s right to the throne, and originally to the dukedom of Normandy.
Prior to the Norman conquest we have no record of any duel or trial by battle, although the Anglo-Saxon laws were framed to prevent private quarrels and acts of vindictive141 violence. The law of Alfred enjoined, that if any one knows that his aggressor, after doing him an injury, is determined142 to keep within his own house, or on his own lands, he shall not fight him till he require compensation for the injury. If he be strong enough to besiege143 him in his house, he may do it for seven days; and, if the aggressor is willing during that time to surrender himself and his arms, his adversary may detain him thirty days, but is afterwards obliged to restore him safe to his kindred, and be contented with the compensation; but, if he refuses to deliver up his arms, it is then lawful84 to fight him. A slave might fight in his master’s quarrel; a father might fight in his son’s, with any one except with his master.
King Edmund, moreover, in the preamble to his laws, alluded144 to the multiplicity of private feuds145 and battles, established various enactments146 59 to check the evil; and regulated certain compensations for the loss of life, without any distinction between murder and manslaughter: every head had its price, from the king’s, that was valued at 30,000 thrimsas, considered to be about 1,300l. to that of a ceorle, or husbandman, 266; in this tariff148, an archbishop’s head was rated at a much higher value than a monarch’s.
The price all wounds and injuries was also regulated: a wound of an inch long under the hair, one shilling; one of a like size in the face, two shillings; the loss of an ear, thirty shillings; and, according to the rare code of Ethelbert, any one who committed adultery with another man’s wife was obliged to buy him a new one.
This commutation for crimes appears to have been universal in ancient times. Blackstone informs us that in Ireland, by the Brehon laws, a murderer was obliged to give the surviving relatives of the slain149 a recompense, called Eviach. In Homer we have the same practice during the Trojan war; Nestor in his speech to Achilles thus addressing him:— If a brother bleed,
On just atonement we remit150 the deed:
A sire the slaughter147 of his son forgives:
The price of blood discharged, the murderer lives.
And again, in the 18th book of the Iliad, in the description of Achilles’s shield:— 60 There in the Forum151 swarms152 a numerous train,—
The subject of debate, a townsman slain;
One pleads the fine discharged, which one denied,
And bade the public and the law decide.
The most curious part of this law of compensation was the weighing the value of a witness:—a man whose life was worth one hundred and twenty shillings counterbalanced six labourers, the life of each being estimated at twenty shillings; his oath was therefore considered equivalent to that of all the six.
These laws descended153 from the Germans, who, with the exception of the Frisians, sought to check the natural propensity154 of the people to acts of bloodthirsty revenge: thus we find, that if any man called another pare, or accused him of having lost his shield in battle, he had to pay a heavy fine; according to the laws of the Lombards, if a man called another arga, or “good for nothing,” he had a right to demand immediate8 satisfaction by arms.
These compensations and fines were called a fredum. For the proofs of guilt128, ordeals similar to those described as having existed in France and other countries on the continent of Europe, were adopted in England: one of them, which was abolished in France by Louis le Debonnaire as impious, long prevailed amongst us,—the decision of the cross.
The compurgators were to be freemen, and 61 relations or neighbours of the accused, who upon their oath corroborated155 what he had asserted. It appears that in some cases the concurrence156 of no less than three hundred of these auxiliary157 witnesses was required. As men who are capable of disregarding truth are not deterred158 by the solemnity of an oath, this system of compurgation was found to be fraught159 with such flagrant iniquity160, that appeals to Heaven were considered more effectual in ascertaining161 guilt or innocence.
The trials by hot iron and water were similar to those already described. In addition to these ordalies was the trial by the consecrated bread and cheese, or Corsned, commonly appealed to by the clergy when they were accused of any crime, and adopted by them, since it was not attended with danger or inconvenience. This ordeal was performed in the following manner:—A piece of barley-bread and a piece of cheese were consecrated; and prayers were then put up, to supplicate that God would send his angel Gabriel to stop the gullet of the priest, so that he might not be able to swallow the sacred bread and cheese, if he were guilty. This ceremony being concluded, the accused approached the altar, and took up the testing food: if he swallowed freely, he was declared innocent; if, on the contrary, it stuck in his throat, (which we may presume was rarely the case,) he was pronounced guilty. Our historians assert that Godwin Earl of Kent, in the reign 62 of Edward the Confessor, abjuring162 the death of the King’s brother, at last appealed to the Corsned, “per buccellam deglutiendam abjuravit,” which stuck in his throat and killed him.
Whether, in the settlement of feuds, pecuniary163 compensation was deemed more satisfactory than the adversary’s blood, it is not an easy matter to decide; but certain it is, that duels do not appear, until the period alluded to, to have been as frequent in England as upon the Continent. Good cheer, and good horses, seem to have been considered as equivalent to cash: we find in our history a woman giving two hundred fat hens to the sovereign for permission to spend one night in prison with her husband, and bringing the monarch one hundreds fowls164 on account; while another unlucky wight gave five of his best palfreys to his sovereign lord the King to induce him to be silent regarding a faux pas of his wife. But, once established, it appears that trials by battle prevailed in England for a longer period than in any other country.
In 1096, William Count d’Eu, having been accused of a conspiracy165 against William Rufus by Godefroi Baynard, engaged him in single combat at Salisbury, in presence of the King and the whole court: the unfortunate count, having been worsted, was forthwith ordered to be emasculated, after both his eyes had been put out; his esquire at the same time whipped, and then 63 hanged. Jussuque ideò Regis et concilii, ejiciuntur illi oculi testiculique abscinduntur; dapifero suo Willielmo de Aldori, filio amit? ejus, s?viter flagellato et suspenso.
On Henry II.’s invasion of Wales, Henry de Essex, the hereditary166 standard-bearer, having been accused of felony by Robert de Montfort, his own relation, for dropping the standard on the field of battle and taking to flight, exclaiming that the King was killed, the parties met in single combat near Reading Abbey, where Essex was left for dead upon the field. However, upon his body being borne to the abbey, the monks perceived some traces of life; and, instead of his being hanged according to custom, the brethren of the monastery167 recovered him; but, as he was considered morally dead, he spent the remainder of his days in their holy cloisters168.
From the time of William of Normandy, until that of Henry II, trial by single combat was the only honourable169 mode of decision of battle of right, until the alternative of the grand assizes, or the trial by jury, was instituted by the latter sovereign.
When the tenant170 in a writ129 of right pleaded the general issue, and offered to decide the cause by the body of a champion, a piece of ground was selected sixty feet square, inclosed with lists, and on one side a court was erected171 for the accommodation of the judges of the court 64 of Common Pleas, who attended there in their scarlet172 robes: a bar was also prepared for the sergeants173 learned in law. When the court sat, which was before sun-rising, proclamation was made for both parties and their champions: the latter were introduced by two knights, and were dressed in a coat of mail, with red sandals, bare-legged from the knee downwards174, bare-headed, and with arms bare to the elbows. The weapons allowed them were batons175, or staves of an ell long, and a four-cornered leathern target, so that death very seldom ensued from these civil combats. In the court military, however, they fought with sword and lance.
When the champions thus armed arrived within the lists, or place of combat, the champion of the tenant took his adversary by the hand, and made oath that the tenement176 in dispute was not the right of the demandant; the champion of the demandant of course took a contrary oath. Another oath was then taken against sorcery and enchantment177, in the following form:
“Hear this, ye justices, that I have neither eaten, drunk, nor have I upon me either bone, stone, or grass,—no enchantment, sorcery, or witchcraft178, whereby the law of God may be abased179, or the law of the devil exalted180; so help me God and his saints!”
The battle then began, and the combatants were bound to fight till the stars appeared in 65 the evening; and, if the champion of the tenant could defend himself till the stars appeared, the tenant prevailed in his cause, and the vanquished181 was proclaimed a Craven: a degradation182 of the highest importance; for when a champion had once admitted that he was “Craven,” or one who craves183 for mercy, he ceased to be a freeman—liber et legalis homo, and, having been proved forsworn, was no longer eligible184 as a juryman, or in any manner entitled to belief or respect.
In appeals of felony, the parties were obliged to fight in their proper persons, unless the appellant were a woman, a priest, or an infant,—of the age of sixty, lame185, or blind; in either which cases, he or she counter-pleaded, and threw themselves upon the country. Peers of the realm could not be challenged to wage battle; nor the citizens of London, it being specified186 in their charter that fighting was foreign to their education and employment.
In regard to trial by battle in civil cases, the mystic appeal to the judgment187 of God at this period was abandoned, and the institution of chivalry gave to personal combats a character totally different.
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1
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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belly
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| n.肚子，腹部；(像肚子一样)鼓起的部分，膛 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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slanderous
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| adj.诽谤的，中伤的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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19
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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20
banishes
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的第三人称单数 ) | |
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21
immures
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| vt.禁闭，监禁（immure的第三人称单数形式） | |
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22
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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23
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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24
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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25
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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26
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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27
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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29
substantiate
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| v.证实；证明...有根据 | |
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30
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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31
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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33
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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34
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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35
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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36
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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37
dexterously
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| adv.巧妙地，敏捷地 | |
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38
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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39
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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40
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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41
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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42
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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43
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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44
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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45
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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47
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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48
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
substantiated
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| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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51
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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52
tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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53
ordeals
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| n.严峻的考验，苦难的经历( ordeal的名词复数 ) | |
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54
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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55
conclusive
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|
| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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56
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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57
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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58
absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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59
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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61
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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62
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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63
predilection
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| n.偏好 | |
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64
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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65
liturgy
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| n.礼拜仪式 | |
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66
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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67
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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68
chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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69
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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70
knights
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|
| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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71
fully
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|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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72
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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73
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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74
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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75
truce
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|
| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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76
consecrated
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|
| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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77
enjoined
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|
| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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79
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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80
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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81
chivalrous
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|
| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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82
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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83
plentifully
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|
| adv. 许多地，丰饶地 | |
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84
lawful
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|
| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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85
divers
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|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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86
supplicate
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|
| v.恳求；adv.祈求地，哀求地，恳求地 | |
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87
supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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88
constable
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|
| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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89
trumpets
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|
| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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90
trumpet
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|
| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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91
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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92
poltroon
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|
| n.胆怯者；懦夫 | |
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93
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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94
herald
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|
| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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95
insolence
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|
| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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96
humbly
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|
| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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97
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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98
trifling
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|
| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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99
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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100
esteemed
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|
| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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101
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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103
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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104
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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105
accosted
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|
| v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的过去式和过去分词 )；跟…搭讪；（乞丐等）上前向…乞讨；（妓女等）勾搭 | |
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106
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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108
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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109
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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110
ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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111
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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112
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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113
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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114
innocency
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| 无罪，洁白 | |
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115
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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116
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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117
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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118
wrestler
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| n.摔角选手，扭 | |
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119
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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120
succumbing
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的现在分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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121
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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122
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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123
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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124
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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126
killer
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| n.杀人者，杀人犯，杀手，屠杀者 | |
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127
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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128
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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129
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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130
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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131
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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132
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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133
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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134
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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135
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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136
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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137
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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138
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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139
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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140
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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141
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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142
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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143
besiege
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|
| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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144
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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146
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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147
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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148
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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149
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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150
remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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151
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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152
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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153
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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154
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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155
corroborated
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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156
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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157
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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158
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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159
fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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160
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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161
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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162
abjuring
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的现在分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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163
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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164
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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165
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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166
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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167
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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168
cloisters
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| n.（学院、修道院、教堂等建筑的）走廊( cloister的名词复数 )；回廊；修道院的生活；隐居v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的第三人称单数 ) | |
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169
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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170
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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171
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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172
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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173
sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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174
downwards
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| adj./adv.向下的（地），下行的（地） | |
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175
batons
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| n.（警察武器）警棍( baton的名词复数 )；（乐队指挥用的）指挥棒；接力棒 | |
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176
tenement
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| n.公寓；房屋 | |
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177
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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178
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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179
abased
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| 使谦卑( abase的过去式和过去分词 )； 使感到羞耻； 使降低（地位、身份等）； 降下 | |
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180
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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181
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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182
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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183
craves
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| 渴望，热望( crave的第三人称单数 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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184
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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185
lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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186
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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187
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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