Still this combination of religious and military zeal6 was not considered sufficient to lead a man to risk his life blindly, and the art and the all-powerful aid of woman were invoked7. 67
Gallantry now presided over deeds of arms; which, to use the words of Montesquieu, was not love, but its light, delicate, and perpetual errors.
An ingenious writer, C. Moore, has described the origin of chivalric8 laws and customs in the following passage:—“War, and the single combat, were still the ruling passions of the soul; and whatever improvement had militated against these favourite and ferocious9 ideas would have been treated with the utmost contempt and indignation. Some, however, whose minds were more enlightened, endeavoured to turn this torrent10 of courage and military violence upon itself, and to the correction of its own abuses. They formed themselves into martial11 societies for the relief of injured innocence12 and distressed13 virtue14; for the redress15 of all oppressions and grievances16; for the protection of the weak and defenceless, particularly of the fair sex; for the correction of abuses, and the general promotion18 of the public utility and safety. But, in compliance19 with the strong prejudices of the times, all was still to be determined20 by the sword, and by feats21 of personal valour. Such was the introduction of chivalry and knight22-errantry.”
For the honour of mankind, desirable indeed would it have been if chivalry had been carried on upon such philanthropic grounds, however barbarous might have been the means resorted 68 to in the furtherance of its ends: it is more probable that it was the result of growing civilization, with its concomitant pride, pomp, and circumstance. When love, being associated with religion, shed a halo over the knight’s proud helm, the spirit of chivalry withdrew its advocates from the trammels of judicial23 courts; and, although the hostile meetings of contending knights24, might not have been considered an ordeal25 to obtain the judgment26 of God, the vanity arising from the renown27 of personal prowess and superiority in war and in love rendered its champions regardless of those fine and delicate feelings to which their institution has been attributed. It is true that, the courtesy and rising polish of society being added to religious zeal and blind superstition29, this combination tended to soften30 down the rude relics31 of former ferocity, and to combine courage with humanity, introducing as far as was practicable the courtesies of peace into scenes of strife32; and such we may well imagine may have been the results of such an institution when woman became associated with all its bearings. Education became more gentle, and, ere the accolade33 of knighthood was conferred, the candidate to the honour had passed through the gradation of page and squire34; first the follower35 of woman, a blind adorer and slave, then the attendant on his leader in the chase or the battle-field. 69
As civilization progressed, the rude customs of barbarous nations must have gradually sunk into disrepute; and war, which had once been a necessity in defence of person and property, now became only an honourable36 profession.
While we admit, with Scott, that the tenets of chivalry were exalted37 and enthusiastic, we cannot but consider that many acts of exaltation and enthusiasm, among the most illustrious, were little short of mental aberration39, qualifying the heroic champion for the lunatic asylum40, rather than the courts of sovereigns; and I think that we may consider many of our modern honourable institutions, which are traced to chivalry, more as the effect of gradual intellectual improvement than of the frolics of knight-errantry, however honourable they may have appeared in theory. No one can pretend to deny that Don Quixote’s ideas of honour were as correct as they were punctilious41.
It is unfortunate that romance has so distorted human actions as to shed lustre42 upon deeds which ought to have been veiled in everlasting43 obscurity for the honour of mankind. It is owing to these fatal illusions, that, to the present hour, the chimerical44 word Honour leads the enthusiast38 or the slave of society’s prejudiced views to the commission of criminal acts, and adapts its supposed laws and dictates46 to the Procrustean47 standard of the “world’s” opinion. 70
Previous to the institution of chivalry, fighting became necessary for individual protection; but knighthood rendered it a fashionable accomplishment48, and, as real injuries were not likely to occur every day, artificial grievances were created, and tilts49 and tournaments became the constant sports of the day. John, Duke of Bourbon, being overcome, no doubt, with ennui50, offered to go over to England with sixteen knights, to avoid idleness, and further, to merit the good graces of his mistress; and it is clear that this noble institution, as it is called, greatly increased duelling instead of checking its barbarity, while, by rendering51 it a polite accomplishment, it has transmitted down to posterity52 a detestable heir-loom of barbarous times.
Not only were knights obliged to fight their own battles, but they were bound to espouse53 the disputes of others, and volunteer fighting whenever a “good quarrel” could be established.
It is to chivalry, introduced in the train of the Norman conquerors54, that England owed its first degradation56. Chivalry deluged57 Italy in blood, and rendered Spain a by-word of ferocity and madness. The desperate pranks58 of the lunatic Crusaders were the deeds of monomaniacs let loose by popery: Scott has truly said, that “the genius alike of the age and of the order tended to render the zeal of the professors of chivalry fierce, burning, and intolerant.” “If an infidel,” 71 says a great authority, “impugn the doctrine59 of the Christian60 faith before a churchman, he should reply by argument; but a knight should render no other reason to the infidel than six inches of his falchion thrust into his accursed bowels61.” The massacre62 of the Albigenses was one of the proud results of this noble institution!
Debased by superstition and priestcraft, knighthood became instrumental to every ambition, clerical or military: the hand of Heaven was seen guiding every gleaming falchion; the saints were seen hovering63 over the battle-field; and Froissart tells us that a black cur, which was always barking when the infidels approached the Christian camp, was called by the whole army the dog of Our Lady. If such were the public evils that arose from chivalric institutions, how much more fearful was their influence in society when we find Francis I, who certainly respected the faith of engagements as conveniently as expediency64 could dictate45, laid down as a principle of honour, which prevails to this very day, That the lie was never to be put up with without satisfaction, but by a base-born fellow! For fear of any possible mistake, lies were divided into thirty-two categories, with their corresponding degree of satisfaction. In a succeeding chapter I shall endeavour to show that most edicts promulgated65 to check the practice of duelling rather increased it, and its gradual approach to desuetude66 can only be attributed 72 to the influence of reason: until this influence obtains, all laws will be rendered nugatory67 by the established code of honour.
Nothing can be more absurd than the regret for the “glorious days of Chivalry!” It is very true, that nothing could be more beautiful and praiseworthy than the theory on which it was grounded; but a legislature might just as wisely sit down and embody69 an Utopian code of laws as to expect that a soldier will only draw his sword in the defence of innocence,—it is too absurd a dream to be entertained even in romance.
The exact origin of chivalry is a matter of doubt. By some historians it is attributed to Henry I, King of Germany, in 936, called the “bird-catcher,” from his partiality to field pursuits. Others have traced it to Geoffrey de Preuilly, who died in 1066; but it appears that he was only celebrated70 from his having collected and published the laws of tournaments. History records a chivalric meeting that took place as early as 858, near Strasburgh, between Charles the Bald, and his brother, Louis of Germany. In France it was in general practice in 1136; and in Spain and England in 1140.
The rules and regulations in the management of these tournaments were curious, and showed that the profession of arms was supposed to be the proof of virtue as well as of courage. By these institutes it was ordered— 73
I. Whosoever has done or said anything against the holy Christian faith shall be excluded; and if any such shall presume to intrude71 himself, on the account of his family and ancient nobility, he shall be beaten and driven back.—This first article was proposed by the Emperor Henry I. himself.
II. If any, however nobly descended72, have done or said anything against the Roman empire, or the sacred majesty73 of the Emperor, he shall not be admitted, but publicly punished before the assembly.—This article was proposed by Conrad, Prince of Palestine.
III. If any have betrayed or deserted74 his lord and master, or have been the occasion of any mutiny, disorder75, or shameful76 flight in an army; or have oppressed and unjustly killed any of his subjects and vassals78, or other innocent person, he shall be publicly punished.—Duke of Franconia.
IV. Whosoever has committed violence upon virgins79 or oppressed widows, or has violated and defamed any woman by word or deed, when he appears at the public tournament, shall be disgraced and punished.—Duke of Suevia.
V. Whosoever has been guilty of perjury80, of forging hand or seal, or lies under any other infamy81, shall be held unworthy of the honour of a tournament; and, if he enter, he shall not be suffered to go away without some punishment.—Duke of Bavaria. 74
VI. Whosoever has secretly or openly made away with his wife, or has advised or assisted the killing82 of his superior, whose vassal77 he was, let him be debarred, and let the law of tournament be executed upon him.
VII. Whoever have been guilty of sacrilege, by robbing churches or detaining what belongs to them, or have wronged widows and children to whom they were left guardians83, shall not be admitted, but punished.
VIII. Whosoever keeps up an unreasonable84 feud85 with another, and will not refer the difference to law or to a fair battle, but invades his adversary86’s land, burning and spoiling it, and carrying off his goods, especially if he has destroyed corn, which has caused a dearth87 or a famine,—if he appear at the tournament, let him be put to death.
IX. Whosoever has been the author of any new gabel or imposition in any province, city, or other dominion88, without the consent of the Emperor, by which means subjects are oppressed, and trade and commerce with strangers are hindered and discouraged, let him be punished.
X. Whosoever is guilty of adultery, let him be punished.
XI. Whosoever doth not live suitably upon his lawful89 rents and income, but debaseth his dignity by buying and selling, and using mean and sordid90 arts to the damage of his neighbours 75 and oppression of his tenants91, let him be beaten.
XII. Whosoever cannot prove his nobility for four generations at least by both father and mother, shall not have the honour of being admitted into the tournament.—The two last articles were proposed by Philip, the secretary of the Emperor.
These ordinances92 are a strong illustration of the habits and practices of the nobles at that period, and present a vivid picture of the times, when few indeed must have been the champions who could have qualified93 for the lists.
Although, on the commencement of these exercises, blunt weapons were used, fatal accidents were nevertheless very frequent; and it is said of a Turkish ambassador, who was present at a tournament at the court of Charles VII, that, on beholding94 several of the combatants killed and wounded, he exclaimed, “If they are in earnest, this is not enough; but, if it is only in jest, we have had too much of it.”
It was the frequency of these playful accidents that induced the clergy95 to forbid tournaments; as appears in the canons of the council of Rheims in 1148, by which Christian sepulture is refused to those who fall on such occasions.
Howbeit, in 1274, our Edward I, on his passage by Chalons, being challenged by the Count de Chalons, entered into a joust96 with the 76 French knights, which was so successful on the part of the English, that their opponents, infuriated by their inferiority, made a serious attack upon his retinue97; and so much blood was idly shed on the occasion, that the tournament was ever after called “the petty battle of Chalons.”
In 1209 we find Philip Augustus obliging his sons, Louis and Philip, to make a vow98 against entering into any such meetings. In 1385 we find Francis I. in a tournament between Ardres and Guines; and Henry II. in 1559,—a fatal encounter in which he died from a wound in the eye-ball received from Montgomery, captain of his guards. This accident took place on the occasion of the marriage of the King’s eldest99 daughter to Philip, King of Spain; in honour of which there were balls, masquerades, and tilting100. His majesty, fancying to enter the lists, had a lance sent to Montgomery to encounter him: the captain at first very wisely declined the honour; but, upon the King’s repeated requests, was reluctantly obliged to comply with his orders. The tilt-yard was in the Rue28 St. Antoine, where the captain purposely and politely broke his lance against his royal master’s breast-plate: unfortunately one of the splinters flew into his eye, and penetrated101 the ball; the King lingered in great agony for 77 a month and died, after having forbidden all similar exercises.10
To form an idea of the ferocity that marked these deadly meetings, and the absurdity102 of what were called points of honour, we have only to recount the particulars of a combat that took 78 place between two Spanish captains at Ferrara. These two heroes had demanded a “field” of the Viceroy, Monsieur de Nemours. The Duchess of Ferrara was, of course, most anxious to be present at the contest; she being, according to Brant?me, the most beautiful and accomplished104 lady in Christendom, both as regarded corporeal105 and mental qualities, speaking moreover force belles106 langues: therefore was it, (and very naturally,) that M. de Nemours was deeply enamoured of her, and wore her colours, (rather sombre, to be sure,) black and grey. The combatants being engaged, one of the parties received a desperate wound, which occasioned such a loss of blood that he sunk on the ground; when his antagonist107, according to the noble institutions of chivalry, rushed on him with the point of his sword to his throat. The which beholding, the Duchess, who was as kind as she was courteous108, and as beauteous as she was virtuous109, with clasped hands implored110 M. de Nemours to separate the combatants; to which he replied, rather uncourteously for a knight, “You cannot doubt, madam, that there is nothing in the world that I would not do to convince you of my thorough devotion to your will; but in this instance I can do nothing, nor offend against the laws of battle, nor can I honestly and against reason deprive the conqueror55 of a prize which he has obtained at the hazard of his life.” 79
Howbeit, the second of the fallen man stepped forward, and addressing the conqueror, whose name was Azevedo, declared that, knowing well the character of his friend, St. Croix, who would rather die a thousand deaths than admit that he was vanquished111, surrendered himself for him, and avowed112 himself conquered. Azevedo was perfectly113 satisfied with this admission, and left the field in great pomp and glory, with a flourish of trumpets114; while St. Croix’s wounds were dressed, and he was borne off the ground with his arms, which Azevedo had forgot to carry away as trophies115 of the battle: but, upon his being reminded of the circumstance, he forthwith sent a messenger to demand them. This request, however, being refused, the case was referred to the decision of M. de Nemours, who immediately ordered that the arms of St. Croix should be carried to the conqueror; or that, if he declined to send them, the dressings117 of his wounds should be taken off, and he should be again carried to the field, and laid in the situation in in which he was placed when his second interfered118 for his life: however, the second was wise enough to comply with the request. Brant?me observes, that much might be argued on this matter to decide how far Azevedo ought to have been satisfied with the second’s submission119 instead of the principal’s; as the combat was to have been mortal, the swords and daggers120 having 80 been placed in the hands of the combatants by the Prior of Messina.
A beau combat is recorded of Monsieur de Bayard and another Spaniard, Don Alonzo de Soto Mayor, who, having been taken prisoner by the former, insulted him so grossly that he offered him the satisfaction of a meeting on foot or on horseback. The day being appointed, Bayard made his appearance, mounted upon a spirited charger and clad in white, a symbol of humility122. The choice of arms having fallen upon the Spaniard, he preferred a combat on foot, on the plea that he was not so good a horseman as his adversary, but in reality from his having heard that the French knight was labouring under an intermittent123 fever, which he had experienced for upwards124 of two years. Bayard, on account of his indisposition, was strongly urged by his second, Monsieur de la Palisse, and his friends, to insist upon a mounted combat. To this he objected, as he did not wish that his opponent should accuse him of having thrown any difficulties in the way of a fair meeting. The ground was taken, and marked with several loose stones. Bayard, having received his arms, prostrated125 himself on the ground to put up a fervent126 prayer, while every one around him joined in the orison upon their knees; then, rising, he made the sign of the cross, and attacked his adversary as cheerfully as if he was stepping out in a ball-room to commence 81 a dance. The Spaniard advanced, and calmly asked him, “Se?or Bayardo, que me quereys?” To which he replied, “To defend my honour;” and forthwith attacked him. The struggle was fiercely kept up, and great skill displayed on both sides; until Bayard, by a feint, struck him such a blow in the throat, that, despite his gorget, the weapon penetrated four fingers deep. The wounded Spaniard grasped his adversary, and, struggling with him, they both rolled on the ground; when Bayard, drawing his dagger121 and thrusting its point in the nostrils127 of the Spaniard, exclaimed, “Se?or Alonzo, surrender—or you are a dead man!” a speech which appeared quite useless, as Don Diego de Guignonnes, his second, exclaimed, “Se?or Bayardo, es muerto; vincido haveys!” Bayard, says the chronicler, would have given a hundred thousand crowns to have spared his life; but, as matters turned out, he fell upon his knees, kissed the ground three times, and then dragged his dead enemy out of the camp, saying to the deceased’s second, “Se?or Don Diego, have I done enough?” to which the other piteously replied, “Too much, Se?or, for the honour of Spain!” when Bayard very generously made him a present of the corpse128, although he had a right to do whatever he thought proper with it; an act highly praised by Brant?me, who says it is difficult to say which act did him most honour,—the not having ignominiously129 82 dragged the body like the carcase of a dog by a leg or an arm out of the field, or having condescended130 to fight while labouring under an ague; as an ague in those days (sturdy dogs!) was not considered a sufficient reason to decline a combat.
As fighting became a matter of fashion, and therefore of necessity, it was impossible to be too punctilious in taking offence. Any subject, however trivial, was considered sufficient to warrant a combat, and required blood to wipe off a supposed stain upon a factitious honour; and, when blood could not be obtained for this vital purpose by fair means, assassination131 was not deemed beneath the dignity of the offended, or incompatible132 with honour’s laws. Thus we find a Franche-Comté nobleman running another through the body in the very porch of a church, while he was presenting him some holy water; and two other high-born worthies133 fighting it out before the altar, to decide who had the best right to a seat of precedence, or the first use of the censer.
Tilts and tournaments were simply simulacra of actual combats, training youth to deeds of arms under the flattering auspices134 of the fair sex, that they might the more diligently135 and expertly commit murder whenever it suited ambition, fanaticism136, or love.
What the ladies expected from their champions cannot be better expressed than in the 83 injunction of the Dame137 des Belles Cousines to little Jean de Saintré, a subject which Scott has admirably translated in the following quaint138 and appropriate language:—
“The Dame des Belles Cousines, having cast her eyes upon the little Jean de Saintré, then a page of honour at court, demanded of him the name of his mistress and his love, on whom his affections were fixed139. The poor boy, thus pressed, replied that the first object of his love was the lady his mother, and the next his sister Jacqueline. ‘Jouvencel,’ replied the inquisitive140 dame, who had her own reasons for not being contented141 with this simple answer, ‘we do not talk of the affection due to your mother and sister; I desire to know whom you love par17 amours.’
“‘In faith, madam,’ said the poor page, to whom the mysteries of chivalry, as well as of love, were yet unknown, ‘I love no one par amours.’
“‘Ah, false gentleman, and traitor142 to the laws of chivalry!’ returned the lady; ‘dare you say that you love no lady? Well may we perceive your falsehood and craven spirit by such an avowal143. Whence were derived145 the great valour and the high achievements of Lancelot, of Gawain, of Tristram, of Giron the Courteous, and of other heroes of the round table?—whence those of Panthus, and of so many other valiant146 knights and squires147 of this realm, whose names I could enumerate148 84 had I time?—whence the exaltation of many whom I myself have known to rise to high dignity and renown?—except from their animating149 desire to maintain themselves in the grace and favours of their ladies, without which mainspring to exertion150 and valour they must have remained unknown and insignificant151. And do you, coward page, now dare to aver152 that you have no lady, and desire to have none? Hence, false heart that thou art!’
“To avoid these bitter reproaches, the simple page named as his lady and love par amours Matheline De Coucy, a child of ten years old. The answer of the Dame des Belles Cousines, after she had indulged in the mirth which his answers prompted, instructed him how to place his affections more advantageously.
“‘Matheline,’ said the lady, ‘is indeed a pretty girl, and of high rank, and better lineage than appertains to you. But what good, what profit, what honour, what advantage, what comfort, what aid, what counsel for advancing you in the ranks of chivalry, can you derive144 from such a choice? Sir, you ought to choose a lady of high and noble blood, who has the talent and means to counsel and aid you at your need; and her you ought to serve so truly, and love so loyally, that she must be compelled to acknowledge the true and honourable affection which you bear to her. For, believe me, there is no 85 lady, however cruel and haughty153, but through length of faithful service will be brought to acknowledge and reward loyal affection with some portion of pity, compassion154, or mercy. In this manner you will attain155 the praise of a worthy68 knight; and, till you follow such a course, I would not give an apple for you or your achievements.’”
The lady then proceeds to lecture the acolyte156 of chivalry at considerable length on the seven mortal sins, and the way in which the true amorous157 knight may eschew158 commission of them. Still, however, the saving grace inculcated in her sermon is fidelity159 and secrecy160 in the service of the mistress whom he should love par amours. She proves, by the aid of quotations161 from the Scriptures162, the fathers of the church, and the ancient philosophers, that the true and faithful lover can never fall into the crimes of pride, anger, envy, sloth163, or gluttony. From each of these his true faith is held to warrant and defend him. Nay164, so pure was the nature of the flame which she recommended, that she maintained it to be inconsistent even with the seventh sin of chambering and wantonness, to which it might seem too nearly allied165. The least dishonest thought or action was, according to her doctrine, sufficient to forfeit166 the chivalrous167 lover the favours of his lady. It seems, however, that the greatest part of her charge concerning incontinence is levelled against 86 such as haunted the receptacles of open vice103; and that she reserved an exception (of which in the course of the history she made a most liberal use) in favour of the intercourse168 which, in all law, honour, and secrecy, might take place when the favoured and faithful knight had obtained, by long service, the boon169 of mercy from the lady whom he loved.
The last encouragement which the Dame des Belles Cousines held out to Saintré in order to excite his ambition, and induce him to fix his passion upon a lady of elevated birth, rank, and sentiment, is also worthy of being quoted; since it shows that it was the prerogative170 of chivalry to abrogate171 the distinctions of rank, and elevate the hopes of the knight, whose sole patrimony172 was his arms and his valour, to the high-born and princely dame before whom he carved as a sewer173.
“‘How is it possible for me,’ replied poor little Saintré, after having heard out the unmercifully long lecture of the Dame des Belles Cousines, ‘to find a lady, such as you describe, who will accept of my service, and requite174 the affection of such a one as I am?’
“‘And why should you not find her?’ answered the lady preceptress. ‘Are you not gently born? Are you not a fair and proper youth? Have you not eyes to look on her—ears to hear her—a tongue to plead your cause to her—hands to serve her—feet to move at her bidding—body and heart 87 to accomplish loyally her commands?—and, having all these, can you doubt to adventure yourself in the service of any lady whatsoever176?’”
In these extracts is painted the very spirit of chivalry, and the manners of an age which so many modern ladies seem to regret most deeply.
As I have already stated, warlike youth had to a certain degree emancipated177 themselves from the power of the priesthood, although they were always prepared and willing to rush into battle at their commands; but to the honour of the clergy it must be confessed, that although many individuals of that body might have enjoyed fighting as much as any testy178 layman179, yet they did exert themselves to temper and modify as much as lay in their power the ferocity of the times. Whether in these efforts they were chiefly influenced by motives180 of humanity, or by opposition181 to the rivalry182 of secular183 power, it is no easy matter to decide.
The secular power of the nobles was very great, and to a certain degree independent of that of the sovereign. President Henault informs us, that during the first, and a considerable period of the second race, dukes and counts, in their quality of provincial184 governors, administered all regal functions within their jurisdiction185, bestowed186 all military preferments, and judged by sovereign judgment all appeals of the centenaries, or judges nominated by the monarch,—still, in 88 the name of the King. As at that period there could exist no other justice but a royal one, these same dukes and counts, having from the weakness of the government erected187 their offices into hereditary188 rights and patrimonies189, continued to preserve their authority; and all traces of regal power disappeared in the provinces, with the exception of the government of Hugues Capet as duke and count, and, when he ascended190 the throne, his droit seigneural was added to his royal authority.
Before such arbitrary tribunals, when the judges were themselves unruly soldiers, utterly191 ignorant of any kind of jurisprudence, and knowing no other method of deciding a difference than by an appeal to force, the most expeditious192 method of deciding a quarrel was to make the litigants193 fight it out.
The only check upon the power of feudality was the influence of the clergy, then divided into secular and regular. The secular clerks officiated in the several sees and parishes, while the regular lived under monastic institutions and discipline.
Ecclesia abhorret sanguine194 was an old maxim195 of the church; and, when they condemned196 thousands to the torture or to death, they considered that they conformed themselves to the letter of this humane197 precept175 while handing their victims over to the secular arm to put their sentence into execution. Moreover, as the jurisprudence of the 89 sword interfered with that of the altar, many were the prelates who powerfully declaimed against duelling and its excesses. Such were Gregory of Tours, Avitus, and Agobard. Various councils fulminated their anathemas198 on the barbarous practice; that of Valence in 855, and of Limoges in 994, and Trent so late as 1563: while several pontiffs, amongst whom we find Nicholas I, Alexander III, Celestin III, and Julius II, excommunicated all sovereigns who permitted duels199 to take place within their realms; and we see Charles IX. protesting against this papal interference, when, in his edict of 1564, he reserved to himself the power of authorizing200 duels when he thought it meet.
It is to this interference of the clergy that Europe was indebted for that pacific act called the Truce201 of God, to which I have already referred. This ordonnance, called Treuga Dei, was promulgated by a council at Toulujes in Roussillon, in the year 1041, when it gradually spread over Europe. In this celebrated act it was specified202 that upon all festivals, and from Wednesday evening until Monday morning in each week, no disputes should lead to any issue. This regulation was most wise, as it gave three entire days in each week to offended persons to reflect calmly on the nature of their supposed injury, or the benefits that might result from vindictive203 proceedings204. 90
It appears, however, that the nobles paid but little attention to the Treuga Dei, or any other truce that tended to check their unruly passions. A greater diversion from their private feuds205 soon drew their attention in another direction; preparing the great moral revolution that marked the eleventh and the twelfth centuries: I of course allude206 to the Crusades, when, in the words of Anna Comnena, the whole of Europe seemed to have been torn up from its foundations, and ready to precipitate207 itself upon Asia. Six millions of enthusiasts208, according to contemporary writers, rushed forward in this holy war; and in 1096, under the command of Godefroy de Bouillon, an army of about a hundred thousand, chiefly composed of men sufficiently209 distinguished210 in their several countries by birth and education to cut each other’s throats with propriety211, were patriotic212 enough to rid their country of their presence, and were soon after followed to Palestine by another draft of pugnacious213 nobility and gentry214 from various parts of Europe.
Nor can we be surprised at this ardour, when we consider all the advantages held out to the crusaders both in this world and in the next. They were exempted215 from all prosecution216 for debt, and from the payment of all interest thereon. They were freed from taxation217; they were taken under the immediate116 protection of St. Peter; and all who vexed218, perplexed219, or impeded220 them in 91 word, deed, or thought, were irrevocably damned. They obtained a plenary remission of all sins past and present, with immunity221 for future ones; and the gates of heaven were thrown open to them without any other claims on salvation222 than their having engaged in this expedition.
The crusades moreover produced a great revolution in property; many of these adventurers selling their lands and inheritances at the lowest prices to equip themselves, while many of the nobles, perishing in the expedition, left their fiefs without heirs to increase the revenue and power of the crown.
Thus was this glorious enterprise a fatal blow to feudality; and, when a few of these adventurers returned to their homes, they were so reduced by misery223 and corrected by misfortunes, that their unfortunate vassals entertained some dawning hopes of better days. These wanderers had travelled over more civilized224 parts, and brought back some faint notions of justice, humanity, and improvement.
Another circumstance in the twelfth century not a little added to the progress of the human mind in search of amelioration. In 1137, when the imperial troops were plundering225 and sacking the town of Amalfi, a band of ruffians had found in some ruins an old book, the illuminated226 pictures of which attracted their notice. The Emperor claimed this curiosity as his prize, having discovered 92 that it was no less than a copy of the Pandects of Justinian; the which he presented as a valuable trophy227 to the city of Pisa, whence its contents were called “Pandect? Pisan?,” till, being borne away in turn by the Florentines, it was afterwards named “Pandect? Florentin?.”
This accidental discovery produced a new era in Europe: it showed the barbarians228 who wielded229 the brute230 power of force, that there did exist other arguments than the sword’s point or the spear-head; and murder, which had usurped231 the seat of justice for upwards of six centuries, was obliged to yield to the influence of reason and interest. Schools of civil law were now opened, that superseded232 the exercises of the lists; and the study of Roman law succeeded the Lombardian code, despite the endeavour of the clergy to protect their canonical233 institutions by fulminating anathemas issued from the Vatican. The clergy of England, who, like their predecessors234 the Druids, had engrossed235 every branch of learning, lost no time in obtaining a proficiency236 in all the ancient oral maxims237 and customs, called common law, which had been handed down from former ages. Hence William of Malmsbury, soon after the Conquest asserted, Nullus clericus nisi causidicus. The judges were created out of the sacred order, and all the inferior offices filled up by the lower clergy, their successors to this day being called Clerks. 93
Thus we see two events, the crusades and the introduction of civil law, checking the disastrous238 excesses of duelling and arbitrating all differences by the sword. The future was pregnant with two events of still greater importance towards humanizing Society,—the fall of the Eastern empire, and the discovery of the art of printing: by the one, civilization was thrown back on the West; and by the other gift of Providence239 man began to learn to think for himself.
We thus perceive the progress of duelling, and its less frequent occurrence, depending in a great measure upon the state of society and the nature of government: by following this progress chronologically240 in the history of various countries, we shall attain much information, both as regards the prevalence of this barbarous custom, and the success of different governments in their endeavours to suppress, or, at least, restrain its excesses. When, after reading the details of many of these duels, (some of them of perhaps a tedious nature, but all tending to illustrate241 the manners of the age,) we glance on the civil and religious condition of the people amongst whom they took place, the deductions242 from these observations may be found to be of more importance than may at first sight appear.
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1
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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2
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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3
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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4
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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5
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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6
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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7
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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8
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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11
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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12
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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13
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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15
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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16
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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17
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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18
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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19
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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20
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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21
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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22
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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23
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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24
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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25
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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26
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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28
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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29
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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30
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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31
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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32
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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33
accolade
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| n.推崇备至，赞扬 | |
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squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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35
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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36
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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37
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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38
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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39
aberration
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| n.离开正路，脱离常规，色差 | |
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40
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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41
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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42
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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43
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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44
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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45
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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46
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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47
procrustean
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| adj.强求一致的 | |
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48
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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49
tilts
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| （意欲赢得某物或战胜某人的）企图，尝试( tilt的名词复数 ) | |
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50
ennui
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| n.怠倦，无聊 | |
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51
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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52
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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53
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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54
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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55
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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56
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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57
deluged
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| v.使淹没( deluge的过去式和过去分词 )；淹没；被洪水般涌来的事物所淹没；穷于应付 | |
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58
pranks
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| n.玩笑，恶作剧( prank的名词复数 ) | |
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59
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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60
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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61
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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62
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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63
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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64
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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65
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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66
desuetude
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| n.废止，不用 | |
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67
nugatory
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| adj.琐碎的，无价值的 | |
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68
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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69
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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70
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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71
intrude
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| vi.闯入；侵入；打扰，侵扰 | |
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72
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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73
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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74
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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75
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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76
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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77
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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78
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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79
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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80
perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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81
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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82
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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83
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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84
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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85
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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86
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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87
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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88
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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89
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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90
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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91
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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92
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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93
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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94
beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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95
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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96
joust
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| v.马上长枪比武，竞争 | |
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97
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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98
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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99
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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100
tilting
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| 倾斜，倾卸 | |
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101
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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102
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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103
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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104
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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105
corporeal
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| adj.肉体的，身体的；物质的 | |
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106
belles
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| n.美女( belle的名词复数 )；最美的美女 | |
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107
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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108
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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109
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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110
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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112
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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113
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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114
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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115
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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116
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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117
dressings
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| n.敷料剂；穿衣( dressing的名词复数 )；穿戴；（拌制色拉的）调料；（保护伤口的）敷料 | |
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118
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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119
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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120
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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121
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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122
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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123
intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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124
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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125
prostrated
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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126
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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127
nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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128
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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129
ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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130
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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131
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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132
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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133
worthies
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| 应得某事物( worthy的名词复数 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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134
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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135
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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136
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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137
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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138
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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139
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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140
inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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141
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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142
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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143
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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144
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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145
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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146
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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147
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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148
enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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149
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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150
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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151
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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152
aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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153
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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154
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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155
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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156
acolyte
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| n.助手，侍僧 | |
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157
amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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158
eschew
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| v.避开，戒绝 | |
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159
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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160
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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161
quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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162
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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163
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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164
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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165
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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166
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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167
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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168
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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169
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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170
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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171
abrogate
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| v.废止，废除 | |
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172
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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173
sewer
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| n.排水沟，下水道 | |
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174
requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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175
precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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176
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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177
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
testy
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| adj.易怒的；暴躁的 | |
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179
layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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180
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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181
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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182
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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183
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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184
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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185
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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186
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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188
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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189
patrimonies
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| n.祖传的财物，继承物，遗产( patrimony的名词复数 ) | |
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190
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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192
expeditious
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| adj.迅速的，敏捷的 | |
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193
litigants
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| n.诉讼当事人( litigant的名词复数 ) | |
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194
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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195
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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196
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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197
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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198
anathemas
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| n.（天主教的）革出教门( anathema的名词复数 )；诅咒；令人极其讨厌的事；被基督教诅咒的人或事 | |
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199
duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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200
authorizing
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的现在分词 ) | |
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201
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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202
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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203
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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204
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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205
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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206
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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207
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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208
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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209
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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210
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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211
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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212
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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213
pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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214
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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215
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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216
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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217
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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218
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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219
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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220
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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221
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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222
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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223
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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224
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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225
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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226
illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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227
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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228
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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229
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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230
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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231
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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232
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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233
canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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234
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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235
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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236
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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237
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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238
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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239
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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240
chronologically
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| ad. 按年代的 | |
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241
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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242
deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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