If we are indebted to our neighbours for this practice, it is also to them that we owe the various codes and regulations drawn5 out to equalize, as far as possible, the chances of victory, and to prevent any unfair advantages being obtained to the prejudice of the opposite party. Of these various documents, possibly the rules given by Brant?me may be considered the most curious.
In the first instance, he says:—“On no account whatever let an infidel be brought out as a second or a witness: it is not proper that an unbeliever should witness the shedding of Christian6 blood, which would delight him; and it is moreover abominable7 that such a wretch8 should be allowed such an honourable9 pastime. 95
“The combatants must be carefully examined and felt, to ascertain10 that they have no particular drugs, witchcraft11, or charms about them. It is allowed to wear on such occasions some relics12 of Our Lady of Loretto, and other holy objects; yet it is not clearly decided13 what is to be done when both parties have not these relics, as no advantage should be allowed to one combatant more than to another.
“It is idle to dwell upon courtesies: the man who steps into the field must have made up his mind to conquer or die, but, above all things, never to surrender; for the conqueror14 may treat the vanquished15 as he thinks proper,—drag him round the ground, hang him, burn him, keep him a prisoner, in short, do with him whatever he pleases. The Danes and Lombards, in this, imitated Achilles, who, after his combat with Hector, dragged him three times round the walls at the tail of his triumphant16 car.
“Every gallant17 knight18 must maintain the honour of ladies, whether they may have forfeited19 it or not,—if it can be said that a gentille dame20 can have forfeited her honour by kindness to her servant and her lover. A soldier may fight his captain, provided he has been two years upon actual service, and he quits his company.
“If a father accuses a son of any crime that may tend to dishonour21 him, the son may demand 96 satisfaction of his father; since he has done him more injury by dishonouring22 him, than he had bestowed23 advantage by giving him life.”
Notwithstanding Brant?me’s authority, the right of a soldier to call out his captain has been a questionable25 point; and La Béraudière, and Basnage, and Alciat have discussed the point very minutely. The last author came to the conclusion that such a meeting could only be tolerated when both parties were off duty,—post functionem secus. The same learned writer maintains that you can only refuse to fight a bastard26; and he therefore strongly recommends all noblemen to legitimatize27 their sons, that they may be rendered worthy28 of the honour of knighthood and of duelling: and he further declares, that all challenges from a roturier, a mere29 citizen, or a man in business, must be considered as null and void.
There is a passage in Brant?me which singularly applies to modern France, as regards the multiplicity of decorations of honour and their various button-hole badges; distinctions, which, from the facility with which they are obtained, he does not consider as qualifying the wearer to fight a gentleman. “If these people were attended to,” he says, “one could no longer fight a proper duel1: such numbers of them pullulate in every direction, that we see nothing but knights30 of St. Michael and of the Saint Esprit; 97 to such an extent were these orders abused during our civil wars, to win over and retain followers31 being no longer the meed of valour or of merit.”
To tear off a decoration, or even to touch it, was considered an unpardonable insult; and we have seen in more modern times an example of the respect to which such attributes of distinction are entitled. In August 1833, Colonel Gallois, an officer in the service of Poland, felt himself offended by an article in the Figaro, a paper conducted by Nestor Roqueplan; and, having met him, tore off his riband of the Legion of Honour. The parties met in the wood of Meudon, when Roqueplan received three wounds, and Gallois one in the knee: the two seconds of Gallois at the same time had thrown off their coats, and challenged the seconds of Roqueplan, who very wisely declined any participation32 in the fight; when one of Gallois’s party insisted upon satisfaction from Mr. Leon Pillet, a friend of Roqueplan, with whom he was on intimate terms, and, to urge his suit, requested that he might be allowed to take the badge of the Legion off his coat, to overcome his apparent repugnance33; adding, that he entertained too much friendship and esteem34 towards him to offend him in any other manner. There was no refusing so polite a request.
The colours of a lady, in a knot of ribands worn by her admirer, and called an emprise, were equally 98 sacred; and, when a brave of those chivalric35 days was anxious for a combat, he exerted himself to find some daring desperado who would put his finger on the badge of love. In Ireland to this day, in many of its wild districts, a pugnacious36 ruffian will drag his jacket after him, and fight unto death any spalpeen who ventures to touch it.
Choice of arms was a matter of great importance in these meetings, indeed of a vital nature; since, if a weapon was broken in the hands of one of the parties, he was considered vanquished, and at the discretion37 of his conqueror,—such an accident being looked upon as a decision of Providence38: a miss-fire at the present day is considered a shot, although on a less religious principle. Pistols were introduced in the reign39 of Henry II; and, being considered as affording a more equal chance to both combatants, this arm has been generally selected in modern duels40, more especially in England. On the Continent the small-sword and the sabre were more frequently resorted to; and we shall shortly see the regulations regarding their employment, which in France form a regular code.
Some of the ancient modes of fighting were most singular and whimsical. Brant?me relates a story of two Corsicans who had fixed41 short sharp-pointed daggers43 in the front of their helmets, being 99 covered with a suit of mail called a “jacque” over their shirts, although the weather was remarkably44 cold; such an arrangement having been proposed by the offended, who had the right to select and name the mode of combat, and who was fearful of his antagonist45’s renown46 for his power and dexterity47 in wrestling. Both were armed with swords, and they fought for some time with such equality of skill that neither was wounded; at length they rushed upon each other, and wrestling commenced. It was during this struggle that the daggers came into play, each butting48 in his antagonist’s face, and neck, and arms, until blood was streaming in every direction, and in such profusion49 that they were separated: one of them only lived a month; in consequence of which the survivor50 was well nigh dying of tristesse and ennui51, as they had become friends, and expected that they both should have died.11
Notwithstanding this valorous disposition52, it 100 appears that the choice of arms and appointments was frequently made a subterfuge53 to gain time, or cause much trouble and expense; and Brant?me relates, that, in the fatal duel between Jarnac and Chasteneraye, the former proposed no less than thirty different weapons to be used both on horseback and on foot, and had also specified54 various horses, Spanish, Turkish, Barbs55, with different kinds of saddles: in consequence of which our chronicler adds, that if his uncle had not been a man of some independence, and moreover assisted by his royal master, he could not have maintained the challenge; and he very truly observed, when receiving it, “This man wants to fight both my valour and my purse.”
This privilege of the offended to choose their arms and regulate the nature of the combat, however capriciously, afforded considerable advantages; since the art of fencing taught many secret tricks, the knowledge of which gave great reputation to professors. So secret, indeed, were these instructions, that not only was the pupil solemnly sworn never to reveal the mysterious practice, but instructions were given in private, after having examined every part of the room, the furniture, and the very walls, to ascertain that no third person could have been concealed56 to witness the deadly lesson. To this day in France such cuts and thrusts are called coups57 101 de ma?tre, and by the lower classes coups de malins.
A curious case is recorded of a knight, who, having been taught invariably to strike the region of the heart, insisted upon fighting in a suit of armour58, with an opening in each cuirass of the breadth of the hand over the heart: the result, of course, was immediately fatal to his antagonist.
The “cunning” of armourers was also frequently resorted to, to obtain unfair advantages. A skilful59 workman in Milan had carried his mode of tempering steel to such a point of perfection, that the solidity of the sword and dagger42 depended entirely60 on the manner in which they were handled: in the hands of the inexperienced the weapons flew into shivers; whereas in the grasp of a skilful combatant they were as trusty as the most approved Toledan blade.
Nor were these valiant61 knights very particular as to odds62. It is related of two French gentlemen, La Villatte and the Baron63 de Salligny, who fought a duel with two Gascons of the name of Malecolom and Esparezat, that Malecolom having speedily killed his antagonist Salligny, and perceiving that his companion Esparezat was a long time despatching Villatte, went to his assistance. When Villatte, thus unfairly pressed by two antagonists64, remonstrated65 against the treachery, Malecolom very coolly replied, 102 “I have killed my adversary66, and, if you kill yours, there may be a chance that you may also kill me; therefore here goes!”
More punctilious67, however, were some of these heroes in points of honour. We read in Brant?me of two Piedmontese officers, intimate friends, who having gone out to fight, one of the parties received a wound that was supposed to be mortal; when his opponent, instead of despatching him, assisted him off the ground, to conduct him to a surgeon. “Ah!” exclaimed the wounded man, “do not be generous by halves!—let it not be said that I fell without inflicting68 a wound: so, pray wear your arm in a scarf, and say that I hit you ere I succumbed69.” His friend generously acceded70 to the proposal; and, having smeared71 a bandage in his blood, he wrapped it round his arm, publishing abroad that he had been wounded ere his brave companion received his mortal thrust. The wound however not proving fatal, an everlasting72 friendship, cemented by gratitude73, ever after prevailed between them.
Many instances of these singular rencontres and fatal caprices in deeds of arms will be recorded in the course of this history; all of which may be referred to the character of the times, and the existing government’s weakness or tyrannical influence.
In relating the progress of duelling in France during the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries, I 103 cannot better characterize the state of the country than by quoting a late intelligent writer, M. de Campigneulles:—
“I find between the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries the same difference that is observable between the seventeenth and the eighteenth; neither of these periods being in my opinion in favour of any progress. Louis XI. will be found preferable to Charles IX; and Charles VIII. will be placed in a more distinguished74 rank than Henry II. Francis I. will not make us forget Louis XII; and the glorious exploits of the French under Charles VII. will console us for a long time for the miseries75 of the civil wars under Henry III. I do not think it necessary, to justify76 the second proposition, to draw a parallel between the reigns77 of Henry IV. and Louis XIV. on one side, with the regency and reign of Louis XV. on the other. What is not less remarkable78 is, that the first period of a century has frequently been more worthy of estimation than the second; showing that there is an action and a reaction in the progress of civilization, and that the torrent79 of ages seems to be subject to the same laws that regulate the waters of the deep.
“Under Charles VII. the aristocracy was too deeply engaged in their national contest with England to occupy themselves with personal feuds80; the aristocracy, in the enormous sacrifices which this struggle required, was drained both 104 of men and money. The people gained nothing,—the royal authority alone reaped any advantage that might have resulted from this state of affairs; for from this reign we may date the establishment of standing24 armies and taxations,—the latter being imposed illegally, and without the sanction of the states-general.
“The policy of Louis XI.’s government turned to a profitable account the state of poverty and depression to which the aristocracy had been reduced. The nobility of France was deteriorated81 by this cruel prince, who founded his despotic power upon executions; and the blood which had been spilled in the field of battle to defend the country, was now wantonly shed upon the scaffold. There was none left to irrigate82 a field of private battle.
“These combined circumstances had struck a fatal blow to duelling; and the prejudices which had justified83 the practice, and which at the same time had advocated the cause of aristocracy, became every day more weak, attesting84 the homogeneity of their character.
“France has always been considered as giving the ton to Europe; but between us and other countries the exchange has not always been to our advantage, and, for what we may have given to our neighbours of any value, we have received in return sad equivalents. It is to Germany that we were first indebted for judicial85 combats. 105 It was in Italy that we sought the practice of duelling, which succeeded them; and while this moral contagion86 was widely spread during the expeditions of Charles VII, Louis XII, and Francis I, a sad physical contamination was transmitted to us through Spain. The practice of duelling had scarcely crossed the Alps, when it gradually disappeared amongst the Italians; and the stiletto became a substitute for the sword.
“It is to the reign of Charles VIII. that we must refer these Italian campaigns, so fatal to our arms and our manners. The ardour of our youth inspired this monarch87 with a desire of foreign expeditions. In 1494 he overran the kingdom of Naples, losing his conquests as rapidly as he had obtained them. Duelling was then in great vogue88 over Italy,—a tradition of the Goths and Lombards, modified, or rather exaggerated, by the chivalric fancies of the Spaniards.
“A wish to enforce the rights of Valentine on the duchy of Milan induced Louis XII. to undertake fresh Italian expeditions, although he had strenuously89 opposed similar projects on the part of his predecessor90 during his latter days. It was during the reign of this monarch, from 1499 to 1515, that incessant91 duels thinned the ranks of his armies. They were sanctioned by the Duke de Nemours their leader, and the illustrious Bayard himself was obliged to yield to the torrent of fashion. 106
“The Italian wars continued to be waged under Francis I. He himself, as we have seen, sent a rodomontade challenge to the Emperor Charles; and although neither of the parties entertained a serious intention of putting their boasted threats into execution, yet he had shown an example which was greedily followed by the most distinguished personages of the court.”
It was during his reign that pistols were introduced, and became the fit auxiliaries92 of the dagger amongst the bandits that infested93 the realm; and thus does Abbé Villy describe the condition of the country—“Our intercourse94 with the Italians, amongst whom our armies had lived for more than fifty years, had altered our national character in many respects. Men became less delicate in their means of glutting95 revenge. Assassinations96 and premeditated murders became each day more frequent. Already it was not considered sufficient to await an enemy upon the road, or attack him in his dwelling97. It was at the corner of a street or in an open square, and in the presence of their fellow-citizens, that public functionaries98 fell under an assassin’s blow. Relays of horses were ready to enable the criminal to escape, and the crime to remain unpunished.”
“Charles IX. was the last French monarch who allowed a duel, and was present when it took place. He was also the first to prohibit the practice; 107 and his ordonnance of 1566 in this respect was admirable, wherein he commanded that all differences should be submitted to the decision of the constables99 and marshals of France, more especially in such cases where the lie had been given.
“Henry III. was the last who appeared in a tournament, with his brother Charles IX; and he also issued severe orders concerning murderers and assassins, who, however, from his want of energy, applied100 with more audacity101 and impunity102 than at any other period, converting the country into a cut-throat: and if this prince ended by discouraging duels, it was only when from his affections towards his unworthy favourites he felt their loss, and, without possessing sufficient energy to avenge103 them, their tragic104 end only gave rise to fresh scandal in the indecency of his grief. D’Audiguier, the duellist105, called him the best prince in the world; and Brant?me says that he was so good, that he never could punish rigorously, he so loved his nobility.
“The fever of duelling was not mitigated106 during the long period of our religious wars. Civil wars differ widely from those that are carried on to defend national honour against a foreign enemy. When these break forth107, personal feuds are appeased108, and one interest predominates; our blood is reserved for our country, and duels will cease: but when in an impious conflict citizens 108 are armed against each other, every evil passion is unbridled; no law, no check, can restrain them; everything becomes a weapon; men no longer fight, but kill; and what the sword may have spared is doomed109 to the scaffold. Thus did murders assume every possible form during the convulsions of the sixteenth century; every instrument of destruction was brought to bear; the dagger rivalled the sword; and, as we already were indebted to Italy for duelling, an Italian Queen, one of the Medici, brought in another gift—assassination.”
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1
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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dishonouring
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| 使（人、家族等）丧失名誉（dishonour的现在分词形式） | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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legitimatize
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| v.使合法化，立为嫡嗣 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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butting
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| 用头撞人（犯规动作） | |
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profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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survivor
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| n.生存者，残存者，幸存者 | |
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ennui
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| n.怠倦，无聊 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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subterfuge
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| n.诡计；藉口 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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barbs
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| n.（箭头、鱼钩等的）倒钩( barb的名词复数 )；带刺的话；毕露的锋芒；钩状毛 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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coups
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| n.意外而成功的行动( coup的名词复数 )；政变；努力办到难办的事 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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70
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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71
smeared
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| 弄脏； 玷污； 涂抹； 擦上 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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deteriorated
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| 恶化，变坏( deteriorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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irrigate
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| vt.灌溉，修水利，冲洗伤口，使潮湿 | |
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83
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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84
attesting
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| v.证明( attest的现在分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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86
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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88
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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89
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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93
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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95
glutting
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| v.吃得过多( glut的现在分词 )；（对胃口、欲望等）纵情满足；使厌腻；塞满 | |
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assassinations
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| n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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98
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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99
constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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100
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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101
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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102
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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103
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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104
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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105
duellist
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| n.决斗者；[体]重剑运动员 | |
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106
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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108
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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109
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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