Abandoned to all the voluptuousness22 of a profligate23 court, the Regent displayed neither authority nor energy in repressing evils, and only considered the possession of power valuable as being the means of commanding fresh pleasures. The former edicts on duelling were now disregarded, since the laws were not enforced, and no punishment awaited their transgressors. Six weeks after the death of the King, two officers of the guards fought on the quay25 of the Tuileries in open day; but, as these young men belonged to families of the long-robe, the Duke d’Orleans, out of respect to the parliament, which he dreaded27, merely removed them from their corps29, and sentenced them to a fortnight’s imprisonment30. This duel24 had been fought about an Angola cat; and the duke, when reprimanding the parties, told them that in such a matter of dispute, it should have been settled with claws instead of swords.
Courtly intrigues32 now became frequently mixed up with duelling, and the jealousies33 and quarrels of fashionable women were the constant sources of disputes between their lovers. The court of honour, consisting of the marshals of France, an institution which we have seen established in the reign19 of Louis XIV, would 185 decline interfering34 when any of the parties were not of high birth or distinguished35 rank. An instance of this proud distinction occurred in the following case: “An abbé of the name of D’Aydie had fought with a clerk in the provincial36 department, at an opera-dancer’s house, and wounded him. The Duchess de Berry, daughter of the Regent, immediately ordered that the Abbé d’Aydie should be deprived of his preferment, and obliged to become a knight37 of Malta. The scribe, on recovering from his wound, was constantly seeking his antagonist38, who was compelled to fight him four times, until the duchess brought the parties before the court of honour, presided over by Marshal de Chamilly; who, upon hearing of the condition of one of the parties, exclaimed, ‘What the deuce does he come here for?—a fellow who calls himself Bouton—do you presume to think that we can be your judges? do you take us for bishops39 or keepers of the seals?—and the fellow too dares to call us my lords!’”
To understand these punctilious40 feelings, it must be remembered that the marshals of France were only called my lords by the nobility, being considered the judges of the higher orders; and such an appellation41 from a roturier was deemed an affront42.
This D’Aydie, it should also be known, was the lover of the Duchess de Berry, who naturally 186 feared that the low-bred clerk might deprive her of her paramour by an untimely end. The tribunal recommended the Regent to imprison31 the lover of his daughter, as a punishment for having fought a low-born fellow, who, on account of his ignoble43 condition, was discharged as beneath their notice. The duchess, however, did not approve of this finding of the court; but, after procuring44 the liberation of her favourite, pursued the unfortunate clerk with such rancour that she at last got him hanged; thereby45 exciting, according to Madame de Crequi, “the horror and the animadversion of all Paris.” Strange to say, this despicable princess died a month after, on the very same day that the clerk was hanged: the execution took place on the 19th of June, and she breathed her last on the 19th of July!
A duel took place between Contades and Brissac, when both were wounded, in the very conservatories46 of the palace. After a few days’ concealment, they appeared before the parliament as a mere28 matter of form, and Contades was made a marshal of France. Another duel, fought in open day on the quay of the Tuileries between two noblemen, Jonzac and Villette, was also passed over with little or no animadversion; and Duclos, in his Secret Memoirs47, asserts that the Regent openly insinuated48 that duelling had gone too much out of fashion. 187
Duelling was not only resorted to by men of the sword, but by men of finance; and the celebrated49 Law of Lauriston, who was placed at the head of this department, had commenced his famed career by several hostile meetings. Howbeit, he so managed matters as not to compromise the security of his gambling-house, in the Rue50 Quincampoix, by quarrels, although an assassination51 ultimately exposed this hell to a serious investigation52. One of the murderers was a Count Horn, a Belgian nobleman of distinguished family; but who, notwithstanding the powerful interest made in his behalf, was sentenced to be broken on the wheel. The Regent in this case was inflexible53, nor would he even commute54 the punishment into a less degrading execution. This firmness was attributed to his partiality for his creature Law, whose bank was of great assistance to his constant debaucheries. Madame de Crequi, who was a relative of the criminal, and who exerted her best endeavours to save him, attributes this murder of what she calls “the Jew who had robbed him,” to other motives55; and asserts that his Highness’s implacable hostility56 arose from having once found him with one of his favourites, the Countess de Parabère; when the duke disdainfully said to him, “Sortez, Monsieur!” to which the other replied, “your ancestors, sir, would have said Sortons!” 188
Voltaire attributes a similar reply to Chalot, when placed in the same situation with the Prince de Conti. Madame de Crequi exonerates58 herself from the suspicion of having misapplied the repartee60, by observing, “there once lived an old Jew called Solomon, who maintained that there was nothing new under the sun.”
Madame de Crequi and other writers of the times affirm that duels61 had become so frequent that nothing else was heard of, and desolation and dismay were spread in numerous families. Amongst the victims of this practice was another lover of Madame de Parabère, and rival of the Regent, the handsome De Breteuil. It appears that the countess was unfortunate in her attachments62, as many others of her favourites met with a similar fate.
It has been truly said by historians, that Louis XV. received from the hands of the Regent a sceptre stained by corruption63, and a crown dimmed by depravity. He found a court composed of libertines64, and females of the most abandoned character. His guides and counsellors were steeped in vice; and it would have required, perhaps, more than mortal power to have resisted the pestilential influence of such an atmosphere of prostitution. The commencement of his reign, however, was marked by a display of good qualities that obtained for him 189 the flattering distinction of the Beloved, “the Bien-aimé,” an appellation far more desirable than that of Great, which had been applied59 to his predecessor65. Little was it then thought that ere long he would show himself the Sardanapalus of his age.
In the first year of his reign he applied himself to check the practice of duelling, and issued an edict in which it was provided that any gentleman who struck another should be degraded from his rank and forfeit66 his arms; and he solemnly declared that he would keep most religiously the coronation oath, by which he had bound himself to enforce these laws in all their rigour. But, alas67 for coronation oaths! they appear to have been in the annals of every nation but too often mere formal professions.
We find, however, that in pursuance of this resolution, the parliament of Grenoble condemned68 to the wheel one of the counsellors for having killed a captain in the army; but, as the offender69 had made his escape, he was only executed in effigy70, and the arm of justice fell upon his unfortunate servant, who was branded and sent to the galleys71.
The prince of duellists in these despicable times was the celebrated Duke de Richelieu, who was certainly ever prompt to give satisfaction for the injuries he inflicted73 on the peace of families. During the regency, and when 190 only twenty years of age, he fought the Count de Gacé in the street under a lamp; in this night affray both parties were wounded. Parliament interfered74; but the Regent, to screen his favourite, sent him for a few days to the Bastille.
This worthy75, at one time being anxious to fight the Count de Bavière, set out from Paris with his followers76 to waylay77 him on the road from Chantilly; and, for the furtherance of his project, obstructed78 and barricaded79 the road with his equipages. The parties met, and high words arose between the coachmen and the servants of both parties, when the masters stepped out of their carriages and drew their swords. However, they were separated by the Chevalier d’Auvray, who was lieutenant80 of the marshals of France, and whose duties were to prevent all duelling, and bring offenders81 before their tribunal.
Such was the case in this instance. All the noble youth of France was assembled, with their heads uncovered and without their swords, in the hall of meeting of the Point of Honour; and Richelieu was ordered to make an ample apology to the Count de Bavière.
This ceremony did not appear to affect the duke very sensibly, as appeared by his adventure with the Count Albani, nephew of Pope Clement82 XI, who was on a visit at the French 191 court, and was most anxious to become acquainted with the Marquise de Crequi-Blanchefort, a lady not easy of access. Foiled in various attempts, he consulted Richelieu, who advised him to disguise himself as a servant, and to wait upon the marquise in that capacity, with strong letters of recommendation, which he gave him. So far the scheme succeeded, that Albani was taken into her service; but soon after he undeceived his supposed mistress by an avowal84 of his passion, for which he was forthwith dismissed with ignominy. Richelieu pretended to be ignorant of the transaction; but, the share he had had in the disgraceful business being proved, he was again sent to the Bastille. On his quitting the fortress85, the young Marquis d’Aumont, a relation of the marquise, called him out, and so severely86 wounded him in the hip87, that at one period his recovery was despaired of, and it was thought that he would remain a cripple.
In 1734 he fought and killed the Prince de Lixen, although one of his own relations, while they were both serving at the siege of Philipsbourg. The cause of this duel is too curious to be omitted, as the prince had himself killed the Marquis de Ligneville, uncle of his wife.
The party were at supper at the Prince de Conti’s. Richelieu, who had been exceedingly fatigued88 during the day, was very much heated, and some drops of perspiration89 were observed on 192 his forehead. The Prince de Lixen, offended by several of the duke’s witticisms90, observed, “that it was surprising that he did not appear in a more suitable state, after having been purified by an admission into his family:” Richelieu having allied91 himself with the house of Lorraine by marrying the Princess Elizabeth Sophie, daughter of the Duke de Guise83; whereas his (Richelieu’s) original name was simply Vignerod. Such an insult could not be tolerated. At midnight they met in the trenches92, when De Lixen fell.
Amongst the other fashionable roués of the day was Du Vighan, from Xaintonges, whose handsome appearance was so fascinating, that hackney-coachmen are said to have driven him without a fare, for the mere pleasure of serving such a joli gar?on. Another anecdote93 is related, of a tailor’s wife, who called upon him for the payment of four hundred francs, due to her husband; but his attractions were such, that she left behind her a bill for three hundred. Although of middling birth, he sought to attract the notice of the King, who granted him letters of nobility on his appearance. This fortunate youth was constantly involved in law-suits, wherein he always contrived94 to win his cause. So successful was he in all his undertakings95, that the Archbishop of Paris called him “the serpent of the terrestrial Paradise.” The name he was usually known by was Le Charmant; and Madame de Crequi was 193 obliged to acknowledge that she only mentions him qu’à son corps défendant.
It was of course of the utmost necessity that such a charming gentleman should be constantly engaged in some duel; and his fascinations96 seemed to operate as powerfully on the marshals of France constituting the court of honour, as on the hearts of the ladies of the court, for he was invariably acquitted97.
His sword, however, was not always as successful as his features and manners, for he received from the Comte de Meulan a severe wound that endangered his precious life. On his recovery he had the presumption98 to pay his addresses to Mademoiselle de Soissons, a young princess of great beauty; who became so enamoured of her admirer, that her aunt was obliged to shut her up in a convent at Montmartre, under the surveillance of one of the provost’s officers. But bars and locks could not keep out such a Lothario; and, a letter and a rope-ladder having been discovered, the lady’s family applied to the Baron99 d’Ugeon, one of their relatives and an expert swordsman, to bring the youth to reason. The challenge was sent and accepted; but the meeting did not take place, in consequence of the fatal malady100 of the King, upon whom Du Vighan attended to the last.
The monarch101 dead, Du Vighan lost no time in 194 seeking his adversary102, who inflicted two dangerous wounds in his right side. Notwithstanding the severity of the injury, he contrived to scale the walls of the abbey of Montmartre to see his beloved princess; but he was obliged to spend the night under the arches of the cloisters103, the young lady having been shut up. During this painful vigil his wounds broke out afresh; and the hemorrhage was so profuse104, that he was found there a corpse105 the following morning. The body was carried home, and a report spread abroad that he had died of the small-pox, caught from the King during his attendance on the royal sufferer. Although the princess grieved pretty nearly unto death, yet she at length consoled herself by marrying the Prince de Cobourg.
St. Evremont was another celebrated duellist72 of this period: he had discovered a particular thrust, which was honoured with his name, and called la botte14 de St. Evremont. This brave was witty106 and capricious, and would accept or refuse a challenge according to the fancy of the moment. St. Foix was his rival in this pursuit of an honourable107 name. Some of his duels were remarkable108. One day, at the Café Procope, at dinner-time, he saw a gentleman seated at a bavaroise,15 and he exclaimed, “That is a confounded bad dinner for a gentleman!” 195 The stranger, thus insulted, insisted upon satisfaction; which was granted, when St. Foix was wounded. Notwithstanding this injury, he coolly said to his antagonist, “If you had killed me, sir, I still should have persisted in maintaining that a bavaroise is a confounded bad dinner.”
Another time he asked a gentleman, whose aroma109 was not of the most pleasant nature, “why the devil he smelt110 so confoundedly?” The offended party sent him a challenge, which St. Foix refused in the following terms: “Were you to kill me, you would not smell the less; and were I to kill you, you would smell a great deal more!” One day, meeting a lawyer whose countenance111 did not please him, he walked up to him, and whispered in his ear, “Sir, I have some business with you.” The attorney, not understanding the drift of his speech, quietly named an hour when he would find him in his office. The meeting was of course most amusing; the expression of St Foix being, “that he wanted to have an affaire with him,” a term which is equally applicable to a duel and a legal transaction.
About this period a curious quarrel arose between two gentlemen of the names of Bricqueville and La Maugerie, about the sale of a house: the affair commenced with kicks and cuffs112, and was terminated with sword and pistol. The 196 finding of the Constabular court was remarkable: declaring Bricqueville guilty of having excédé La Maugerie with various sword-wounds, fining him in the sum of one hundred francs, and fixing the costs at thirty-six thousand; condemning113 him, moreover, to live at a distance of not less than thirty leagues from the town of St. Lo for a period of twenty years. This law-suit lasted four years!
Such was the state of duelling during this disgusting reign and its preceding regency: one might fancy that the putrid114 malady that terminated the inglorious existence of the monarch was typical of the corruption of his government and his degraded minions115; his putrescent remains116, which repelled117 the courtier from the regal bier, were emblematic118 of his court. It was this reign that in a great measure paved the fearful high-road to the French revolution. It has been truly observed by a late writer, that, in France, glory alone can reconcile the nation to tyranny. This has been fully57 proved during the reigns119 of the fourteenth Louis and Napoleon: the yoke120 of the great French monarch had been oppressive and galling121, but it had been padded with laurel leaves; the yoke of his successor was comparatively light, yet it seemed of iron, and the people winced122 under its fretting123 sway. The nation forgave their warlike sovereign when he said, “I am the 197 state;” nay124, the insulting expression flattered their crouching125 vanity: but when a despicable tutor told his grandson, “Sire, this people is your property!” the Bastille was undermined, and the Louvre doomed126 to be overthrown127. A voluptuous21 prince, who sleeps confidingly129 on his downy couch, may be convinced that the people are awake on their bed of straw; the luxurious130 comfort of the eider-down should never make him forget that thousands are sleepless131 on a miserable132 pallet: sooner or later the crown must be abdicated133 when a court becomes the type of corruption, and the diadem134 will be picked up by the iron hand of a soldier, after having been borne for a short while in triumph by the mob.
Such were the destinies of France, destinies which still influence the world. If corruption destroys, it will also create; and it is in general during the effervescence of a nation that individuals of gigantic powers arise upon the surface from the fermenting135 mass. I cannot better describe the rise of some of the most extraordinary characters of the period alluded136 to, than in the words of a late writer.
“The first figure that appears, and dominates over the century, was Voltaire. He was the literary monarch of his times, and held at Ferney an European court: he corresponded with various sovereigns, and exchanged with them 198 the incense137 of flattery in return for more solid gifts; for there is no doubt that Voltaire received from crowned heads a more substantial reward of his services than their fulsome139 praise.
“The weapons of Rousseau, his rival, were more logical; his were sarcastic,—an arm less dignified141, but the most powerful in France. Rousseau was admired, Voltaire produced enthusiasm: the one addressed the understanding, the other spoke142 to the passions. The one fenced dexterously143 with a sword, the other stabbed the social body with his dagger144. The Genevese Heraclitus, although far more eloquent145, was much less popular than the Democritus of Ferney. Vain, frivolous146, vicious, and immoral147; cynical148 in his countenance, essentially149 a mocker and a scoffer150, faithless in controversy151, violent in polemical discussion, vindictive152 and implacable, yet the flatterer of power, abject153 and crouching at the footstool of kings, their favourites, and their mistresses, and ever courting aristocratic distinction and drawing-room favours: Voltaire was, in short, the personification of his time.
“Rousseau, more austere154, was gathered up in the dignity of the man and the philosopher. His logic140 was inflexible, and he carried it to its utmost limits. Rigorous and absolute in principle, he not unfrequently wandered in the exaggeration of results, and boldly laid down theories 199 without duly considering how far they might prove practicable. In politics be appeared rarely to have contemplated155 the present; but his eagle-eye sought to pierce into futurity, and gaze upon the splendour of a republican democracy.
“Rousseau prepared a political reform. Voltaire operated a revolution in religion, attacking its influence with insult and mockery. Philosophy, handled by him, became sophistical and narrow; but nevertheless, as Chateaubriand observes, it disengaged Christianity from its trammels, to restore it ultimately to all its purity.”
While thus endeavouring to accelerate a reform in the social order, Rousseau was most energetic in denouncing the practice of duelling; and the following are his memorable156 remarks on the subject:
“Beware how you confound the sacred name of honour with that ferocious157 prejudice which places virtue158 on the sword’s point, and which is only calculated to make brave ruffians.
“And what constitutes this prejudice?—the most extravagant159 and barbarous idea that ever entered the human mind; fancying that all social duties will find a substitute in valour; that a man ceases to be a rogue160, a cheat, a slanderer161, and becomes civilized162, humane163, and polite, when he knows how to fight! that falsehood 200 becomes truth, theft legitimate164, treachery and perfidiousness165 praiseworthy, so soon as he can maintain these qualities sword in hand! that an insult is wiped away by the wound of a sword, and that you can never be in the wrong when you have killed your adversary! There does exist, I admit, a sort of affair in which politeness is combined with cruelty, and where people only kill each other by chance; and this is when men fight for the first blood. The first blood! good God! And what dost thou want with this blood, ferocious beast? dost thou want to drink it?
“The bravest men of antiquity166 never thought of avenging167 injuries by single combat. Did C?sar send a challenge to Cato, or Pompey to C?sar, after the repeated affronts168 that they both had received? Was the greatest captain of Greece dishonoured169 when struck with a staff?
“The upright man, whose life has been spotless, and who never betrayed any symptoms of cowardice170, will ever refuse to soil his hand by homicide, and will not be the less honoured. Ever prompt to serve his country, and to afford protection to the weak; to fulfill171 the most perilous172 duties, and to defend at the price of his blood everything that is just, honest, and dear to him; he will display in every act of his life that unshaken fortitude173 which is ever the attribute 201 of true courage. Secure in the consciousness of his integrity, he will step out with head erect174, and neither seek nor shun175 an enemy: he fears death much less than a foul176 deed, and dreads177 a crime more than danger. If vile178 prejudices assail179 him for a time, every day of his honourable life is a witness to defend him, when all his actions are judged by each other.
“Those captious180 persons who are so ready to provoke others are in general dishonest men, who, under the apprehension181 that they will meet with the contempt they deserve, endeavour to shield by an affair of honour the infamy182 of their entire life.
“Such a man will make a single effort, and face the world once, that he may remain concealed183 for the remainder of his days. True courage possesses more constancy and less anxiety. It is ever what it should be, and requires neither excitement nor restraint. The upright man never moves without it,—in battle with the enemy, in society, in advocating the cause of the absent and of truth; on his couch, in bearing with fortitude the attacks of pain and of death. The strength of mind that inspires this quality belongs to every age; and, ever placing virtue above worldly wants, it seeks not the combat, but it dreads no danger.”
In this moral revolution the strangest event 202 was, to behold184 those whom it was most likely to affect becoming powerful auxiliaries185 to the contemplated reforms, reforms in which they were doomed to perish. Still they rushed like men stricken with blindness into a new order of things,—a new state of society; tired of the old one, and, from having been sceptical in their sensuality, became sceptical in ideas and in doctrines186, until the ruinous ancient social fabric187 crumbled188 over their devoted189 heads.
The emancipation190 from slavery and oppression should be gradual. A sudden freedom maddens, as a sudden restoration of sight will dazzle and blind again. Liberty thus conferred has been justly compared to weapons that recoil192 upon those who wield193 them. In the mouth of some of these innovators, sophistry194 extenuated195 crimes; and Helvetius maintained “that every act was legitimate to ensure public safety.” To which Rousseau replied, “that public safety was not worth considering, when individual security could not be obtained.”
While such opinions were promulgated196 by philosophers, what were the ideas of honour that prevailed at Versailles and the Tuileries? In abject submission197 to an abject master, they were comformable to those entertained by the royal cook Vatel, who destroyed himself because the fish had not arrived in time for his sovereign’s 203 dinner; a catastrophe198 which was admirably described by Berchoux in the following lines: Tout199 le soin des festins f?t remis à Vatel,
Du vainqueur de Rocroy fameux maitre d’h?tel.
Il mit à ses travaux une ardeur infinie,
Mais, avec des talents, il manquait de génie.
Accablé d’embarras, Vatel est averti
Que deux tables en vain réclamaient leur r?ti;
Il prend pour en trouver une peine inutile.
“Ah!” dit-il, s’adressant à son ami Gourville,
De larmes, de sanglots, de douleur suffoqué,
“Je suis perdu d’honneur, deux r?tis ont manqués!
Un seul jour détruira toute ma renommée.
Mes lauriers sont flétris; et la cour, alarmée,
Ne peut plus désormais se reposer sur moi:
J’ai trahi mon devoir, avili mon emploi!”
* * * * *
O vous, qui par26 état présidez aux repas,
Donnez lui des regrets, mais ne l’imitez pas.
Can we indeed be surprised at the indignation which must have fired every liberal bosom200 when beholding201, not only the insolence202 of the aristocracy, but the vices138 of sovereigns and the crimes of ministers, becoming subjects of general admiration203, and even eulogised in the pulpit?—when a prelate like Fléchier declared in his funeral oration191 on Cardinal204 Richelieu, that God had bestowed205 upon his soul those excellent gifts that fitted him to rule the world, and bring into action those secret springs which he ordained206 to elevate or overthrow128, in his eternal decrees, the power of kings and kingdoms! The same 204 eloquent declaimer, in quoting the virtues207 of Mazarin, tells his congregation that he had taught the art of governing, and the secrets of royalty208, to the first monarch in the world! Can we wonder then, that, living under such a celestial209 sway, a cook should commit suicide when unable “to set a dainty dish” before his King?
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renovation
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| n.革新，整修 | |
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moodily
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| adv.喜怒无常地；情绪多变地；心情不稳地；易生气地 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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turpitude
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| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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libertinism
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| n.放荡，玩乐，（对宗教事物的）自由思想 | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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reigning
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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virtuous
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voluptuous
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voluptuousness
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| n.风骚，体态丰满 | |
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profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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quay
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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mere
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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30
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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31
imprison
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| vt.监禁，关押，限制，束缚 | |
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32
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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33
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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34
interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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35
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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36
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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37
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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38
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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39
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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40
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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41
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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42
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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43
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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44
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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45
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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46
conservatories
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| n.（培植植物的）温室，暖房( conservatory的名词复数 ) | |
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47
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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48
insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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49
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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50
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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51
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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52
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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53
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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54
commute
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| vi.乘车上下班；vt.减(刑)；折合；n.上下班交通 | |
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55
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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56
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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57
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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58
exonerates
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| n.免罪，免除( exonerate的名词复数 )v.使免罪，免除( exonerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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59
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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60
repartee
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| n.机敏的应答 | |
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61
duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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62
attachments
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| n.（用电子邮件发送的）附件( attachment的名词复数 )；附着；连接；附属物 | |
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63
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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64
libertines
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| n.放荡不羁的人，淫荡的人( libertine的名词复数 ) | |
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65
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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66
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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67
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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68
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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69
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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70
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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71
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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72
duellist
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| n.决斗者；[体]重剑运动员 | |
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73
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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75
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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76
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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77
waylay
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| v.埋伏，伏击 | |
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78
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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79
barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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80
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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81
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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82
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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83
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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84
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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85
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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86
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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87
hip
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| n.臀部，髋；屋脊 | |
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88
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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89
perspiration
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| n.汗水；出汗 | |
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90
witticisms
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| n.妙语，俏皮话( witticism的名词复数 ) | |
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91
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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92
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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93
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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94
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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95
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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96
fascinations
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| n.魅力( fascination的名词复数 )；有魅力的东西；迷恋；陶醉 | |
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97
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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98
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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99
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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100
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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101
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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102
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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103
cloisters
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| n.（学院、修道院、教堂等建筑的）走廊( cloister的名词复数 )；回廊；修道院的生活；隐居v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的第三人称单数 ) | |
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104
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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105
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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106
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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107
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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108
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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109
aroma
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| n.香气，芬芳，芳香 | |
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110
smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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111
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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112
cuffs
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| n.袖口( cuff的名词复数 )v.掌打，拳打( cuff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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113
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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114
putrid
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| adj.腐臭的；有毒的；已腐烂的；卑劣的 | |
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115
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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116
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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117
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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118
emblematic
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| adj.象征的，可当标志的；象征性 | |
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119
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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120
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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121
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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122
winced
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| 赶紧避开，畏缩( wince的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
fretting
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| n. 微振磨损 adj. 烦躁的, 焦虑的 | |
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124
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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125
crouching
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的现在分词 ) | |
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126
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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127
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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128
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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129
confidingly
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| adv.信任地 | |
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130
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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131
sleepless
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| adj.不睡眠的，睡不著的，不休息的 | |
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132
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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133
abdicated
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| 放弃（职责、权力等）( abdicate的过去式和过去分词 )； 退位，逊位 | |
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134
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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135
fermenting
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的现在分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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136
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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138
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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139
fulsome
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| adj.可恶的，虚伪的，过分恭维的 | |
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140
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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141
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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142
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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143
dexterously
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| adv.巧妙地，敏捷地 | |
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144
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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145
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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146
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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147
immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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148
cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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149
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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150
scoffer
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| 嘲笑者 | |
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151
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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152
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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153
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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154
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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155
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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156
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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157
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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158
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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159
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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160
rogue
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| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
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161
slanderer
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| 造谣中伤者 | |
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162
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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163
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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164
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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165
perfidiousness
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| n. 不忠 | |
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166
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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167
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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168
affronts
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| n.（当众）侮辱，（故意）冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 )；相遇 | |
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169
dishonoured
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| a.不光彩的，不名誉的 | |
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170
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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171
fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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172
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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173
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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174
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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175
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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176
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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177
dreads
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| n.恐惧，畏惧( dread的名词复数 )；令人恐惧的事物v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的第三人称单数 ) | |
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178
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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179
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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180
captious
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| adj.难讨好的，吹毛求疵的 | |
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181
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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182
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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183
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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184
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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185
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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186
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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187
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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188
crumbled
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| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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189
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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190
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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191
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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192
recoil
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| vi.退却，退缩，畏缩 | |
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193
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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194
sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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195
extenuated
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| v.（用偏袒的辩解或借口）减轻( extenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；低估，藐视 | |
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196
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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197
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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198
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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199
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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200
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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201
beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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202
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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203
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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204
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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205
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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207
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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208
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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209
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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