While the country was thus torn by discord16, no harmony prevailed in the palace. The monarch17 had selected a minister who could not agree with his consort18, and opposed all his measures, until Turgot succeeded him. Turgot, a virtuous19 upright man, endeavoured to operate a reform, but all parties who had thriven on corruption21 soon drove him from the helm of public affairs. Necker sought to pursue the reform that his predecessor had planned, and for a moment seemed to inspire confidence, until the upper classes, uniting their efforts against him, compelled the unwelcome speculator to resign his post; and, finally, the active enterprising Calonne, failed in re-organizing the wreck22 of the empire.
To use the language of a French writer, “Louis XVI. was not sufficiently23 understood by the nation, but was too well understood by the court.” Thus he was exposed at the same time to popular prejudices against him and to patrician24 hostility25, and rendered answerable for the errors 207 of his predecessors26. An apparent calm reigned27 in the nation, but it was that gloomy sultry tranquillity28 that precedes a storm. The mind of every class of the community was too deeply absorbed in reflection to admit of the influence of private differences. The practice of duelling, meanwhile, seemed to be confined to the soldiery. The sword was no longer worn as a mark of distinction in society; and this weapon of a gentleman, which in former times was always at hand, and drawn30 on the spur of the moment, was now laid aside, and only sought for with premeditation.
This pacific period was of short duration. The pales which had divided society into castes were gradually overthrown31, and rank no longer became an excuse for refusing satisfaction to an inferior.
One of the first affairs of honour under this monarch was the celebrated32 duel29 that took place between the Comte d’Artois16 and the Prince de Condé. At a ball given at the Opera on Shrove Tuesday in the year 1778, the Comte d’Artois appeared, giving his arm to Madame de Carrillac,—both masked. The Duchesse de Bourbon (Princess of Orleans) recognised them, and followed them, addressing the parties in a sarcastic33 style, which, although warranted by the usages of a masquerade, were not the less offensive. The hostile feelings of the duchess were 208 attributed to two most powerful motives34. Madame de Carrillac had been the mistress of her husband, whom she had quitted for the Comte d’Artois, to whom the duchess herself was not indifferent. Madame de Carrillac, thus annoyed by the duchess, contrived35 to effect her escape through the crowd; when the duchess with unbridled fury endeavoured to tear off the mask from the count, who, forgetting at the moment his usual gallantry and the privileges of the fair sex, crushed the mask of the duchess on her face, and rushed out of the ball-room.
This adventure was hushed up for a few days, when the duchess stated to her numerous guests at her supper-table that the conduct of the Comte d’Artois had been that of a ruffian, and that she had felt disposed at the time to call in the guard to apprehend37 him. All the women at court whom the count had slighted, rose up in arms against him, the brutality38 of his conduct became the subject of conversation in every circle, and the general opinion was, that he could not avail himself of his rank to refuse the satisfaction that such a public insult to a woman demanded. It was of course concluded that it became indispensable on the part of the Duke de Bourbon to call out the offender39.
Howbeit, the King ordered the Duke and Duchess de Bourbon to attend him in his closet, where they met the Count d’Artois; when he 209 commanded that no notice should be taken by any of the parties of what had occurred. The duke wished to enter into some explanation, but was instantly silenced by the monarch.
This decision did not satisfy the duchess and the ladies of the court. The Baron40 de Besenval was sent for by the Queen, who asked him what her brother was to do under existing circumstances: the baron replied that he saw no other alternative than a duel; to which Marie Antoinette replied, “I am of the same opinion, and the King agrees with me; but do you think that my brother will adopt this course?” Besenval replied, “that the count was ignorant of all that was said on the subject; but that he should consider it his duty to make him acquainted with the public opinion, as he would rather see him dead than dishonoured;” adding, “that, as it was an affair of great moment, he would previously41 consult with De Crussel, captain of the prince’s guards.” “Do so,” replied the Queen, “and settle this affair between you.”
Besenval having met De Crussel at the Comte Jules de Polignac’s, it was decided42 that a meeting should take place; it being at the same time proposed, that, so soon as swords were drawn and crossed, De Crussel should produce an order from the King to separate the combatants. With this suggestion Besenval would not comply, 210 justly observing, “Pray, gentlemen, are you going to make the prince play in a farce43? I never will consent to such an arrangement;” to which De Crussel replied, “that it was quite sufficient for the prince to go to the ground, and that the sovereign had then the right to prevent bloodshed.” This opinion was also that of Polignac and Vaudreuil, who were present.
Besenval lost no time in seeking for the Comte d’Artois, to acquaint him with all that had taken place, when a meeting was decided. The following day the count went to the Bois de Boulogne, attended by De Crussel, who had placed the prince’s best sword in the carriage. Arrived at the wood, they perceived the Duke de Bourbon surrounded with several gentlemen: upon seeing him the count alighted, and stepping towards him said, “I understand, sir, that the public say that we are seeking each other?” to which the duke replied, taking off his hat, “I am here, sir, to receive your commands:” to which polite reply the count answered, “I am here, sir, to fulfil yours.”
After this courteous44 preamble45 both parties drew their swords; when the duke observed, “You are not aware, sir, that the sun shines full upon you.” “You are right,” answered the count; “we had better proceed to that wall, where we shall find more shade than under these leafless trees.” 211
The parties then placed their drawn swords under their arms, and proceeded, conversing46 with each other, to the appointed spot, followed by their two seconds, all other persons keeping at a distance. M. de Vibraye, second of the duke, observing that they had both kept on their spurs, which might prove inconvenient47, the seconds immediately proceeded to unbuckle them; and, while so doing, De Vibraye had an eye nearly put out by the point of the duke’s sword. The spurs being off, the duke asked the prince’s permission to take off his coat; to which proposal the Comte d’Artois not only acceded49; but threw off his own.
Several lounges had passed between the parties, and D’Artois was evidently becoming impatient and flushed, when the duke was observed to stagger; and the seconds, thinking that he had been wounded, interfered50, and begged the parties to suspend all further hostility. The count replied, “It is not for me to offer any opinion; it is for M. le Duc de Bourbon to express his wishes, I am here at his orders.” The duke immediately lowered his sword, and replied, “I feel penetrated51 with gratitude52 at your kindness, and shall never forget the honour that you have conferred on me.” The Comte d’Artois then opened his arms, and the duke flew into his embrace.
After this harmless meeting, at the suggestion 212 of the Queen and the Baron de Besenval, the count repaired to the Palais Bourbon, and made an ample apology to the insulted duchess. The punishment awarded to the combatants was an exile of a week; the count at Choisy, and the duke at Chantilly. Thus ended this celebrated duel, which has been much misrepresented by different writers, influenced by party spirit. There is no doubt that, in the whole transaction, the Comte d’Artois behaved with becoming firmness and gentlemanly feeling: and there is not the least foundation for the story of a bloodless meeting having been pre-arranged, although it is not improbable that the Duke de Bourbon was satisfied in defending himself, without a wish of injuring his antagonist53; which was the more easy, as he remained cool, while the count was evidently excited.
This transaction affords a vivid picture of the corruption and manners of the times. A woman of the highest rank insults another woman who had been her husband’s mistress; not on that account, but for having become the mistress of another man, to whom she herself was attached: and the foolish husband is made to peril54 life and liberty by fighting the real object of the dispute, who had so far lost sight of all gentlemanly deportment as to insult a female by actually inflicting55 a blow!
The Prince de Condé, father of this Duke de 213 Bourbon, had also had a hostile meeting with the Vicomte d’Agout, a captain in the Guards. This officer had been paying court to a young widow of the household of the Princess de Condé, and had promised to marry her: having, however, discovered that she had bestowed56 her favours on the prince, he bitterly reproached her with her duplicity, and retracted57 his engagement. The lady complained to her protector, who directed that D’Agout should resign his situation of captain in his Guards. That officer immediately tendered his resignation into the prince’s hands, and at the same time requested to know what part of his conduct had exposed him to disgrace. To this request the prince replied, “that he would not keep in his service liars59 and calumniators:” to this severe observation D’Agout answered, “Your highness is aware that, when I took the liberty of putting this question, I was no longer in your highness’s service, and will be pleased also to recollect60 that I am a gentleman.” “I understand you, sir,” replied the prince; “and am ready to maintain what I have asserted, in whatever manner you may think proper.”
“Then,” replied D’Agout, “I depend upon your highness’s kindness;” and he lost no time in repairing to Versailles to secure some protection in the event of a fatal result. Having succeeded, he presented himself at the carriage-window 214 of the prince, who was changing horses at Sèvres, and said to him, “My lord, I came to receive your highness’s orders.” “Then, sir,” answered the prince, “at nine o’clock to-morrow morning I shall be at the entrance of the Bois de Boulogne, near the Maillot gate.”
D’Agout, as might be expected, was punctual in his attendance, accompanied by his brother. The prince soon after made his appearance, and first placed in the hands of his adversary61 a declaration of his having been the aggressor, with letters of recommendation to foreign powers for protection, in the event of a fatal issue of the meeting, which might render his quitting the kingdom advisable.
D’Agout, having returned his grateful thanks for this courteous proceeding62, then threw off his coat; on which the prince observed, “No doubt, sir, by taking off your coat, you expect that I should do the same.” To which D’Agout replied, “I have no right to demand anything from your highness, as I trust implicitly63 in your honour, and was only anxious to afford your highness a proof of mine.”
The prince immediately took off his coat, and swords were soon crossed. The offended captain fought with that desperate determination which his critical position inspired, and the prince was slightly wounded; when the seconds interfered, and parted the combatants. A short 215 time after this meeting, D’Agout was promoted by the prince to the rank of major in the Guards. The King, on this occasion, scarcely knew how to act: but the people viewed the duel, between a prince of the blood and an individual of an humble65 rank, as a sign of the times, and the sacrifice of olden prejudices to the novel innovations in manners that gradually appeared to level all distinctions; while the chivalric66 portion of the nation compared the Prince de Condé to Francis I.
It was during this reign, and the latter part of the preceding one, that the singular personage, Le Chevalier d’Eon, made his appearance. He was born at Tonnerre in 1728; and had been successively a lawyer, a censor67, a political writer, a captain of dragoons, a diplomatist, and a fencing-master. It was under the cloak of the last profession, when giving lessons of fencing to the Grand Duke of Russia, that he was entrusted68 with a secret and delicate mission; which he fulfilled with so much success, that he obtained the title of secretary of embassy, the rank of captain, and the cross of St. Louis. He was subsequently sent to England as minister plenipotentiary, to ratify69 the treaty of 1763.
This D’Eon was most expert in all deeds of arms, and had fought several duels70, in which he always came off successfully. When attached to the French legation in London, he thought 216 proper to give his ambassador, the Count de Guerchy, a slap in the face; and, on complaint being made to the cabinet of Versailles of this desperate conduct, it was decided that he should be seized, and carried over to France. D’Eon, however, being apprised71 of this project, sought refuge in the city; where he was taken up for a breach72 of the peace, having fought with another Frenchman of the name of Vergy, in the open street and at noon-day.
The circumstance which gave rise to the report that he was a woman, was singular; and originated from a thrust he received in the breast from a foil while fencing: a mammary tumour73 arose, which required extirpation74, and it was immediately reported that D’Eon was a female in disguise. This report gained credence75 from his affected76 indifference77 in removing the erroneous impression, and his repeated refusal to give a satisfactory reply to questions put to him on this doubtful subject.
Various are the reported motives of his subsequent assumption of female sex and attire78. By some it was attributed to an order from the Duc d’Aiguillon, minister of foreign affairs, prohibiting his appearance in France except in a female dress; while D’Eon pretended that he had assumed this costume to preserve the honour of De Guerchy, whose face he had slapped. Others asserted that he wore this disguise to enable 217 the cabinet of Versailles to throw the blame attached to the treaty of 1763 on a woman. Howbeit, he only made his appearance in France after the deaths both of D’Aiguillon and Guerchy; and on his return to Paris presented a memorial to Maurepas the then minister, praying that the order which enjoined79 him to wear female attire might be revoked80, and the following was the strange tenor81 of this application:
“I am under the necessity of humbly82 submitting to your lordship that the period of my female noviciate is expired, and that it is impossible that I should become as professed83. I have been able, in obedience84 to the orders of the late King and his ministers, to remain in petticoats during peace; but that is quite out of the question in time of war. It is necessary for the honour of the illustrious house of De Guerchy that I should be allowed to continue my military services; such, at least, is the opinion of the whole army and the world. I have always thought and acted like Achilles; I never wage war with the dead, and I only kill the living when they attack me.”
The Count de Guerchy, whom he had mortally insulted, was dead; but his only son was living, and anxious to wipe off in D’Eon’s blood the unavenged insult offered to his family; when the countess his mother, justly apprehensive87 of the issue of a meeting between the young count 218 and the most experienced swordsman in the country, supplicated88 the minister to exert his influence and reject the application of the dubious89 D’Eon. The injunction to wear a female garb90 was renewed; and the pension of five hundred pounds per annum, granted to him by Louis XV, was continued on this condition. This strange position exposed our disguised hero to many curious scenes and insults; and, having one day involved himself in a serious quarrel at the play-house, he was sent a close prisoner to the citadel91 of Dijon.
At the revolution of 1789 D’Eon returned to England, where he gave lessons in the sword exercise; and on several occasions fenced in public, and not unfrequently with the Prince of Wales. This extraordinary person died in London in 1810, at the advanced age of seventy-nine; when the celebrated medical friar and favourite of Carlton House, Père Elysée, after a post-mortem examination, put the mooted92 question beyond further doubt by the official assertion of the manhood of the defunct93.
The rival of the Chevalier d’Eon, both in swordsmanship and fashionable popularity, was the Chevalier St. George, a man of colour, son of M. de Boulogne, a receiver-general of Guadaloupe, and a negress; and who at an early age was placed in the hands of La Boissière, the celebrated fencing-master. His skill 219 in arms and his numerous duels rendered him such a favourite amongst the ladies, that his dark complexion94 and woolly head were forgotten. He was soon appointed equerry to Madame de Montesson, whom the Duke of Orleans had privately95 married; and then captain in the guards of his son, the Duke de Chartres. In 1776 he was anxious to become manager of the Opera; but the actresses and dancers, headed by Mesdemoiselles Arnould, Guimart, and Rosalie, supplicated the Queen not to degrade the dignity of the Royal Academy of Music by placing it under the direction of a mulatto. The Queen yielded to their supplication96; and St. George felt so much offended at this interference, that it was to a vindictive97 feeling against that unfortunate princess that his exertions98 in the revolution against the royal family were attributed. He was foremost in the popular meetings of that period, and was sent to the emigrants99 at Tournai on a secret mission by the Duke d’Orleans; a service of considerable danger, and one in which he would have forfeited100 his life but for the governor of the town, who enabled him to effect his escape. After this he raised a regiment101 of light cavalry102, which he commanded under Dumouriez, whom he afterwards denounced to the Convention. Notwithstanding his jacobinical exertions, he would have been sacrificed in his turn, but for the 9th Thermidor, which liberated103 him 220 from prison. St. George died in a state of poverty in 1799, at the age of fifty-four. He was justly considered the first swordsman and the best shot of his time. One of his feats104 was throwing up two crown-pieces in the air, and hitting them both with his pistols. He was an excellent musician, amiable105 and polished in his manners, and of a most agreeable conversation; his humanity and charitable disposition106 were universally acknowledged; and, although engaged in many duels, he had generally been the insulted party, and was never known to avail himself of his reputation to insult any one less skilled in the science of destruction. He was often known, however, to give a salutary lesson to quarrelsome and troublesome young men; and an instance is recorded of his meeting at Dunkirk in the company of several ladies a young officer of hussars, who, not knowing him, was boasting of his skill as a swordsman, and asserting that no fencer in France was a match for him. “Did you ever meet the famous St. George?” asked one of the ladies. “St. George! many a time; he could not stand a moment before me!” answered the hussar, twirling his mustachios. “That is strange,” observed St. George, “and I should much like to have a trial of skill with you, young man. Possibly the ladies could procure108 us foils, and an assaut d’armes might entertain them.” The 221 young officer assented109 to the proposal with a smile of contempt: foils belonging to the brother of the lady of the house were produced, and without hesitation110 the hussar was preparing to shame his aged107 antagonist, who, politely addressing the ladies, asked them to name the buttons he should touch on his adversary’s doliman. The delighted women, glad to see a coxcomb111 corrected, named the number of the buttons; which St. George touched one after the other, and then whipped the foil out of the inexperienced hand of the boaster, who, infuriated by rage and shame, wanted immediate48 satisfaction; when St. George quietly observed, “Young man, your time is not yet come, you may still live to serve your country; but recollect you have met St. George, for I am that very person who could not at any time prove a match for you.” The lesson was a severe one: the young officer, confused and concealing112 his offended vanity, withdrew, and never after visited at the house.
The efforts of the sovereign to reform the court, and maintain at least an appearance of propriety113 and good order, were more or less successful in repressing the ostentation114 of vice58 that had but lately polluted it: but the dissatisfied roués of the day sought in the orgies of the Palais Royal another scene for their dissipation and excesses; where, to use the expression 222 of a modern writer, “vice became principle, and corruption a system.”
As the crusades had shed their influence on European society, operating a surprising change in its manners and ideas; so did the war of independence in the United States produce a material alteration115 in the French court. Several noblemen had honourably116 served in the armies of America, and returned home with enthusiastic notions of liberty and independence. Such was the Duc de Lauzun, a nobleman of elegant manners, and as celebrated for his duels as his bonnes fortunes.
De Tilly, surnamed “Le beau De Tilly,” was another celebrated character of that period, and in his Memoirs117 we find the following observations on the practice of duelling:
“France is the birth-place of duelling. I have roved over a great part of Europe, and travelled in the New World; I have lived with soldiers and courtiers; and nowhere else have I met with this fatal susceptibility, which is incessantly118 creating affronts119, injuries, and provocations120. Whence arises this disposition, so peculiar121 to the French, whose character is too noble to become vindictive, and which induces them to fight a duel in matters that are chiefly frivolous122? It is education, and that only.
“You have had a discussion with an intimate friend; although it may not have exceeded the limits of an excusable warmth, women have observed 223 in it injurious shades; and you would rather expose yourself to kill your friend, or be killed by him, than to the mere123 suspicion, on the part of woman, of being deficient124 in courage.
“At a gambling-table a misunderstanding arises; a by-stander has smiled ironically; he has whispered to his sister, who has whispered something to her cousin: get yourself killed by all means, for you may have been suspected of cheating at play; and nothing can set such a question in a proper light but the thrust of a sword!
“Your wife is an acknowledged coquette; get yourself run through the body by her lover, and her honour will be restored. You yourself may have seduced125 the wife of an honest man, who dares to suspect you, and receives you with ill-humour: kill him; for, having deprived him of happiness and peace, you need not be punctilious126 in ridding him of life!”
This opinion of the character of the French and their notions of honour has been since amply illustrated127 by Chateaubriand in the following terms: 224“The first-born of antiquity128, the French, Romans in genius, are Greeks in their character. Restless and volatile129 in prosperity, constant and invincible130 in adversity. Created for the cultivation131 of every art; civilised to excess during the calm days of the state, coarse and savage132 in political troubles. Tossed to and fro by their passions, like a vessel133 without ballast on the waves, now ascending135 to the skies, and then sinking in an abyss. Equally enthusiastic in good and in evil; kind without expecting gratitude, cruel without experiencing remorse136, and quickly forgetting both their vices85 and their virtues. Attached to life in days of peace with pusillanimity137, they are prodigal138 of their blood in the hour of battle. Vain, sarcastic, ambitious, they are at the same time mechanical followers139 of routine and innovators; despising everything but themselves. Individually the most agreeable of men, collectively the most unpleasant. Delightful140 in their own country, insupportable abroad. At times, more mild and innocent than the lamb they slaughter141; at others, more pitiless and ferocious142 than the devouring143 tiger. Such were the Athenians of old, and such are now the French.”
Duels now sometimes assumed a humorous character; and men fought for songs, puns, and conundrums144. The poet Champeneti got wounded for verses that he had not written; and Cagliostro, being called out by a physician whom he had styled a quack145, on the plea that a medical question should be settled medicinally, proposed that the parties should swallow two pills, the one poisonous and the other innocuous.
An anecdote146 is related of a young man from the country, who was ridiculed147 for his awkward mode of dancing, and who replied, “If I dance badly, I know how to fight.” To which it was 225 coolly rejoined, “Then, for the future, you had better fight, and never dance!”
Such were the reckless feelings of the time, that a certain Marquis de Tenteniac, from Britanny, actually challenged the pit of a theatre. Being behind the scenes, he had appeared so forward in one of the wings, that the public rebuked148 him; when he immediately stepped forward to the footlights, and, addressing the audience, said, “Ladies and gentlemen, with your permission a piece will be performed to-morrow, called ‘The Insolence149 of the Pit chastised,’ in as many acts as may be desired, by the Marquis de Tenteniac!” This impudent151 address was received with great applause, and no one individual thought proper to resent a general insult.
While duels were thus discountenanced amongst civilians152, it was also endeavoured to check them in the army. The ill-fated Marshal Ney, Duke of Elchingen, judicially153 assassinated155 in Paris at the period of the Restoration, was an example of the severe measures resorted to, to punish offenders156. Ney, who was born at Sarrelouis in 1769, enlisted157, in the year 1787, in the regiment “de Colonel Général,” afterwards the Fourth Hussars. He was remarkable158 for his soldier-like appearance, his dexterity159 in his exercises, and his skilful160 horsemanship, in which he frequently broke in horses that the rough-riders could not manage. He was also considered the 226 best swordsman in the corps161; and on him frequently devolved the perilous162 task of fighting the regimental battles. The fencing-master of the Chasseurs de Vintimille, then in the same garrison163 with his regiment,—a desperate duellist164, who had wounded the fencing-master of Ney’s regiment,—having insulted the corps, it was decided that the bravest and the most dexterous165 dragoon should be selected to chastise150 him. The choice fell upon Ney. The parties met, sabres were drawn, when Ney felt himself dragged back by the tail: it was his colonel who had thus seized him, and had him immediately thrown into the black-hole.
Duelling was at this period punished with death. Ney’s life was perilled166, but, beloved both by officers and men, the corps insisted upon his liberation; and the times were such, that their application could not well have been rejected. Ney was liberated, but the first use he made of his freedom was to seek his antagonist and renew the interrupted contest. The parties met secretly, and the bragging167 fencing-master received a sabre-wound in the sword-arm that crippled him for life. When Ney subsequently rose in rank and fortune, he sought his former antagonist, and settled on him a handsome annuity168.
A most vindictive duel was fought at this period by a colonel of the French Guards. This 227 gentleman was boasting of the good fortune of never having been obliged to fight a duel. Another officer present expressed his surprise, with some indirect allusions169 to his want of courage; observing, “How could you avoid fighting when insulted?” The colonel replied, “that he never had given offence, and that no one had ever presumed to insult him. Moreover, that on such an occasion he would consider the character of the person who had wantonly insulted him, ere he demanded satisfaction.” Upon this statement, his interlocutor, in the most insolent170 manner, struck him in the face with his glove, adding, “Perhaps, sir, you will not consider this an insult!” The colonel calmly put on his hat, and walked out of the room. The following morning, however, he sent a challenge to his aggressor. When they came to the ground, the colonel wore a patch of court-plaister, of the size of a crown-piece, on the cheek which had received the blow. At the very first lounge he wounded his antagonist in the sword-arm; when, taking off the plaister, he cut off an edge of it with a pair of scissors, and, replacing it on his face, took his leave of his adversary, very politely requesting he would do him the honour of letting him know when he recovered from his wound. So soon as he heard that he was able to hold a sword, he called him out and wounded him a second time; cutting off another portion of the 228 patch. In a like manner he called him out, fought, and wounded him, until the plaister was reduced to the size of a shilling; when he again challenged him, and ran him through the body: then, calmly contemplating171 the corpse172, he observed, “I now may take off my plaister!” This was a cruel, but a well-merited chastisement173 inflicted174 on an insolent braggart175, who little knew, at the time he thus wantonly insulted this officer, he was addressing one of the most dexterous swordsmen in the land.
During the early part of the reign of Louis XVI. society continued under the sway of former prejudices and a false notion of honour, which made it consist in upholding a character for courage, gallantry, and successful intrigue176. It soon assumed another feature; and patriotism177, and self-devotion in the cause of liberty and independence, became the source of many quarrels and bitter recriminations.
The last duel of any notoriety at this period was one fought by the Comte de Tilly, and for which he was apprehended178 by order of the connétablie and court of honour, presided over so late as 1788 by the Duke de Richelieu; which sentenced him to imprisonment179 in the Abbaye, whence he was liberated after a confinement180 of three months. This court no longer bore the reputation of a fair bench, capable of deciding the knotty181 point of honour; but, like all other 229 institutions, had become inert182, and corrupted183 to such a degree, that De Tilly gives the following account of its nature:
“This court is a real inquisition, to which the nobility of France submitted under the specious184 and proud pretext185 of being tried by their peers; an office essentially186 military, but which had degenerated187 into a judicial154 and civil court, where abuses were most notorious. Most of these nobles, debilitated188 by age and infirmities, sought to grasp, at the end of their career, a distinguished189 palm, which their feeble hands would soon be compelled to relinquish190. Without any previous study of law or justice, their innate191 honour and chivalric loyalty192 were not a sufficient beacon193 to direct their course. Difficult points were elucidated194 by pedantic195 lawyers,—the natural enemies of the nobility, and strangers, from education and from principle, to the nature of the duties assigned to them: then came a host of subordinate agents, who effectually closed the gates of this tribunal until opened by a golden key. Favours and accusations196 were bought and sold, as were the statements that exonerated197, or the evidences that condemned198: in short, they were a band of mercenaries, who throve upon gall36, extorted199 presents, robbery, and rapine.”
Such was the corrupt20 state of the most noble tribunal in the land, presided over by the depraved 230 Richelieu,—a slur200 upon the nobility, and a disgrace to his king and country.
At the commencement of the Revolution duels were not deemed necessary, and every orator201 considered that his life belonged to the country. Mirabeau, who in his early days had shown frequent proofs of personal courage, no longer conceived that his honour was at stake when insulted by infuriate orators202; and, although he had fought several desperate duels, was accused of cowardice203 by his enemies. When parliamentary decorum was lost sight of in stormy debates, the offending speaker was committed to prison. A duel between Charles de Lameth and De Castries, although the subject of it had not arisen in a public debate, was looked upon as an uncommon204 occurrence, and the populace burnt down the house of De Castries; while numerous deputations waited upon his adversary, to express their disapprobation of duelling in the most energetic language. At this period single combats were considered a detestable relic205 of aristocracy and courtly corruption. This act of violence on the part of the mob was called “a sublime206 movement of the people;” and Mirabeau, in one of his most eloquent207 speeches, thus alluded208 to the event:
“You must establish in the empire an implicit64 obedience to legitimate209 authorities, and repress amongst us a handful of insolent conspirators210. 231 Ah! gentlemen, it is for their own security that I invoke212 your severity. Are you not aware, that in this destruction, for you cannot call it the dilapidation213 of a proscribed214 house, the people bowed religiously before the image of their sovereign,—before the portrait of the chief magistrate215 of the nation, the executor of the laws, whom they venerated216, although under the influence of a generous fury?17 Are you not aware, that this people, in the midst of their excitement, showed their respect for age and for misfortune, by their delicate attention to Madame de Castries? Are you not aware, that the people, in quitting these premises217, which they had destroyed, it may be said with order and calmness, insisted that the pockets of every individual should be searched, that no base action might tarnish218 a just revenge? Such is true honour, which the prejudices of gladiators, and their atrocious rites219, can never display.”
It was after this event, that the ill-fated Bailly presented, as mayor of Paris, the following resolution of the municipal body:
“The municipal body, alarmed at the frequency of duels, and the disturbances220 which they create in the capital, have resolved, that a deputation of twelve of their members shall be sent to the National Assembly, to request 232 that a law may be framed, as speedily as possible, against the practice of duelling, which would recall the citizens to a sense of their moral obligations, and warn them against the suggestions of sentiments incompatible221 with the character of a free and benevolent222 people.”
Another deputation solicited223 a decree which would render duelling a crime of lèse-nationality, and supplicated the assembly to wield224 the sword of justice in punishing the perverse225 individual who had shed the blood of one of the representatives of the people, and whose crime the capital had justly avenged86. This address was received with tumultuous applause, both by the audience and the members of the assembly, when the member for Angoulême, a M. Roy, exclaimed, “That none but ruffians could applaud such a proposal;” for which imprudence he was sentenced to three days’ imprisonment. On this occasion Barnave made a most eloquent speech against duelling, although three months after, he fought and wounded Cazalés, another deputy.
Not only were duels avoided in these fearful times, but any person who insulted one of the representatives of the people, or who acted with violence towards him, was denounced as a conspirator211 and an assassin. This was instanced in the case of Grangeneuve, who had quarrelled with 233 Jonneau, whom he called a F—— Viédasse,18 to which the other replied, “You have insulted me! are you a man of honour?” “I am,” replied Grangeneuve. “Then meet me to-morrow at the Bois de Boulogne, with pistols.” “I will meet you to-morrow in the National Assembly,” replied his antagonist. “The world, then, will pronounce you a coward.”—“And you a Jean F——;” on which Jonneau slapped his face; Grangeneuve retorted with a stone, which he picked up, and a caning226, with kicks and cuffs227, ensued.
Notwithstanding the unwarrantable conduct of Grangeneuve, Guadet, a deputy from the Gironde, insisted upon an impeachment228 against Jonneau as an assassin; and another orator, Larivière, who seconded the motion, expressed himself in a bombastic229 style, illustrating230 the dementation of the epoch231: “Jonneau,” he said, “had been guilty of a cowardly action, by provoking a man physically232 weak for a trifling233 insult, and was still more cowardly in striking him: he ought to have imitated Turenne, who being provoked to fight a duel, replied, “To-morrow there will be a battle, all our blood belongs to our country, and we shall see which of us shall the best defend her.” He therefore moved that Jonneau should be committed, although, 234 after he had been separated from his antagonist, he had been unmercifully beaten by a ruffian of the name of Saint Huruge, and Barbaroux, another deputy from the Gironde.
All the eloquence234 of these desperate madmen, however, could not prevent occasional meetings, and the National Assembly at last abrogated235 all former laws prohibiting single combat, and passed an amnesty in favour of those transgressors who had been prosecuted236 agreeably to their enactments237.
Camille Desmoulins was another orator of this fearful epoch, who launched forth238 against duelling in the following memorable239 language:
“One may brave death in the cause of liberty for one’s country, and I feel that I could stretch my neck out of my litter, and hold forth my throat to the sword of Antony; I feel that I could possess sufficient fortitude240 to ascend134 the scaffold with a mingled241 sentiment of pleasure. Such is the courage which I have received, not from nature, which shudders242 at the aspect of death, but from philosophy; to be assassinated by the bravo who provokes me, is to be stung by a tarantula, and I should have to spend my days in the Bois de Boulogne, were I to give satisfaction to all those whom my frankness offends. I may be accused of cowardice, but I apprehend that the times are not far distant when we shall have ample opportunities 235 of dying in a more glorious and useful manner.”
The occasion of this speech was a dispute which he had with Haudet and Désessarts of the French theatre, and the miserable243 man had only anticipated his impending244 fate, doomed245 soon after to fall under the rival power of Robespierre.
Such were the morbid246 views of honour entertained during the atrocious phases of the French Revolution: the most noble and generous sentiments were professed by the most implacable monsters of the epoch; and while the murder of innocent men on the scaffold was called by Danton the justice of the people, a duel was denominated “the argument of an assassin,”—when Marat was called the Divine, and Robespierre the Incorruptible!—The Revolution might fairly be denominated a moral pestilence247 caused by former corruption; the national atmosphere had been tainted248 by the putrescency of the Court, and the fever that it produced was marked by a homicidic delirium249 which from its diffusion250 in every class of society might have been considered contagious251.
The history of those momentous252 times presents us a series of causes and effects so closely linked in their fatal catenation, that the bloody253 annals of that era should constitute the chief study of every diplomatist. It is to be deeply lamented254 that these records do not become the 236 text-book of diplomatic tuition. When the nobility dropped their swords and the people picked them up, the meanest comprehension could have foreseen the sanguinary results. The apathy in which the possessors of power and wealth slumbered255 could only be compared to the perfidious256 calm of gangrene that precedes dissolution. A blind confidence in the prestige of authority hurled257 the nobility into a vortex which swept them down the torrent258 of popular reaction. The hatred259 in which duels were held, simply arose from their not being the practice of fashionable men, and was a strong illustration of the morbid temper of the nation, and the successful efforts of the philosophic260 school. The history of the progress of liberal ideas gradually casting off the restraints of rank and fortune might be studied in the dedication261 of writers. Where could we find an author in the present day, who, like Dryden, would compare the pustules of small-pox on the corpse of a deceased young nobleman, the son of his protector, to bright constellations262 in the firmament263? As men grow wise, the prejudices of barbarism will gradually disappear; and certainly, with very few exceptions, we cannot trace much sapience264 in those persons who have been engaged in personal conflicts of late years.
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1
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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32
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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49
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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50
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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51
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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52
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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53
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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54
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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55
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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56
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
retracted
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| v.撤回或撤消( retract的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝执行或遵守；缩回；拉回 | |
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58
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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tumour
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| n.(tumor)(肿)瘤，肿块 | |
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extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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85
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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86
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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supplicated
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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92
mooted
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| adj.未决定的，有争议的，有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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106
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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107
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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108
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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109
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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111
coxcomb
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| n.花花公子 | |
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112
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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113
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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114
ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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115
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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116
honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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117
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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118
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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119
affronts
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| n.（当众）侮辱，（故意）冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 )；相遇 | |
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120
provocations
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| n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 )；激怒；刺激；愤怒的原因 | |
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121
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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122
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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123
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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124
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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125
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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126
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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127
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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128
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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129
volatile
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| adj.反复无常的，挥发性的，稍纵即逝的，脾气火爆的；n.挥发性物质 | |
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130
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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131
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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132
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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133
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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134
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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135
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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136
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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137
pusillanimity
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| n.无气力，胆怯 | |
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138
prodigal
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|
| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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139
followers
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|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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140
delightful
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|
| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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141
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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142
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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143
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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144
conundrums
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| n.谜，猜不透的难题，难答的问题( conundrum的名词复数 ) | |
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145
quack
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| n.庸医；江湖医生；冒充内行的人；骗子 | |
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146
anecdote
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|
| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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147
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
insolence
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|
| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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150
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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151
impudent
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| adj.鲁莽的，卑鄙的，厚颜无耻的 | |
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152
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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153
judicially
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| 依法判决地，公平地 | |
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154
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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155
assassinated
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|
| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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156
offenders
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|
| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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157
enlisted
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|
| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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158
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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159
dexterity
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|
| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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160
skilful
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|
| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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161
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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162
perilous
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|
| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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163
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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164
duellist
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|
| n.决斗者；[体]重剑运动员 | |
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165
dexterous
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|
| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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166
perilled
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| 置…于危险中（peril的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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167
bragging
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| v.自夸，吹嘘( brag的现在分词 )；大话 | |
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168
annuity
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|
| n.年金；养老金 | |
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169
allusions
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|
| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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170
insolent
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|
| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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171
contemplating
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|
| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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172
corpse
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|
| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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173
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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174
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
braggart
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|
| n.吹牛者；adj.吹牛的，自夸的 | |
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176
intrigue
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|
| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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177
patriotism
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|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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178
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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179
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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180
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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181
knotty
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|
| adj.有结的，多节的，多瘤的，棘手的 | |
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182
inert
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|
| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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183
corrupted
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|
| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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184
specious
|
|
| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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185
pretext
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|
| n.借口，托词 | |
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186
essentially
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|
| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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187
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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188
debilitated
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|
| adj.疲惫不堪的，操劳过度的v.使（人或人的身体）非常虚弱( debilitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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190
relinquish
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|
| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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191
innate
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|
| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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192
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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193
beacon
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| n.烽火，（警告用的）闪火灯，灯塔 | |
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194
elucidated
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|
| v.阐明，解释( elucidate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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196
accusations
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|
| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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197
exonerated
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| v.使免罪，免除( exonerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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199
extorted
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|
| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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200
slur
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|
| v.含糊地说；诋毁；连唱；n.诋毁；含糊的发音 | |
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201
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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202
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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203
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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204
uncommon
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|
| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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205
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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206
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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207
eloquent
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|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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208
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
legitimate
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|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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210
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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211
conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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212
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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213
dilapidation
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| n.倒塌；毁坏 | |
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214
proscribed
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|
| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
magistrate
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|
| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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216
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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217
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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218
tarnish
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|
| n.晦暗，污点；vt.使失去光泽；玷污 | |
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219
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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220
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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221
incompatible
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|
| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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222
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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223
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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224
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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225
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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226
caning
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| n.鞭打 | |
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227
cuffs
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| n.袖口( cuff的名词复数 )v.掌打，拳打( cuff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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228
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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229
bombastic
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| adj.夸夸其谈的，言过其实的 | |
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230
illustrating
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|
| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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231
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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232
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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233
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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234
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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235
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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236
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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237
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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238
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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239
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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240
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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241
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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242
shudders
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| n.颤动，打颤，战栗( shudder的名词复数 )v.战栗( shudder的第三人称单数 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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243
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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244
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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245
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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246
morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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247
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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248
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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249
delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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250
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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251
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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252
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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253
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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254
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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255
slumbered
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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256
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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257
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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258
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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259
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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260
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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261
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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262
constellations
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| n.星座( constellation的名词复数 )；一群杰出人物；一系列（相关的想法、事物）；一群（相关的人） | |
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263
firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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264
sapience
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| n.贤明，睿智 | |
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