It was after the irruption of the northern barbarians4 that these savage5 hordes6, after putting to the sword as many victims as they could immolate7, turned against each other their blood-stained arms; and historians relate that, after the failure of the Goths in their attack upon Rome in 405, upwards8 of thirty thousand of these barbarians destroyed each other on their retreat. It was after the progress of Christianity amongst these fierce invaders9 that these scenes of murder 304 gradually ceased to prevail, as appears by the following letter of Theodoric to the rude tribes of Hungary.
“It is against the common enemy that you should display your valour, and not against each other. A slight difference between you should not lead you to such an extremity10; but confide11 in that justice which constitutes the joy and the tranquillity12 of the world. Why have recourse to duels, when public officers are not venal13, and the judges in my dominions14 are incorruptible? Lay down your arms, since you have no enemies to contend with. You commit a crime in raising your weapons against relations for whom you should be proud to perish. And why use an armed hand, when you have a tongue to plead your cause? Imitate the Goths, who know how to conquer the foreigner, but who cultivate moderation and peace amongst themselves.”
That this injunction was rendered necessary by the ferocity of the tribes to whom it was addressed, appears evident from a manuscript lately discovered at Cassel in Westphalia, in which was a fragment of a poem, describing a duel1 between a father and a son under the reign15 of Theodoric.
Notwithstanding the wise enactments16 of this prince, during the wars of extermination17 that followed his reign these lamentable18 excesses were renewed in all their horror; and in the annals of the Lombards we find numerous traces of the 305 prevalence of duelling, both in Cisalpine Gaul and in Germany. According to the laws of Rotharis, single combat was admitted as legal proof; and when a man had held the property of another for five years, the latter could only claim its restitution19 by a duel; and in litigation amongst women, they had the privilege of naming a champion to dispute their rights.
One of the most celebrated20 duels of that country took place in 626, to maintain the innocence21 of Queen Gundeberge, wife of Kharoald, King of Lombardy, which I have already related.
In 668, Grimoald made some alteration22 in the laws of Rotharis; but confirmed the right of women accused of an adulterous intercourse23 to appoint a champion to defend their fame. In 713, Luitprand confirmed the laws, but abrogated24 that part of them which confiscated25 the property of the vanquished26. The language of his edict showed clearly that it was issued with repugnance:—“We are not convinced of the justice of what is called the judgement of God, since we have found that many innocent persons have perished in defending a good cause; but this custom is of such antiquity27 amongst the Lombards, that we cannot abolish it, notwithstanding its impiety28.”
Charlemagne, who succeeded to the crown of Lombardy in 774, exerted himself, both in France and Italy, to put an end to, or at least to check 306 the practice; and it was chiefly from the Italian nobility that he met with opposition29. In many instances we find the chivalrous30 spirit of the day nobly exerted to repress depredations31. In 807 we read of a duel between a French knight32-errant, De Medicis, and a bandit named Mugel, who had ravaged33 a district of the Florentine state, which has ever since been called Mugello.
When the Othos governed the Italian dominions, it was at the urgent request of the Italian nobility, that Otho II, in an assembly at Verona in 988, re-established the practice of duelling in all its vigour34, not even exempting35 from the obligation the clergy36, or women; and while personal combat had to decide between the guilty and the innocent, trials by ordeal37, similar to those already detailed38, were constantly resorted to. George Acropolites relates the case of an Italian archbishop, who recommended one of his deacons to submit to the trial by fire; to this the priest did not object, provided the red-hot iron was handed to him by his diocesan, who then thought it advisable to decline the ordeal on the plea that it was sinful to tempt40 God.
The progress of civilization in the rude manners of the times, which resulted from the discovery of the pandects at Amalfi, did not prove sufficiently41 powerful to check this ancient practice; and we find Charles Tocco, a celebrated Neapolitan professor, maintaining that the practice 307 of duelling ought to be kept up, however condemnable42 in principle.
During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Italian press teemed44 with works on the noble nature of the science of duelling, which was held out to the admiration45 of the world in the most elegant language, although in the eleventh century the establishment of municipal corporations materially checked these chivalric46 excesses. It was in the thirteenth century that we see Mainfroi, natural son of Frederic II, murdering the Emperor Conrad, and killed in turn by Charles d’Anjou, who usurped47 the throne of Conradin, a young prince whom we find casting his gauntlet to defy the usurper48, who ordered his head to be struck off in a public square at Naples. A knight had the boldness to take up the gauntlet, and carried it to Peter III, King of Arragon, who avenged49 the death of Conradin by the massacre51 of the Sicilian vespers, while he renewed the challenge of the ill-fated prince, and defied Charles d’Anjou, although sixty years old, to single combat: a challenge which was accepted, notwithstanding the King of Arragon was only forty years of age. The personal conflict, however, was avoided in the following manner:—Peter sent a message to Charles, to settle the point with each other at the head of a hundred chosen knights52. Charles, despite the injunctions of the Pope, rashly accepted the proposal, 308 and our Edward I. appointed the field at Bordeaux, the day being fixed53 on the 1st of July 1282. Trusting to the faith of Peter, Charles raised the siege of Messina. The Pope fulminated his anathema54 from the Vatican, and excommunicated the Arragonese prince, who, however, treated his wrath55 with sovereign contempt. The day of the meeting, Charles, faithful to his engagement, entered the field at the head of his hundred knights, and remained there from sun-rise to sunset, awaiting his adversary56, who did not make his appearance until Charles had retired57, when, with true Spanish rodomontade, he galloped58 and curveted over the field, and declared that he had not found his craven antagonist59.
It had been stipulated60, that the defaulter in this meeting should be branded with the name of traitor61, and declared perjured62, cowardly, and eternally infamous63, worthless of all regal title or honour, and condemned64 for ever after to be merely followed by a humble65 menial.
It appears that Charles came to the lists with his uncle, Philippe le Hardi, King of France; and it is to this circumstance that the conduct of the King of Arragon was attributed. A paper war between the two princes followed; and, as both treated their adversaries66 as cravens, the merits of the cause were never fairly determined67; while the learned Alciat declared, Dubitatum fuit utrius causa esset justior. 309
From that period arose the endless differences between the houses of Anjou and Arragon, regarding the succession to the Neapolitan crown. The Arragonese having carried their point, Charles VIII. of France, towards the latter end of the fifteenth century, as heir to Louis XI, renewed the contest, and involved his successors in ruinous wars.
Louis I, head of the second house of Anjou, was duped in 1382 in the same manner as his predecessor68 Charles, by Charles III, a challenge having been mutually accepted,—in which case both parties upbraided70 each other with falsehood. Louis appeared at the camp, when Charles attacked his army by surprise, and Louis, severely71 wounded in the treacherous72 conflict, shortly after died.
Naples, at this period, was the theatre of duelling; its practice became a science regularly professed73 by celebrated teachers, as the Scienza Cavalleresca, and Alberic Balbiano, constable74 of Naples, instituted a military order, under the patronage75 of St. George, for the due maintenance of this honourable76 pursuit. The knights of this noble institution wandered about the country plundering77 and pillaging78, but ever ready to give satisfaction to all who considered themselves aggrieved79. The accollade of knighthood was accompanied by the following injunction:—“The stroke of this sword is the last that 310 you shall patiently submit to.” In the practice of this science, dexterity80 and cunning cuts and thrusts became accomplishments81, and disarming82 an adversary a high feat83 of honour, since it afforded the right to kill the disarmed84 champion without further resistance or trouble.
Soon after, the bloody85 disputes between the Guelphs and the Ghibelins afforded numerous opportunities for personal rencontres, when the parties did not meet in battle array; but it is manifest, that at all times Italian duels were attended with circumstances of ferocity and treachery; and to avoid publicity86, these meetings frequently took place behind hedges and ditches, and in woods and solitary87 places; hence the practice was called combatere à la mazza.
It appears that the practice bringing in seconds and witnesses, who were to share the dangers of the principals, originated in Italy. Brant?me relates the story of a Neapolitan gentleman who, being called out, killed his antagonist; he was about leaving the field, when the second of the deceased stopped him, and observed that he could not allow him to depart until he had avenged his fallen friend. To this proposal the gentleman very politely acceded89, and killed him. Another witness then stepped forward, and with much courtesy said, that if he did not feel himself tired, he would be delighted to have a share in the honour; and proposed, if 311 fatigued90, to postpone91 the meeting until the following day. The gentleman was too urbane92 to disappoint him, and replied, that he did not feel in the least tired; and as he was warm, and his hand in, they might as well lose no time in gratifying his fancy; in a few lounges the amateur’s corpse93 was stretched by the side of his two departed friends.
Brant?me makes the following remarks on this practice:—“I have heard much talk on this matter, and have been informed by great Italian captains, that they were the founders95 of these fights and their punctilios, which were well known theoretically and practically. The Spaniards resemble them, but are not so proficient96 in the art, which now-a-days our Frenchmen practise in perfection. The Italians are a little more cool and advised in this business than we are, and somewhat more cruel. They have given as an instruction to those who feel disposed to grant or to spare their adversary’s life, the glorious opportunity of showing their generosity97, by maiming their fallen foe98, both in his legs and arms, and moreover giving him a desperate cut across the nose and face, to remind him of their condescension99 and humanity.”
Most of the celebrated fencing-masters were Italians; and Brant?me states, that Jarnac, previous to his fatal duel with La Chastaigneraye, had taken lessons from an Italian captain, named 312 Caise, who had taught him the hamstring cut. These professors, it appears, were not very particular in regard to the means employed to kill their man, which they recommended to be done in ogni modo. Our pugnacious100 historian farther relates that, when he was at Milan, he took fencing lessons for a month, under a celebrated master, named Trappe; and during this period not a day passed but he witnessed at least twenty quadrilles of persons fighting in the streets, and leaving the dead bodies of their adversaries on the pavement. There were numerous bravoes who let themselves out to hire, to fight for those who did not feel disposed to risk their own lives. The same practice prevailed in Spain. This mode of fighting constituted the famed Vendetta101; and the hired combatants were called Bandeleri.
The practice of these scientific assassins appears to have been singular; and we find Lampugnano, previous to his murdering Galeas Maria Sforza, getting a portrait of his victim painted, and exercising himself in stabbing it in various parts, until he found himself sufficiently dexterous102 to kill him in church with seven mortal stabs.
In 1528, four Florentines fought in presence of the Prince of Orange, when one of the combatants summoned his antagonist whom he had overthrown103 to surrender; but the prostrate104 champion exclaimed, “I surrender to the Prince!” “There is no other prince here but myself,” replied 313 his adversary; and with a dagger105 at his throat he compelled him to submit.
In the expedition of the Duke de Guise106, in 1557, under Henri II, a duel was fought at Ferrara, in presence of the Duke Hercules d’Este, and his brother the cardinal107, in a hall of the palace, which was lighted up with torches on the occasion.
The Prince of Melfe Caraccioli, who commanded the forces of Francis I. from 1545 to 1550, issued many orders to check the practice of duelling: one of them was to compel duellists to fight upon the parapet of the bridge of Turin, so that the combatant who lost his equilibrium108, ran a fair chance of being drowned.
The Italian princes not unfrequently were engaged in murderous quarrels, although it is related of Humbert II, the dauphin of Viennois, that on receiving a challenge from Amédée, Count of Savoy, he sent the following reply to his herald:—“My friend, tell your master, that the virtues109 of a prince do not lie in corporeal110 strength; but that if he is desirous of displaying his prowess, I have not a bull in my possession that is not stronger than he is; if he wishes to ascertain111 the fact, I shall have great pleasure in sending him one of the fiercest.”
The town of Ostuni, in 1664, was rendered remarkable112 by one of the most deadly family feuds113 recorded, and an extraordinary duel, in 314 which every principle of honour was violated. The Count de Conversano, called also Duke de le Noci, of the family of Aquaviva, and the Prince of Francavilla, of that of Imperiali, were the two most powerful lords in Lower Apulia: the former boasted of his ancient descent and his numerous titles, and numbered among his predecessors114 a succession of nobles, whose tyrannical and violent disposition115 had designated them as a race dreaded116 by their inferiors, and hated by their equals. The Prince of Francavilla was of Genoese extraction, but his family had been settled in the kingdom from the time of Charles V, and he emulated118 the count in pride, while he surpassed him in wealth. Their territories joined, and the constant litigations arising out of their inordinate119 and ill-timed jurisdictions120 were thereby122 superadded to the long lists of mutual69 injuries recorded by both families. Their animosity broke out at Naples, on some trifling123 occasion, when they were both in their carriages; and, after a long contest of words, the Count de Conversano challenged the Prince of Francavilla to decide their differences by the sword: the latter declined this mode of combat as ill-suited to his age and infirmities, but consented to a duel if the arms might be exchanged for pistols. His antagonist, who was esteemed125 the best swordsman in the kingdom, insisted on his first proposal, and excited the 315 prince to accede88 to it, by striking him repeatedly with the flat of his sword. An insult so grossly offered in the public streets, authorized126 the government to check the consequences likely to arise, by ordering both parties to retire to their respective estates. A short time after, the Prince of Francavilla, thirsting for a just revenge, proposed a champion to espouse127 his cause in the person of his nephew, the Duke de Martina, of the house of Caraccioli. This young man was but just returned from his travels, and his education had not been completed; it was therefore agreed, that a year should elapse previous to the final settlement of the dispute, and the field of battle was fixed at Ostuni, the jurisdiction121 of which had been previously128 claimed and disputed by both noblemen. The eyes of the whole kingdom were directed with anxious and fearful expectation towards this spot; but the wishes of the majority were in favour of the Duke de Martina, whose youth, accomplishments, and amiable129 disposition, called forth130 the interest of all ranks. His uncle, actuated more by fear of the shame attendant on defeat, than by feelings of affection for his relative, endeavoured to ensure success by the following stratagem:—A gentleman who had been for some time, as was the custom in those days, a retainer in his family, left it abruptly131 one night, and repaired to the 316 Count de Conversano’s castle, into which he gained admission by a recital132 of injurious treatment and fictitious133 wrongs heaped upon him by the tyrannical and arbitrary temper of the Prince de Francavilla. A complaint of this nature was always a recommendation to the count’s favour and good graces; and he not only admitted the gentleman into the full enjoyment134 of his princely hospitality, but having found that he was an experienced and dexterous swordsman, passed most of his time in practising with him that art which he hoped would soon ensure his triumph over his youthful adversary.
A few days previous to the one fixed for the duel, the guest, under pretence135 of paying a visit to his relatives, withdrew from the Count of Conversano’s castle, and secretly returned to his former lord, where he lost no time in communicating to his nephew all the peculiarities136 and advantages repeated experience had enabled him to remark in the count’s manner of fencing. The Duke de Martina was thereby taught that the only chance of success which he could look to, was by keeping on the defensive137 during the early part of the combat: he was instructed, that his antagonist, though avowedly138 the most able swordsman in the kingdom, was extremely violent; and that, if his first passes could be parried, his person, somewhat inclined to corpulency, 317 would speedily be exhausted139 from the effects of his impetuosity. The Duke de Martina, furnished with this important advice, and strong in the conviction of what he considered a just cause, waited in calm anxiety the day of battle; and the behaviour of the two combatants on the last morning strongly characterized their different dispositions140, as well as the manners and habits of the age they lived in. The duke made his will, confessed himself, and took an affectionate leave of his mother, who retired to her oratory141 to pass in prayer the time devoted142 to the conflict, while the Count Conversano ordered a sumptuous143 feast to be prepared, and invited his friends and retainers after the fight. He then carelessly bade his wife farewell; and, brutally144 alluding145 to his adversary’s youth and inexperience, remarked, “Vado a far un capretto,”—“I am going to kill a kid.”
The parties met at the place appointed. It was an open space, before a monastery146 of friars, at Ostuni; but these good fathers, by their intercessions and prayers, prevailed upon the combatants to remove to another similar spot of ground, in front of the Capuchin convent, in the same town. Here the bishop39 and clergy, carrying the host in solemn procession, attempted in vain to dissuade147 them from their bloody purpose; they were dismissed with scorn, and the duel began. 318
The conflict was of long duration, and afforded the duke an opportunity of availing himself of the counsels he had received: when he found the count began to be out of breath, and off his guard, he assumed the offensive, and, having wounded him, demanded if he was satisfied, and proposed to desist from any further hostility148; but, stung to the soul by this unexpected reverse, he proudly rejected all offers of accommodation; actuated by blind revenge and redoubled animosity he soon lost all command of himself, and received a second wound, which terminated the contest together with his life.
It appeared afterwards that the Prince de Francavilla, whose principles were as little honourable as those of his adversary, and whose thirst of revenge was no less insatiable, had appointed a band of bravoes to waylay149 and murder him on his way home, had he been victorious150.
When Marshal de Crequi carried the Fort des Barreaux, commanded by Philippin, natural brother of the Duke of Savoy, the latter escaped with great difficulty, by exchanging his dress for the uniform of a common soldier, with whom he left a lady’s scarf which he had worn. The following day, a truce151 having been demanded to bury the dead, Crequi sent word by the officer who bore it, to advise Philippin to be more careful for the future of his lady’s gifts; upon which Philippin sent a challenge to the 319 French general, which he accepted, but his adversary was prevented from attending the meeting by the duke his brother. The following year, Crequi having been made a prisoner, the challenge was renewed, when Philippin was wounded in the thigh152. The Duke of Savoy, offended at the thought that his brother should owe his life to Crequi’s forbearance, insisted upon another meeting, in which Philippin was killed, or, to use the expressive153 language of D’Audiguier, “Crequi ran him through the body, and stitched him to the ground.” Crequi’s friends exclaimed, “Kill him! kill him!” while Philippin’s second begged for his life, which Crequi would only grant at his own supplication154; this, however, was a difficult matter, as the unfortunate man was already dead.
Not only were the duels in Italy remarkable for the treacherous acts of its combatants, but similar breaches155 of good faith and honour were observed in their tournaments and passages of arms. In one instance a tournament took place between twelve Frenchmen and twelve Italians, in which many of the latter were dismounted, when they crept in between the other champions, and with their stilettoes stabbed the horses of the French knights. This perfidious156 conduct is related by Guicciardin.
Beccaria accounts for the frequency of duelling in Italy on the following grounds:—“It 320 was owing to the necessity of the good opinion of others, that single combat was resorted to during a state of legal anarchy157. It was in vain that this practice was forbidden under pain of death; it was found impossible to check a custom founded upon sentiments which were considered dearer than life. Why do not the lower classes of society imitate the conduct of their superiors? Simply because they stand in less need of the esteem124 of others, than those who, from their position, are subject to more suspicion and distrust.”
Filangieri follows up the argument, by maintaining, that in a duel, it is a dolo (a ruse) on the part of the aggressor, and a fault on the part of the offended, if he kills or injures his enemy, as very probably he might have avoided such a catastrophe158; the offended party has only committed a fault, since he was compelled to fight by public opinion: it is, therefore, only those who have violated the established laws of duelling, who can be considered as guilty of assassination159. The sophistry160 of this doctrine161 is worse than absurd.
The history of Italy shows us, that Beccaria’s opinions on the subject were not exactly correct, for, while the upper classes challenged each other to single combat, we find other grades of society, even artists, avenging162 their wrongs with the stiletto. From this charge, we must, however, exonerate163 321 Michael Angelo Caravaggio, who, to avenge50 the insult offered to him by Arpino, who had presumed to criticise164 some of his productions, sent him a challenge, which was rejected on the plea of disparity of condition; when our artist, to qualify himself for future occasions of the kind, went over to Malta and got himself dubbed165 a knight. With this distinction, it appears that he sought endless quarrels, was obliged to fly from Malta, and killed a critic in Rome, finally ending his days in abject166 poverty on the high-road.
It may be easily imagined that, from the constant revolutions to which Italy was exposed, the clashing interests and consequent altercations167 amongst its petty principalities, and the long-protracted wars the country had to wage against France and Spain, disputes and sanguinary frays168 must have been very frequent, and that, from the want of power, treachery was often resorted to. Convulsed by intestine169 discord170, exposed to foreign hostility, suspecting the good faith of their allies, and oppressed by their various masters,—intrigue among the Italians became indispensable, and assassination was safer than open vengeance171. We need not, therefore, be surprised that the policy of Machiavel should have been considered a national code; and in these weak states, we find that the stiletto was the weapon of diplomacy172, as well as 322 of popular animosity. In the cabinet, assassination became a science, in the streets it was an art; and more elaborate works have been written on duels, satisfaction of wounded honour, and the various qualifications of murder, by Italians, than by the natives of any other country.32 There does not exist a more consuming and ardent173 passion, than an impotent thirst of revenge for injuries inflicted174 by those whose power we dread117, and whose position is such as to place them beyond the reach of legal pursuit and of justice. Assassination in such a state of society becomes a natural impulse, when the wrongs of power drive the weak and the helpless to actual madness. It is therefore unfair to stigmatize175 a nation with the brand of cowardice176, from the prevalence of this blood-thirsty practice. It is simply the result of a bad government, corrupted177 nobility, and a culpable178 or inefficient179 magistracy, when crimes may be considered as an unavoidable catenation between causes and effects; and there can be no doubt that the prevalence of duelling and gambling180 amongst the great, and of thieving amongst the lower orders, will lead to assassination.
In viewing the nature of the governments in the various states of Italy, it may not be uninteresting 323 to discover in which of them the practice of duelling was most general. In the Roman states they were rare; at Naples much more frequent. In Piedmont and Savoy personal meetings were seldom heard of, more especially since the French occupation; previously to which, the professors and students at the universities were in the habit of wearing swords. Yet hostile meetings occasionally take place amongst the military, engendered181 by disputes at balls and by love matters. The same may be said of Sardinia, where duelling is confined to the troops, and an officer is placed in a situation somewhat similar to that of our own army. If he is insulted, and does not demand satisfaction, he is expelled by his corps94; and, if he fights, he is sentenced to an imprisonment182 of three or six months in a fort called the Fenestrellas. In Corsica a bloody spirit of vengeance is generally prevalent, and gave rise to that system of murder called the vendetta, which is frequently resorted to amongst its savage mountaineers. In these desperate excesses whole families and clans183 indulged, and regular challenges were interchanged. These hostile declarations were followed by every kind of atrocious acts; and constant ambuscades, combats, burning of houses, destruction of property, and slaughter184 even of infants, were incessantly185 disturbing the public peace. These intestine broils186 324 were only terminated by treaties of peace between the parties, regularly drawn187 out, and registered in the archives of Ajaccio.
These excesses, at the present time, are less frequently committed; but private feuds are still decided188 by assassination, when the murderer generally escapes by taking to the woods and mountains, and there proscribed189, he is called a bandetto. When taken and condemned, national prejudice absolves190 him from punishment as an honorato. In such a ferocious191 state of society duelling is a practice unknown; and the man who would assassinate192 his enemy without remorse193, would scorn to commit a theft. It is in vain that courts of justice have endeavoured to check these barbarous deeds; in a late case of vendetta, the murderer having been acquitted194, the son of the deceased, who was a magistrate195, exclaimed, “The jury have acquitted thee, but I condemn43 thee to death.” It is needless to add, that the sentence was soon carried into execution.
Italian customs prevailed in the island of Malta, and duels were frequent amongst the knights of that order, although prohibited by most of the grand masters. The Strada Stretta was the spot in which these meetings usually took place, and the friends of the combatants, stationed at each end of the narrow lane, prevented them from being disturbed. Assassinations196 at one time 325 were so frequent in this quarter, that an edict was issued, denouncing the penalty of death on every person who was found in it armed with pistols or daggers197. But, by a singular regulation of the order, every person was obliged to return his sword into the scabbard when ordered to do so by a woman, a priest, or a knight. A cross was usually painted on the wall, opposite the spot where a knight had been killed, to commemorate198 his fall, and claim the prayers of those who passed by, to relieve his soul from purgatory199.
Although the statutes200 of the order of St. John of Jerusalem prohibited duels, yet a knight was considered disgraced if he refused to accept a challenge. A case is recorded of two knights, who having had a dispute at a billiard-table, one of them, after much abusive language, struck a blow; but, to the surprise of all Malta, after so gross a provocation201, refused to fight his antagonist. The challenge was repeated, but still he refused to enter the lists. He was therefore condemned by the chapter to make an amende honorable in the church of St. John for forty-five successive days, then to be confined in a dungeon202 without light for five years; after which he was to remain a prisoner in the castle for life.
A very curious duel took place at Valetta between a Spanish commander, of the name of 326 Vasconcellos, and a French commander, M. de Foulquerre, the latter having had the insolence203 to present some holy water to a young lady entering a church, whom the Castilian was following. Foulquerre was one of the most noted204 disturbers of the Strada Stretta; and, although he had been engaged in many duels, on this occasion he repaired to the rendezvous205 with some reluctance206, as though he anticipated the result of the meeting. As soon as his adversary appeared, he said, “What, sir, do you draw your sword upon a Good Friday! Hear me:—it is now six years since I have confessed my manifold sins, and my conscience reproaches me so keenly, that in three days hence——.” But the Spaniard would not attend to his request, and pressed upon him; when his opponent, mortally wounded, exclaimed, “What! on a Good Friday! May Heaven forgive you! Bear my sword to Tête Foulques, and let a hundred masses be said for the repose207 of my soul, in the chapel208 of the castle.”
The Spaniard paid no attention to the dying man’s request, and reported the circumstance to the chapter of the order, according to the prescribed rules; nevertheless he was promoted to the priory of Majorca. On the night of the following Friday, he dreamt that he was in the Strada Stretta, where he again heard his enemy enjoin209 him to “bear his sword to Tête Foulques;” 327 and a similar vision disturbed his slumbers210 every succeeding Friday night.
Vasconcellos did not know where this Tête Foulques was situated211, until he learned from some French knights, that it was an old castle four leagues from Poitiers, in the centre of a forest remarkable for strange events; the castle containing in its halls many curious collections, amongst which was the armour212 of the famed knight Foulques Taillefer, with the arms of all the enemies he had slain213 in single combat; and from time immemorial, it appeared that all his successors deposited in this armoury the weapons which they used either in war or in private contests.
Our worthy214 prior having received this information, determined to obey the injunction of the deceased, and set out for Poitiers with the sword of his antagonist. He repaired to the castle, where he found no one but the porter and the chaplain, and communicated to the latter the purport215 of his visit. He was introduced into the armoury, and on each side of the chimney he beheld216 full-length, portraits of Foulques Taillefer, and his wife, Isabella de Lusignan. The seneschal was armed cap-a-pié, and over him were suspended the arms of his vanquished foes217. The Spaniard, having laid down the sword, proceeded to tell his beads218 with great devotion 328 until nightfall, when he fancied that he saw the eyes and mouths of the seneschal and his wife in motion; and he distinctly heard the former addressing his wife, saying, “What dost thou think, my dear, of the daring of this Castilian, who comes to dwell and eat in my castle, after having killed the commander without allowing him time to confess his sins?”—to which the lady replied in a very shrill219 voice, “I think, Messir, that the Castilian acted with disloyalty on that occasion, and should not be allowed to depart without the challenge of your glove.” The terrified Spaniard sought the door of the hall, but found it locked, when the seneschal threw his heavy iron gauntlet at his face, and brandished220 his sword. The Spaniard, thus compelled to defend himself, snatched up the sword that he had deposited, and falling on his fantastic antagonist, fancied that he had run him through the body, when he felt a stab from a burning weapon under the heart, and fainted away. When he recovered from his swoon, he found himself in the porter’s lodge221, to which he had been carried, but free from any injury. He returned to Spain; but ever after, on every Friday night, he received a similar burning wound from the visionary Taillefer; nor could any act of devotion, or payment of money to friars or priests, relieve him from this horrible phantom222.
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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7
immolate
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| v.牺牲 | |
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8
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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12
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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13
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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14
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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17
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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18
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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19
restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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20
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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21
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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22
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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23
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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24
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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25
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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27
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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28
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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29
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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30
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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31
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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32
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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33
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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34
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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35
exempting
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的现在分词 ) | |
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36
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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37
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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38
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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39
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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40
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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41
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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42
condemnable
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| adj.该罚的，该受责备的 | |
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43
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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44
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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45
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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46
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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47
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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48
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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49
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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50
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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51
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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52
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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53
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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54
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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55
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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56
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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57
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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58
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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59
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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60
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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61
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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62
perjured
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| adj.伪证的，犯伪证罪的v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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64
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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65
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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66
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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67
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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68
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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69
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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70
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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72
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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73
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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74
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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75
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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76
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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77
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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78
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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79
aggrieved
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|
| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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80
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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81
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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82
disarming
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| adj.消除敌意的，使人消气的v.裁军( disarm的现在分词 )；使息怒 | |
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83
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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84
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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85
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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86
publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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87
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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88
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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89
acceded
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|
| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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90
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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91
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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92
urbane
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| adj.温文尔雅的，懂礼的 | |
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93
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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94
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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95
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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96
proficient
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| adj.熟练的，精通的；n.能手，专家 | |
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97
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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98
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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99
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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100
pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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101
vendetta
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| n.世仇，宿怨 | |
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102
dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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103
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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104
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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105
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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106
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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107
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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108
equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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109
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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110
corporeal
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| adj.肉体的，身体的；物质的 | |
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111
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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112
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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113
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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114
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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115
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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116
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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117
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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118
emulated
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| v.与…竞争( emulate的过去式和过去分词 )；努力赶上；计算机程序等仿真；模仿 | |
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119
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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120
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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121
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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122
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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123
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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124
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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125
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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126
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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127
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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128
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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129
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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130
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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131
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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132
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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133
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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134
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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135
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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136
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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137
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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138
avowedly
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| adv.公然地 | |
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139
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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140
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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141
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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142
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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143
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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144
brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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145
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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146
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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147
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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148
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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149
waylay
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| v.埋伏，伏击 | |
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150
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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151
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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152
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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153
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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154
supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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155
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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156
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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157
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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158
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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159
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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160
sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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161
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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162
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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163
exonerate
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| v.免除责任，确定无罪 | |
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164
criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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165
dubbed
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| v.给…起绰号( dub的过去式和过去分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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166
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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167
altercations
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| n.争辩，争吵( altercation的名词复数 ) | |
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168
frays
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| n.（使布、绳等）磨损，磨破( fray的名词复数 )v.（使布、绳等）磨损，磨破( fray的第三人称单数 ) | |
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169
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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170
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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171
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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172
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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173
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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174
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
stigmatize
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| v.污蔑，玷污 | |
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176
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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177
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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178
culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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179
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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180
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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181
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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183
clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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184
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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185
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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186
broils
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| v.（用火）烤（焙、炙等）( broil的第三人称单数 )；使卷入争吵；使混乱；被烤（或炙） | |
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187
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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188
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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189
proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
absolves
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的第三人称单数 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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191
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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192
assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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193
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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194
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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195
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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196
assassinations
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| n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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197
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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198
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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199
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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200
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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201
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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202
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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203
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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204
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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205
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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206
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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207
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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208
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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209
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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210
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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211
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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212
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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213
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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214
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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215
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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216
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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217
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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218
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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219
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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220
brandished
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| v.挥舞( brandish的过去式和过去分词 )；炫耀 | |
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221
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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222
phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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