The restrictions2 regarding officers visiting the city of Lahore being removed, we hastened to take advantage of this liberty. The streets and bazaars5 were so thronged6 with inhabitants, and the recently disbanded soldiery, that it was exceedingly difficult to force a path on horseback, and an elephant was found to be the most advantageous7 mode of travelling. A brigade of our native infantry8 were cantoned in the Badshahee mosque9, a large, half-dis[Pg 270]mantled building, which had stood the test of a good many pieces of artillery10 during the late effervescences in Lahore. The walls which enclose it were speckled with the prints of grape-shot and bullets, and the angry passions of men had left their marks on every portion of the once sacred edifice11. The mosque afforded a strong military position, and Allah's mansion12 promised a commodious13 quarter for Christian14, Mahommedan, and Hindoo.
The gardens, amidst this general revolution, had not shared the same fate, or had been more easily restored, for the flowers and shrubs15 were flourishing and exhaling16 fragrance17 around, nourished, perhaps, by the gory18 manure19 which had been lavishly20 spread on the parterres.
Adjoining these gardens, was the tomb of the old Lion of Lahore—Runjeet Singh—as yet unfinished, but a humble22 monument to the memory of such a chief. The Sikh nation, since Runjeet's death, had been too busily employed in slaughtering23 each other to afford leisure for national testimonies24 to the founder25 of their dynasty; but that chieftain[Pg 271] can dispense26 with monumental records to hand his name to posterity27. History will not neglect him.
Our engineers were actively28 employed in repairing the Badshahee mosque, and in improving its defences, that it might become an eligible29 situation for the garrison30, which was destined31 to remain at Lahore for the present, according to the articles of the treaty.
In other parts of the city, we found Lahore little altered from the condition in which we left it on our return from Afghanistan in the winter of 1839-40.
Very few European adventurers had withstood the late turbulency of the population.
A German, who had superintended the manufacture of gunpowder32, a Spaniard, who had planned the engineer's work at Sobraon, and a Frenchman, (Mons. Mouton,) who had held a subordinate command in the cavalry33 and artillery, formed the wreck34 of the European officers in the Sikh service.
The inhabitants, having now so far regained[Pg 272] their confidence as to feel assured that the British had no intention of plundering35 the city, reopened their shops, and our camp was daily crowded with itinerant36 tradesmen, offering their wares37 for sale. The prices put on their goods led to a supposition that the vendors38 entertained a high opinion of our wealth and a low one of our knowledge of the value of their merchandize.
The Shalimar Gardens, about four miles from the city, formerly39 the chosen scene of the Ranee's entertainments, were a favourite resort for our leisure hours. The luxuriant shrubberies and flower-beds, with marble aqueducts and fountains, rendered these gardens a delightful40 retreat from the noonday sun, which was now becoming oppressive under our canvas abodes42 on the plain.
During several interviews held with the Sikh Durbar, the terms of arrangement with the Lahore chiefs were finally settled, which provided for the fulfilment of all the clauses specified43 in the before-mentioned treaty with Ghoo[Pg 273]lab Singh. That chief[63] was selected as prime vizier, whilst the Ranee continued as regent during the minority of Dhuleep Singh. A force of 10,000 British troops, under command of Sir John Littler, were named to occupy Lahore,[64] and assist the Sikh Durbar in the fulfilment of the measures which were deemed necessary for the future government of the country.
The native army of Lahore were to be re-enlisted under a reduced system of pay—viz., under the same footing as they enjoyed during the lifetime of Runjeet Singh; and their establishment was never to exceed twenty-five battalions46, of eight hundred men to each battalion45, with 12,000 cavalry.
[Pg 274]
The Sikh Durbar, being unable to raise at once the sum of one and a half crore of rupees demanded as an indemnification for the war undertaken by the British government, ceded47 in perpetual sovereignty, as equivalent for one crore of rupees, (one million sterling48,) all interest in the territories lying in the hill districts, between the Beeas and Indus, including the provinces of Cashmere and Hazarah.[65]
Fifty lacs (500,000l.) were paid down before the ratification of the treaty.
If the British government should at any time wish to send troops through the Punjaub, on notice being given, they are to be allowed to pass through the Lahore territories. The Maharajah is never to retain in his service any British subject, nor the subject of any European or American state, without the consent of the British government being previously49 obtained.
The Maharajah agreed to recognise the independent sovereignty of Ghoolab Singh to[Pg 275] such hill territories as were guaranteed to him by the British government, and that Sirdar was to be admitted to the privilege of a separate treaty with the British, in consideration of the good services rendered by him in procuring51 peace.
The limits of the Lahore territories are not to be changed without the British concurrence52.
This treaty, consisting of sixteen articles, was signed by the Maharajah and his ministers, and by the governor-general of India and his secretaries, on the 9th of March, 1846.
The day following the signature of this treaty, on the governor-general paying a visit to the Lahore court, a paper was read, conveying the thanks of the Sikh Sirdars to his excellency for his generosity53, kindness, and mercy shown towards the Sikh nation, and for having consented to leave a force for the maintenance of the Sikh government, until a satisfactory settlement of affairs could be arranged, provided that could be effected within twelve months.
In the separate treaty concluded with Ghoolab[Pg 276] Singh, the British government transferred, as an independent possession to that chief, all the hill countries east of the Indus[66] and west of the Ravee.
In consideration of this transfer, Ghoolab Singh bound himself to pay to the British Government a sum of seventy-five lacs of rupees, (750,000l. sterling.)
Ghoolab Singh bound himself to refer any disputes between himself and any other state to the arbitration54 of the British Government. Also to join, with his whole force, the British troops, when employed within the hills adjoining his possessions; and the British engaged to aid in protecting the sirdar from external enemies.
Ghoolab Singh engaged to take no British subject, nor European, nor American, into his service without the consent of the British; and, in acknowledgment of the supremacy55 of the British Government, promised to present, an[Pg 277]nually, a horse, twelve shawl goats, and three pairs of Cashmere shawls.
This treaty was concluded at Umritsir, on the 16th of March, 1846.
Whilst these treaties were in progress, continual meetings between the chiefs occurred, and it was a matter of much interest to view the changed deportment which the vis fortioris had inflicted56 on the Sikh sirdars. Runjoor Singh, who had directed the operations at Buddewal and Aliwal, requested a special introduction to his friend, Sir Harry57 Smith; and Tej and Lal Singh, the commandants at Moodkee and Ferozeshuhur, now converted into ministers of state, were most diffuse58 in their expressions of friendship and gratitude59 towards the British chiefs.
The coin which was brought for the payment of the fine inflicted, proved pretty correctly that the vast treasures stored by Runjeet Singh in the treasury60 of Govindghur, had been melted down into soldiers' pay, and that the sirdars had been too lavish21 in their expenditure61 to retain much ready money for the benefit of the commonwealth62.
[Pg 278]
Russian, Persian, Chinese, and Afghan currencies, intermingled with gold and silver jewellery, were scraped together to meet the exigencies63 of the case, and the far-boasted wealth of the Punjaub appeared to have evaporated during a two months' campaign.
Silver being the current coin throughout India, the counting out of large sums occupied a very considerable time, and thus afforded leisure to the Lahore Durbar to make exertions64 to raise the sums of money demanded, which they had with much alacrity65 promised to pay, but which they counted out with much difficulty and evident reluctance66.
News having ere this reached the furthermost parts of the country of the termination of the war, it became necessary to hasten the reduction of the Sikh forces to the stipulated67 amount; and orders were forwarded to the killedars of forts, and commandants of districts, to take measures for effecting this purpose. Less difficulty than was apprehended68 was experienced with the portions of the army which were cantoned in distant parts of the country,[Pg 279] and, with the exception of a fortress69 of great strength, named Kote Kangra, in the hill districts, none of the Sikh officers held out for any time against the British mandates70.
The army of the Punjaub had been so heavily disabled at Sobraon, and during each of the previous actions the loss in artillery had been so considerable, that these circumstances could not be concealed71 from their fellow-soldiers and countrymen, which tended to dishearten the rest of the army for any further resistance.
The fanatic72 Akalees, so notorious in the military annals of Runjeet Singh, and who had been exceedingly abusive formerly to such British officers as had attended at reviews of the Sikh army, were scarcely ever beheld73 during our late engagements, nor did I see a man wounded by a quoit[67] during any of the battles. I was told by a Sikh officer in Lahore, that this race of priest soldiery had been so active and forward during the Lahore massacres74 of the few[Pg 280] preceding years, that the greater portion of them had met with the fate they so amply deserved, and were nearly destroyed. If this be true, it is certainly one of the chief benefits conferred on the Punjaub by their sanguinary revolutions.
The fate of the Sikh sirdars, since Runjeet's death, has presented also a tragical75 catalogue: thirty-five have been murdered, seven died a natural death, eleven were killed in the late actions, twelve remain living at Lahore.
Under the present reduced state of the Sikh army, it is not the least probable that the nation can ever become again the formidable enemy which they have lately been found.
In the first place, their military establishment being numerically reduced to one-third of their late numbers, and the extent of the country requiring these to be quartered far apart, a British force of superior numbers could, in a few days, in case of an insurrection, take post under the walls of Lahore. The reduction of an army must, doubtless, impair76 the martial77 propensities78 of a nation,[Pg 281] and when these weakened battalions are under the surveillance of the keen-eyes of the British agents, who must, henceforward, dwell in Lahore, we may reckon almost as safely on information reaching us of any irregularities, as we might in the native forces of India.
But, as I have before stated, the principal confidence of all Indian armies is placed in their guns. As the greater part of these are in our possession, and the Lahore arsenal79 cannot be as busily employed now, without our knowledge and consent, as formerly, the scarcity80 of cannon81 will be an obstacle, to which it ought not to be difficult to add a scarcity of artillerymen, for the profession is a noisy one, and therefore their practice is easily overheard, and without unremitting attention and practice, artillery are not usually very formidable.
In Ghoolab Singh, the British Government ought to possess a tower of strength, for they have made him a greater man than he ever was before; and it must palpably be his interest to maintain amicable82 relations with the British, having paid beforehand for his alliance in solid[Pg 282] rupees. The tribute of a few goats and shawls cannot be very irksome to the governor of Cashmere, as the price of the guarantee for his dominions83; and not being himself a Sikh by parentage, and most of his army being also aliens to the Punjaubees, there cannot be much danger of a collusion between that chief and any Sikh sirdars who might desire a change of administration.
The establishment of so powerful a chief as Ghoolab Singh as our ally, on a line of hill territories bordering the whole Punjaub on the north, has afforded a security sufficient to deter84 the Sikhs from any thoughts of hostility85, so long as the chief of Cashmere remains86 contented87 with his principality, or unable to discover more powerful friends than the British.
I cannot for one moment do Ghoolab Singh the injustice88 of supposing, that he would prefer the precarious89 sovereignty of the Punjaub to his present secure and extensive government. The lesson which that sirdar must have learned, when within a hair's breadth of being sacrificed to a popular turmoil90 in Lahore, ope[Pg 283]rated so favourably91, that he manifested the utmost desire to return to his mountains as soon as practicable after the departure of the British authorities from the Sikh capital. But should ambition whisper such a wild project in his ear as to aim at the throne of Lahore, prudence92 would surely suggest that the Sikh nation had recently experienced how much could be done against the British with a chance of success.
The tract93 of country between the Beeas and the Sutlej, known as the Jullundur Dooab[68] which was ceded to us in the first treaty arranged by Ghoolab Singh at Kussoor, though extending over territory, will, on reference to the map, be seen to contract the actual frontier line.
That frontier, uniting at the northern angle with the territories of our ally, Ghoolab Singh, and overlooking, from a strongly defensible country, the city of Umritsir and fort of Govindghur, has materially altered our position relative to the Punjaub.
The new forts built as our outposts on that[Pg 284] frontier will not, it is to be devoutly94 hoped, be encumbered95 by large towns and cantonments; or, if that be deemed indispensable, the area of the new fortresses96 should be sufficiently97 extensive to admit all European inhabitants to take refuge within their defences.
The part enacted98 during the late war by our old enemies, the Afghans, has been a matter of surprise to many. The natural and religious antipathy99 between the Afghans and Sikhs is a sufficient cause for a want of co-operation at the outset, but the overthrow100 of the Feringhee would have been a temptation which, if gilded101 with a fair chance of success, must have overcome all minor44 prejudices. Situated102 at a distance of five hundred miles from the scene of action, and the news travelling at anything but a railroad pace over this long interval103, the Afghan chiefs learned of the Sikh invasion and the result of the actions under so many shapes, that they were at a loss which to believe.
Akbar Khan, having assembled his forces, was hurrying in a state of commotion104 towards the lower gorge105 of the Khyber pass, when the[Pg 285] news of the Sikh defeat at Sobraon reached him, which induced that chief to refrain from any further proceedings106. If any entertain a doubt as to whether his real intentions were to co-operate with the British or with the Sikhs, this last measure must amply explain them, for what better opportunity could have presented itself to the mountain chief for striking a blow at Peshawur than the period of paralyzation ensuing after so many rapid and severe defeats of the Sikh forces?
Had matters befallen otherwise, there is little doubt that success on the part of the Sikhs would have ensured the performance of the promises of assistance sent by Akbar Khan to Lahore, and such a swarm108 of Eastern warriors109 would have spread over our north-western provinces, as had never been seen since the days of the victorious110 Nadir111 Shah.
Affairs being now in a train for settlement, it was no longer deemed necessary to keep the whole army concentrated at Lahore. Two regiments112 (the 16th Lancers and 31st Foot) were permitted to volunteer previously to[Pg 286] proceeding107 to Calcutta and embarking114 for England, and as, during such occasions, liquor is freely administered, and discipline necessarily relaxed, the camp afforded daily evidence of the prevailing115 tastes of the English soldier.
It is a general opinion in the service, and I believe a correct one, that soldiers who have served long in India are not the best material for home employment. It does not at all surprise me, that men who have been employed in storming batteries and overcoming armies, whose days have been passed in marching under the fiery116 beams of an Eastern sun, and whose nights have been spent in watchfulness117 through the chilling damps of a January night in India, should not feel much relish118 for resuming their recruit's skin. When a man has done the utmost which the service requires of him, nay119 more, when his conduct has become the theme of encomium120, and he has enjoyed a private's full share of the thanks of Parliament, he is not generally over well pleased when set assiduously to work at battalion drill with a herd121 of recruits, to help and make a new regi[Pg 287]ment. It is on this account, I think, that soldiers who have served in India are not the best qualified122 for English duties, and not because the habits they have contracted in the East have become so inveterate123 that they are unable to shake them off. Yet, with this conviction on my mind, it certainly was a painful sight to witness the breaking up of a regiment113, which must ensue under the volunteering system. A man awakes on the morrow after his intoxication124, and finds that he had bound himself with hopeless fetters125 to exile. Another presents himself as a willing offering for service in the East, which he could hardly hope to see to an end, abandoning all ties of home and kindred, and embracing with satisfaction, as his adopted country, in lieu of old England, the land of the stranger and of the heathen. How many an anxious mother, or orphan126 sister, has looked forward, with eager expectation, for the return of a regiment to their native country, and found that after all the perils127 of war had been overcome, the blandishments of an Eastern bazaar4 had induced the expected son or brother[Pg 288] to abandon and forget the natural ties of kindred, and to separate himself for ever from those who ought to have some hold on his affections!
On the evening of the 3rd of March, previously to the breaking up of the army, the three British cavalry regiments which had been engaged in the late actions, assembled to dine together, when the extensive tables spread under long rows of tents exhibited a motley array of uniforms, and an equally varied128 collection of dinner-equipage, such as will rarely be met with again. The number of black bottles would have been startling to the advocates of plate and decanters; but on this occasion they were all applied129 to their legitimate130 purposes. Formerly, the case had been widely different; for many regiments, after the sorrows of Buddewal, had devoted131 those unseemly flagons, not only to the service of wine, but to the more urgent calls of illuminating132 the tables; and Guinness's portly bottles had often stood in homely133 familiarity beside their more slender and elegant claret brethren; both alas134! de[Pg 289]graded to the vile50 purpose of supporting wax candles.
The next morning, the two regiments above-named quitted their fellow-comrades to commence their roasting expedition towards Calcutta; and a few days afterwards, the greater part of the army returned towards their allotted135 cantonments in India, leaving Sir John Littler, with ten thousand men, to form the garrison of Lahore.
The Governor-general, who had now been raised to the honour of a peerage, proceeded by the sacred city of Umritsir towards his summer abode41 in the Himalayah mountains; and the forces under Brigadier Wheler, with some additional native corps136, occupied the newly-ceded territories in the Jullundur Dooab.
Amidst this general departure and dispersion of our forces, there remained but one troublesome and refractory137 party, in the killedar, or native governor of a fort, near the foot of the hills, called Kote Kangra. Deaf to the orders from the Lahore Durbar, he resolutely138 objected to surrender his command;[Pg 290] and the fort was known to be so strong, that it was found necessary to despatch139 additional troops, with some guns of heavier metal, to reduce the place.
For upwards140 of three months, this obstinate141 killedar continued to refuse possession of his fortress. After numerous parleys142 and conferences, which were accorded with the humane143 intention of preventing any further bloodshed on either side, a suitable train of battering-guns reached the British camp, when, seeing that any further resistance would be hopeless, the commandant of the fort surrendered to the detested144 Feringees, marching out his garrison with the honours of war.
Thus ended the sanguinary struggles with an enemy who had caused the British supremacy in India to quake to its foundations, and who had so far profited by the often-repeated lessons taught them in European tactics, that it is not surprising that clauses should be inserted in the treaties to restrict such inconvenient145 knowledge for the future. But, although the instruction may be discontinued, yet the[Pg 291] information gained, and the practical purposes to which it has been applied, cannot be annihilated146 by treaties and proclamations. Few will now venture to question the soundness of the maxim147, that our Indian empire must be maintained by the sword.
The practical comment on the late war has been a large reduction of our native army, recently promulgated148. If this be followed by an augmentation of the European troops employed in the north-western provinces, we may understand the economy, and applaud the policy, which dictated149 such a measure; but if, with the extension of territory, a reduction of the forces—which already had just sufficed to turn the scale in our favour—should ensue, a second campaign on the Sutlej will be likely to render the abolition150 of the Queen's and Company's forces in India a probable result.
My tale of Eastern Wanderings, and of the campaigns in which it has been my lot to bear a humble share, is told.
The subject of these pages has beguiled151 many a leisure hour in camp and quarters. I[Pg 292] hope I may not have retaliated152 unfavourably on such of my readers as have been liberal enough to accompany me throughout my long journey.
I have spoken freely on all subjects connected with military matters, because I take the deepest interest in my profession, and feel convinced that the trade of war cannot be better served than by a minute and free investigation153 of all its details.
If, in the description of active operations, any errors of details may be detected, let me be judged leniently154; for the confusion of the field of battle not only prevails at the moment, but its din3 will often bewilder the mind of the eye-witness long after the cannon have ceased.
That it is not an easy matter to be accurate in such details, may be inferred from the fact, that in the despatches of Sobraon, especial thanks were given to a brigadier for his exertions in the field during that day, when the innocent hero of the despatch was fast asleep on a sick bed at Ferozepore. Such is the fortune of war, that the feather-bed is often more[Pg 293] prolific155 of honour than the path of thorns, and "the bubble reputation sought in the cannon's mouth."
Now that the scene of active operations has closed, I cannot flatter myself that the author of these volumes can have excited sufficient interest in his movements to be followed any further in his pilgrimage. Therefore, on the sun-burnt plains of Lahore we will part; and we cannot do so under more favourable156 terms than those emphatically recommended by the eccentric Terence—
"Vos valete et plaudite."
The End
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1
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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bazaar
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| n.集市，商店集中区 | |
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bazaars
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| （东方国家的）市场( bazaar的名词复数 )； 义卖； 义卖市场； （出售花哨商品等的）小商品市场 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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exhaling
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| v.呼出，发散出( exhale的现在分词 )；吐出（肺中的空气、烟等），呼气 | |
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fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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gory
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| adj.流血的；残酷的 | |
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manure
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| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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lavishly
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| adv.慷慨地，大方地 | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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itinerant
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| adj.巡回的；流动的 | |
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wares
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| n. 货物, 商品 | |
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vendors
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| n.摊贩( vendor的名词复数 )；小贩；（房屋等的）卖主；卖方 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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44
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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45
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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47
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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48
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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49
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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50
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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51
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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52
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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53
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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54
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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55
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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56
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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58
diffuse
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| v.扩散；传播；adj.冗长的；四散的，弥漫的 | |
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59
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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60
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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61
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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62
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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63
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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64
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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65
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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66
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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67
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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68
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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69
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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70
mandates
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| 托管（mandate的第三人称单数形式） | |
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71
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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72
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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73
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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74
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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75
tragical
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| adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
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76
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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77
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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78
propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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79
arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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80
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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81
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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82
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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83
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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84
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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85
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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86
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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87
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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88
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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89
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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90
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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91
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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92
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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93
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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94
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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95
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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97
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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98
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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100
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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101
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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102
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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103
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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104
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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105
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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106
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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107
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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108
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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109
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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110
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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111
nadir
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| n.最低点，无底 | |
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112
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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113
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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114
embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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115
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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116
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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117
watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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118
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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119
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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120
encomium
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| n.赞颂；颂词 | |
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121
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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122
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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123
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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124
intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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125
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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126
orphan
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| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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127
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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128
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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129
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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130
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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131
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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132
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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133
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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134
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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135
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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137
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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138
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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139
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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140
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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141
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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142
parleys
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| n.和谈，谈判( parley的名词复数 ) | |
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143
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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144
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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146
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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147
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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148
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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149
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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150
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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151
beguiled
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| v.欺骗( beguile的过去式和过去分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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152
retaliated
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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154
leniently
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| 温和地，仁慈地 | |
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155
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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156
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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