No action ever fought in the East was more decisive than that of Sobraon, and few battles of modern times have exhibited a greater loss in proportion to the numbers engaged.
It must appear that the enemy's intentions in building a bridge of boats across the river, in face of the British army, was to deter3 Sir Henry Hardinge from transferring the war to the opposite shore, where the Sikh soldiery[Pg 250] were well aware that they had much to apprehend4 from national dissension as well as private intrigue5 amongst the sirdars.
As the British army, after its concentration, subsequent to the battle of Ferozeshuhur, remained some time inactive, awaiting the arrival of the siege train, the enemy began to regain6 confidence. It appears probable that the Sikhs would, ere long, have commenced active hostile measures, otherwise the attitude assumed at Sobraon must be quite inexplicable7.
It is almost superfluous8 to notice the error committed by the Sikhs in neglecting to complete their entrenchments, (for which they had ample time,) and in weakly garrisoning10 the weakest part of their works. To that cause, and fighting with a river in their rear, which offered a main obstacle to their retreat, must be attributed the enormous losses suffered by the enemy, from which a hasty retirement11 had saved them on former occasions.
In each action, the Sikhs had lost nearly all their cannon12, and the greater part of their[Pg 251] artillerymen; and as these could not be replaced by raw levies14, each defeat had been more serious than at the first glance it may have been considered. Indian history offers no parallel to the resolution displayed by the enemy in preparing for a renewal15 of active measures immediately after each defeat.[55] It had long been a favourite saying with military men in India, that the Sikhs would certainly fight one good battle when hostilities16 ensued, and that the remainder of the war would amount to no more than the reduction of their forts. This established maxim17, however, did not prove that we were very thoroughly18 acquainted with the Sikh disposition—and after Ferozeshuhur, it lost all its advocates. The military theorists were compelled to trace a new line of operations, which proved, even after Sobraon, tolerably indefinite, for there[Pg 252] were few officers in the army who did not expect a smart action on the opposite shore.
The heavy losses suffered by the British at Sobraon, were mainly owing to the strong works which the centre and right divisions of the army so gallantly19 stormed. Had the attack upon those points been delayed until the enemy's weaker parts on his right had been carried, (the Sikh entrenchments being then taken in reverse,) his batteries would have been rendered unserviceable, whilst our horse artillery13 might, with the sappers' assistance, have been brought into the area of the works, to act against the disordered masses. Under such circumstances, it appears likely that the action would have been sooner over, and Sir Harry20 Smith's and General Gilbert's divisions spared the storm in which they suffered so heavily. At the same time that the enemy would have been compelled to face his new assailants, being attacked by the reserve division, his retreat would have been completely intercepted21, and his final and utter destruction been apparently22 inevitable23.
[Pg 253]
As it happened, the Sikh losses were undoubtedly24 enormous. The entrenchments were defended by about thirty thousand troops, Aeen battalions25 and Bundookcheras, besides irregulars and cavalry26, who retreated early from the scene of action. Of this army, fully27 one half were destroyed in the trenches28, or in the passage of the river. During the battle, four boats, connecting the bridge of boats with the opposite shore, had been removed, which caused the whole fabric29 rapidly to give way when oppressed with the weight of the retreating multitude. This removal of the boats was generally understood to have been a pre-concerted arrangement with Ghoolab Singh, for the destruction of a force which caused him, as well as many others, considerable disquietude. I give this merely as a prevalent report, and one likely enough to be true, judging from the accomplishments30 in treachery which the Sikh history evinces, in common with other nations of Hindostan; but the secrets of the political department are necessarily maintained for a time, and have not yet become public.
[Pg 254]
The revelation would certainly be inconvenient31 to Ghoolab Singh; and its suppression, if founded in fact, is perhaps incumbent32 on those in authority.
Whilst the Sikhs were thus being effectually repelled33 from our north-western frontier, the force in Scinde, under Sir Charles Napier, was rapidly advancing, to co-operate with the British main column. That energetic warrior34 hastened towards the scene of warfare35, in advance of his forces, but did not succeed in reaching the field of operations before the final act of the tragedy had been performed, and the curtain had fallen. Those who are acquainted with that chivalrous36 family may judge of the disappointment endured by a Napier arriving too late for a battle!
At the same time that the British army were concentrated at Kussoor, Brigadier Wheler's division at Loodiana crossed the Sutlej, opposite the fortress37 of Philoor, unopposed by the Sikhs, although a portion of the Khalsas made their appearance in the neighbourhood; but finding that the ground had been preoccupied,[Pg 255] no attempt was made to molest38 the British general.
On the 11th, 12th, and 13th of February, the whole of the British army having been poured across the bridge of boats, advanced, and took post on the strong defensible ridge2 at Kussoor, where a picket39 of the enemy, which had occupied that position, fell back, and left them in undisputed possession of the strongest ground between the river and the metropolis40.
The shattered remnant of the Sikh army, after the defeat at Sobraon, had fallen back, and bivouacked in the neighbourhood of Umritsir, where they remained irresolute41, and awaiting the result of the deliberations going on at Lahore. The whole materiel of that army had been so utterly42 dismantled43, that little apprehension44 was entertained of even such efforts as might be prompted by the influence of despair. Their guns,[56] in which the main[Pg 256] confidence of the Sikh army had ever been placed, had been nearly all captured, and their artillerymen lay on the field of Sobraon. The Aeen battalions, who had readily and gallantly borne the brunt of battle in defence of the batteries and entrenchments, had suffered most severely45, especially in the two last engagements. Under this combination of disasters, the Khalsa army was from that day forth46 no longer worthy47 of consideration; nor is there any probability that the Sikhs will ever again, during our time, arrive at the same military predominance which they once possessed48.
Still, it appeared doubtful that our advance towards the capital would be effected without another struggle, for their mettle49 had been now too fully tested to be treated any longer with contempt; though any efforts which might be made when reinforced from Lahore must have been hopeless, as no time had been allowed them to entrench9 themselves. It was conjectured50 that the sirdars would willingly come forward to sue for terms, but their influ[Pg 257]ence with the Punchayut was not reckoned on with much certainty.
In the midst of all doubts on this head, on the 15th of February Rajah Ghoolab Singh, who had long corresponded through secret emissaries with the British government, approached the lines of Kussoor in order to sue for a suspension of hostilities, and, accompanied by a slender escort, arrived at our outposts.
The Sikh chieftains, with little show of the pride or pomp of other days, and dressed in the simplest garb51 of Asiatic soldiery, were conducted to the quarters of Sir Henry Hardinge, and received with solemn distrust.
No eagerness was manifested on the part of the British government to negotiate with the deputation from the Lahore court; but Ghoolab Singh and his companions exhibited such unquestionable proofs of uneasiness, anxiety, and humility52, that it was almost painful to behold53 the stately and chilling deportment which it was deemed politically expedient54 to assume towards the humbled56 Sikh chieftains. No firing[Pg 258] of cannon, no ceremonious salutes58 were made use of on the occasion; and when Ghoolab Singh tendered his nazzur[57] he was requested to keep his presents until he had sufficiently59 testified, by his future fidelity60, the dependence61 which might be placed upon his amicable62 professions towards the British.
The crest-fallen chiefs appeared willing and anxious to assent63 to such conditions as were demanded, and listened with affected64 humiliation65 and evident apprehension to the catalogue of iniquities66 laid to the charge of their countrymen. When, at length, Ghoolab and his chosen colleagues retired67 to a secret and conclusive68 interview with the secretaries, it was more with the air of malefactors about to receive their sentence, than with the bearing of men who professed69 themselves the firm and faithful advocates of British supremacy70. The Sikh chiefs were vested with full powers from the Lahore Durbar and the military Punchayut, to arrange whatever terms could be obtained, and,[Pg 259] after an interview protracted71 to a late hour of the night, the rajah took his departure, having assented72 to every proposal, and no doubt much relieved to find the terms were not more stringent73.[58]
The conditions demanded on our part, and agreed to on that of Ghoolab Singh, were—
1. The surrender to the British of the lands[59] lying between the rivers Beeas and Sutlej.[60]
2. The payment of one and a half crore of rupees (a million and a half pounds sterling) as an indemnity74 for the expenses of the war.
3. The disbandment of the Sikh army, and its reorganization on the system and[Pg 260] pay of the time of Runjeet Singh.[61] The limitation of this army to be determined75 in communication with the British government.
4. The surrender of all guns used in the late campaigns against the British.
5. The entire control of the river frontier, and the organization of future administration in the Punjaub.
It was also arranged that the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, should be sent from Lahore to meet the Governor-general on his advance from Kussoor, and to accompany him to the capital.
Before leaving Kussoor, an officer and six privates, who had been taken prisoners at Buddewal, were sent from Lahore, where they had experienced the most liberal treatment from their captors, especially after the news of Sobraon reached the capital.
The population of the district in which we were encamped professed much satisfaction at[Pg 261] the change of administration about to be effected. One hoary76 headed old Mahommedan advanced towards a group of officers in our lines, smacking77 his lips, and protesting that he felt immense confidence in the new government, and had already enjoyed a fair taste of its benefits, by eating a portion of a slaughtered78 bull,[62] a food of which he had not partaken for upwards79 of forty years. The superannuated80 epicure81 met with very little encouragement from our party.
On the morning of the 18th of February the whole British army advanced from Kussoor towards Lahore, marching in order of battle, to guard against any change of mind on the part of our newly acquired friends.
A brigade of cavalry were left in charge of the baggage, and this onerous82 duty caused the troops to march more in the semblance83 of a funeral procession than that of the advance of a victorious84 army.
The weather, at this season, was fine, though[Pg 262] the sun at noon was becoming rather severe. The country was generally open and cultivated, but with large patches of low jungle or underwood interspersed85, which rendered it unfavourable for cavalry man?uvres, and would have afforded excellent shelter for the enemy's Light Infantry86; but they had had fighting enough to satisfy them for the present.
On the evening of the 18th, after our arrival in camp, at a small village named Lullianee, the Sikh chiefs arrived from Lahore, escorting their youthful Maharajah. The deputation were fully as humble55 in their deportment as the most punctilious87 despot could have required; and Dhuleep Singh, having been graciously forgiven for the offences of his countrymen, and raised to the precarious88 honours of acknowledged sovereignty, was at last treated to a royal welcome from the voices of our heavy cannon. A proclamation had been issued from Kussoor, giving notice that territorial89 aggrandisement was not the object of the British government, but that they were desirous only of establishing such authority at Lahore as would be competent to[Pg 263] restrain the soldiery from the perpetration of outrages90 similar to the past. The chiefs and sirdars were invited to act in concert for the furtherance of such an arrangement, and as the wording of the proclamation gave a special invitation to the "well wishers of the descendants of Runjeet Singh," the Lahore Durbar were made aware that the semblance and name of a kingdom would not be taken from them.
Subsequently to Dhuleep Singh's visit at Lullianee, a second proclamation was issued from our camp, giving notice that the Durbar had acquiesced91 in all the terms, and that if no further opposition92 were offered to the British arms, measures would be taken to re-establish the descendants of Runjeet, and to protect the inhabitants.
The British army, continuing to advance in the same order as before, came in sight of Lahore on the morning of the 20th of February, and took up their encampment about three miles from the city, forming three sides of a square, and occupying the parade ground and[Pg 264] cantonments recently held by the Aeen battalions.
The soldiers were strictly93 required not to stray from their lines or visit the city, which at present was crowded with people of every denomination94, few of whom, it may be supposed, could feel very favourably95 disposed towards their conquerors96. The troops of Ghoolab Singh were encamped near the walls, and held the most important positions in the capital.
On the afternoon of our arrival, the secretary to government, accompanied by a large military escort, under the directions of Brigadier Cureton, proceeded to the palace with the young Maharajah. Marching round the walls of the city, nearly suffocated97 with dust, which rolled in dense98 columns and obscured the whole scene, we were received and saluted99 by Ghoolab Singh's forces, drawn100 up on their several posts around Lahore. Most of these were fine wiry looking soldiers, and bore some resemblance in appearance to our Goorkha battalions, though inferior in appointments, and evidently not half disciplined. The gateway101 to the palace, then[Pg 265] occupied by the Ranee, opened from the north-western quarter of the city, and the escort formed line fronting the citadel102, whilst the governor-general's representative and his party proceeded on their mission. On arriving at the entrance, the political agent and a few officers proceeded to the interior, and shortly afterwards a salute57 from the light guns announced that the boy whom we had set up to be a king over the Sikhs had been placed in the hands of his anxious mother, the Ranee, of drunken notoriety.
The interview was not of long duration, much to our relief, as the sombre walls which we were left to contemplate103 did not present a very cheerful aspect, and the inhabitants of Lahore evinced no interest or curiosity in the transactions.
The ceremonial being ended, we wound about the exterior104 of the city towards our camp, thus completing the whole circuit of the walls, and returned to our quarters about nightfall, after a tolerably fatiguing105 day; but we had now become so well used to living in our saddles,[Pg 266] that it was rather a variety to pass the day anywhere else.
As the conclusion of the war now rested in the hands of the political department, we were at length able to lie down at night, with some hopes of not being trumpeted106 into our saddles before we had well fallen asleep; and there were few soldiers of the British army who did not take full advantage of this immunity107, save the unfortunate members of the standard guards and outlying pickets108.
The remainder of the Sikh forces still continued encamped between the river and Lahore, but an intimation was sent to them, that such as chose to come into Lahore would receive payment of all arrears109 due to them, and must then consider themselves as no longer required for military service. The Irregular Cavalry hastened in crowds to take advantage of this offer, but the regular battalions heard at first with feelings of indignation that they were to be disbanded, and professed their resolution to hazard another battle with the remaining thirty-six cannon which had been saved from[Pg 267] the wreck110 at Sobraon, owing to their remaining on the opposite bank. The chiefs, Tej Singh and Lal Singh, seeing the game was up, refused to lead the soldiers to action, and having also assured the Sikh army that a great portion would be re-enlisted for future service, and that those who were most ready to accept the proffered111 terms would undoubtedly have the first choice in re-enlistment, these arguments produced a salutary effect.
The surrender of all the cannon which had been used against the British was at length reluctantly complied with, for the attachment112 of native troops to their guns is proverbial throughout the East, and when this point was carried, the complete dispersion of the regular battalions ensued.
The reluctance113 on the Sikh part to abandon their profession, must appear an inexplicable matter to those who judge of soldiers' attachment to their trade by its unpopularity amongst our countrymen; but throughout the greater portion of Asia military zeal114 is a prevalent feature, and in the Indian armies, dismissal[Pg 268] from the service has hitherto been deemed one of the gravest punishments which could be inflicted115.
The most surprising feature in this campaign was the readiness with which the Sikhs rose after each defeat, fresh for another contest. But with that nation war is one of the principles of religion, and as the wily Mahomet led his daring soldiers to believe that they were fighting their way to Paradise, so the presumptuous116 Sikh was taught that his greatest moral obligation consisted in being a brave soldier. To further this object, he was trained in early youth to the use of his weapons, and learned to consider them as the most useful part of his costume. Under this hardy117 regime they rose from a sect118 into a formidable nation. In this instance they formed no exception to the general rule amongst all nations, where military prowess has always been a necessary condition in the scale of ascendancy119.
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1
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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3
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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6
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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7
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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8
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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9
entrench
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| v.使根深蒂固；n.壕沟；防御设施 | |
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garrisoning
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的现在分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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14
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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15
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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16
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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18
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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22
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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36
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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picket
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| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
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40
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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41
irresolute
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| adj.无决断的，优柔寡断的，踌躇不定的 | |
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42
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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43
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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44
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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45
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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46
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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47
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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48
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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49
mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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50
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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52
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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53
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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54
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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55
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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56
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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57
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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58
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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59
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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60
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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61
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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62
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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iniquities
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| n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 )；极不公正 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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hoary
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| adj.古老的；鬓发斑白的 | |
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smacking
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| 活泼的，发出响声的，精力充沛的 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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superannuated
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| adj.老朽的，退休的；v.因落后于时代而废除，勒令退学 | |
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epicure
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| n.行家，美食家 | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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suffocated
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| （使某人）窒息而死( suffocate的过去式和过去分词 )； （将某人）闷死； 让人感觉闷热； 憋气 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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gateway
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| n.大门口，出入口，途径，方法 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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fatiguing
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| a.使人劳累的 | |
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trumpeted
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| 大声说出或宣告（trumpet的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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115
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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118
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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