Iron-working was of course familiar to the people of the Mediterranean4 and even to the continental6 Celts long before it was introduced into Britain;966 but, it need scarcely be said, everywhere until the Middle Ages, the metal was not cast, but only wrought7. Not far from Hallstatt, the only place in Europe where the gradual transition from the use of bronze to that of iron can be traced, were the iron mines of Noreia, which were certainly worked at a very early period, and from which, some archaeologists still insist, the use of iron spread to all European lands.967 Since iron tools and weapons of the later Hallstatt type, ranging from about the beginning of the sixth to the end of the fifth century before the Christian8 era, are almost entirely9 wanting in Britain, the earliest products of our Iron Age can hardly be older than the later of these dates. Were they introduced by immigrants or in the ordinary course of trade? Among the round barrows on the Yorkshire Wolds are two, situated10 in the parish of Cowlam, each of which contained the skeleton of a woman. The appearance of these mounds11 was not different from that of many others, most of which belonged to the Bronze Age and a few perhaps to that of stone: the skeletons were interred12 in the contracted position which had been common for many centuries; and the pottery14 exactly resembled the domestic pottery which is associated with bronze. The practised explorer who opened the barrows confessed that but for 232 the presence of a brooch and certain ornaments17 of the Iron Age he would unhesitatingly have assigned them to the older period; and he accordingly concluded that no new people had come in with iron.968 But the conclusion is not warranted except perhaps for the particular district to which these graves belong. The use of iron might have spread by barter18 to Yorkshire after it had been introduced by new-comers into lands nearer Gaul; and the prevalent opinion is that it was introduced about the beginning of the fourth century before Christ by Gallic invaders who spoke19 a Brythonic dialect.969
The Belgae preceded by other Brythons, who began to arrive about 400 B.C.
Caesar knew nothing of any Gallic invaders of Britain except the Belgae, who, as he gathered, inhabited the maritime20 districts, evidently of the south-east and south: the people of the interior, according to his informants, were aborigines. This statement, however, made no distinction between the real aborigines and the round-headed immigrants who found them in possession. It is impossible to say certainly which of the tribes in Caesar’s time were Belgic, except the Belgae, the Catuvellauni, and the Atrebates, none of whom possessed21 territory north of the basin of the Thames;970 but the names of tribes and of places 233 mentioned by Ptolemy and other late writers show that the greater part of England and Wales and at least a considerable part of Southern Scotland were in the first century of the Roman occupation inhabited by Brythons; and it is morally certain that they did not arrive after Caesar’s departure. Evidently, therefore, the Belgae had been preceded by other Brythons. But when did the first Belgic invaders appear? Those who are not content to take on trust the widely different dates which have been assigned by archaeologists will find that it is impossible to achieve any definite result. Dr. Arthur Evans has at different times conjectured22 that the invasion began about two hundred,971 about one hundred and fifty,972 and about three hundred years before the birth of Christ.973 It would appear, however, from the time that must have been required for the gradual evolution of the successive types of British coins which will be noticed hereafter, that the prototype was introduced not less than a century and a half, possibly two centuries, before the Christian era; but it is impossible to prove, though it is generally assumed, that 234 money was coined by the first Belgic invaders. The date of the commencement of the earlier Brythonic invasion is equally uncertain. It is now provisionally fixed24 about 400 B.C.974
Ethnology of the invaders.
Classical writers are practically unanimous in describing Celts as a tall stalwart people with fair or red hair; and physical anthropology25 confirms the general accuracy of their statements. But this science shows that the Celts, Goidelic and Brythonic, who successively invaded Gaul were mixed themselves, and that the population whom they found there were composed of two intermingled elements—a small dark people who resembled the older neolithic26 inhabitants of our own islands, and a short sturdy people, also dark but round-skulled, who began to enter Gaul in the Neolithic Age. Doubtless the Belgae as well as the earlier Brythonic invaders of Britain were an amalgam27 of all these elements, the tall red Celts whose ancestors had introduced the Celtic language into Gaul being the most conspicuous28. But it is remarkable29 that although Strabo emphasizes the great stature30 of the Britons, such sepulchral31 evidence as we possess does not bear out his description. The skeletons of the Early Iron Age that have been exhumed32 in Britain are mainly those of small or middle-sized men, who to an untrained eye seem hardly distinguishable from the neolithic race, but whose skulls33, although they too are long and narrow, generally differ from theirs in the sight of an expert. Even the skeletons that have been found interred with war-chariots are unlike those of the cemeteries34 of North-Eastern Gaul. Unfortunately the chariot-burials of Britain are very few: many of the later British interments of the Early Iron Age 235 were made by cremation35; and it can only be concluded that the evidence which might have enabled us to recognize the Celtic conquerors37 of the classical type has perished or has not yet come to light.975
The order in which the various tribes arrived unknown.
Attempts, based upon the geographical38 positions of the various Brythonic tribes, as they were defined by Caesar, Ptolemy, and other ancient writers, have been made to determine the order in which they arrived. Thus it has been supposed that the Britanni, coming from the country near the mouth of the Somme, crossed the Straits and took possession of Kent; that the Atrebates sailed up Southampton Water and pushed inland till they reached those parts of Hampshire and Berkshire in which they were afterwards found; that the Trinovantes, who in Caesar’s time occupied Essex, steered39 for the mouth of the Thames; that the Catuvellauni, arriving a little later, were obliged to move higher up the valley and content themselves with parts of Middlesex, Hertfordshire, and Oxfordshire; that the Eceni, whose settlements were in East Anglia, came later still; and after them the Coritani, who dwelled beyond the Wash, the Parisi, who seized the region of the Humber, and the Brigantes, who held the greater part of Yorkshire and Durham. The Cornavii of Cheshire and Derbyshire, whose name seems to mean the inhabitants of the horn or peninsula, are accordingly assumed to have landed between the Mersey and the Dee. Last of all, we are told, came the Votadini, who took to themselves the tract13 between the Tyne and the Firth of Forth40.976
It would be surprising if these conjectures41 did not attain42 some measure of truth; but those who will not accept guesses even from the highest authority without testing them will perceive that they bristle43 with difficulties. It is not certain that the obscure Britanni, who are known to history only as a Gaulish tribe and are not even mentioned by Caesar, ever invaded Britain at all: the same writer who tells us that they were the first comers tells us also that they were Belgic, and that the Belgae were preceded by other 236 Brythons;977 and the Belgae, although they were last in the field, were not forced to seek distant abodes46, but conquered the best parts of the country which were nearest to the Continent. We know nothing and can learn nothing of the history of the Belgic or the earlier Brythonic settlements.
‘Late Celtic’ art.
The Brythonic invaders introduced the first beginnings of the so-called Late Celtic art, which, remotely connected with that of Central and Southern Europe, attained47 its highest development in the British Isles48. It was partly an outgrowth of the culture which on the Continent is called after the Helvetian settlement of La Tène, a village built on piles in a bay of the lake of Neuchatel. This culture, which owed much to that of Hallstatt, has also been traced to classical and even to Oriental sources; but in the century which preceded the Roman conquest of Britain, while the Continent was dominated by the influence of Rome, its offspring asserted its own individuality.978 The Belgic conquest, which brought Britain into closer connexion with the Continent, gave a powerful impetus50 to the spread of Late Celtic art. The study of its details and of the evolution of its various types belongs to archaeology51; but a general knowledge of its main features is essential to the understanding of British history.
Late Celtic works of art are in general as easily recognized as those of the Bronze Age, although only an expert could assign a given specimen52 to its proper period; but they are far more difficult to describe. While the chevron53 is the characteristic feature of the older culture, that of the younger is the curve. Rectilinear patterns, inherited from the Bronze Age, appear on many Late Celtic objects, but generally combined with those of curvilinear form.979 Anthropomorphic 237 and zoomorphic designs occasionally occur; and although the examples which best illustrate54 this tendency—two bronze-mounted buckets found at Marlborough980 and Aylesford981—were imported from Gaul, a bronze shield, dredged up from the river Witham, which is decorated with the figure of a boar, was undoubtedly56 of British workmanship.982 Geometrical designs are associated with representations of natural forms; and in certain cases one may see the latter becoming so conventionalized that they are tending to pass into the former. The scroll57-like curves which hang from the mouths of the pair of confronted animals on the Marlborough bucket represent twigs58 on which they are supposed to have been browsing59: certain scabbards are embellished61 with undulating curves, of which the original motive62 was an attempt to depict63 foliage64; and everywhere the effect of successive copying was to transmute65 forms suggested by nature into sinuous66 lines, the origin of which is veiled by their very beauty. The ultimate result was a system of decoration which has been likened to the flamboyant67,—the flame-like tracery of decadent68 French Gothic architecture.983
Coral and enamel69.
The Late Celtic artist was not content with merely devising graceful71 lines on metal, wood, or earthenware72: he often adorned74 his creations with coral and enamel. Coral, which was imported from the islands of Hyères, was no longer used in Gaul after the middle of the third century before our era; but in this country it remained in vogue75 until a much later period.984 The art of enamelling, which had been practised long before in the Caucasus, was already known in Gaul before coral fell into disuse. The centre of the industry was the Aeduan town of Bibracte, on Mont Beuvray near 238 Autun, where the crucibles76, moulds, and polishing-stones of the workers have been discovered; but the enamellers of Britain elaborated the art to a far higher pitch of perfection. Enamels77 of many colours were produced at a late stage, but in pre-Roman times only red.985 Originally, as on a bronze helmet found in the Thames by Waterloo Bridge, the enamel was let into parallel or crossed grooves78 scored on the surface of the metal;986 but afterwards, by the champlevé process, a bed was scooped79 out for the reception of the fused material, and thus, by the covering of larger surfaces, the brilliancy of the effect was enhanced. The earlier British enamels, which show no vestiges80 of Roman influence, are found principally upon bridle-bits and harness-rings.987
Swords and scabbards.
But Late Celtic art may be studied on many other objects besides those which have been already mentioned. Though British swords of the Early Iron Age are rare, and belong for the most part to dates subsequent to the Belgic invasion, a beautiful specimen of La Tène type was found in its bronze sheath in the village-stronghold of Hunsbury near Northampton;988 and several have been recovered from the Thames, the scabbard of one being ornamented81 with a basket-pattern and open-work and an S-shaped scroll, another with transverse bars like examples from La Tène and Somme Bionne.989 Late Celtic swords, which invariably had bronze handles,990 were not, like those of the Bronze Age, leaf-shaped: their edges were nearly straight, and only tapered82 slightly near the point. Some late specimens83, more than three feet 239 long and with blunt points, intended not for thrusting but cutting, correspond to the description of Tacitus;991 but others are much shorter. A dagger-sheath, found in Oxfordshire, is noticeable for its unusual decoration,—minute punched ornament16 between two pairs of ribs84, which follow the outline of the edge, and not a single curve;992 while a scabbard from the Thames at Wandsworth is adorned with mock spirals and lozenges enclosed between parallel ribs.993
Fig55. 37. ?
Mirrors.
The reader who has been taught to regard his British forefathers85 as savages87 would not expect to find that they used mirrors; but although some of those whose pre-Roman age is certain are quite plain, a beautiful specimen which was found at Trelan Bahow in Cornwall, where to the last Roman influence was hardly felt, is probably representative of many which were made in the century before the Roman conquest, even though its own date may be later than the time of Claudius. Unlike the primitive88 mirrors, which were of iron mounted with bronze, it is made entirely of the brighter metal, and ornamented on the back with three circles, which 240 enclose patterns of engraved90 scroll-work, filled with cross-hatching.994
Fig. 38. ?
Brooches and pins.
The fibula or brooch—the prototype of the modern safety-pin—which had come into use on the Continent in the earliest period of the Hallstatt culture, was not known in our island before the Iron Age. Brooches of the successive La Tène types, in all of which the pin was straight and the body curved like a bow, have been found in considerable numbers; one of the earliest, from Water Eaton in Oxfordshire, being engraved with scrolls91 and the familiar ring-and-dot pattern, while another, from Avebury, was set with coral.995 Some brooches discovered in the stronghold of Hod Hill, near Blandford, had been modelled upon an Italian pattern of much earlier date.996 Pins, however, were still used for fastening the dress. Plain ones, which may be as old as the fourth century before Christ, have been found at Hagbourne Hill in Berkshire, and on the site of a pile-dwelling at Hammersmith, and others, which are hardly distinguishable in shape from a modern scarf-pin and belong to the period immediately preceding the coming of the Romans, in various parts of Scotland;997 but one which lay among the relics93 in a grave near Driffield was far more elaborately designed, its head being a miniature chariot-wheel with four spokes95, curiously96 inlaid with shell.998 241
Ornaments.
Of our Late Celtic ornaments many are undatable; and while the torques and richly decorated collars which are familiar to all antiquarians are common in early Gaulish graves, those of this country which are most characteristic of Late Celtic art appear to belong to the Roman period:999 but bronze bracelets98 set with paste were worn even in Yorkshire; and a penannular bracelet97 with small tooth-like projections99, which closely resembles far earlier specimens from Hallstatt, belongs to the same district.1000 Of less costly100 trinkets lathe-turned bangles of Kimmeridge shale,1001 glass armlets,1002 and glass beads1003 can hardly perhaps be classified as works of art; but it is noteworthy that the beads101, yellow, green, and blue, with their zigzag103 patterns and wavy104 white lines, which have been found at Glastonbury and in Yorkshire barrows, are utterly105 different from those of the Bronze Age, and belong mainly to a late period of the La Tène culture, though some had analogues106 in the cemetery107 of Hallstatt. As Glastonbury has also yielded pieces of glass slag108 and of crucibles, the beads were probably manufactured on the spot.1004 For some reason which has not been explained gold ornaments were apparently109 far rarer both in this country and in Gaul than in the preceding period.1005
Woodwork.
Among the finest examples of woodwork are bronze-mounted tankards which have been found in Suffolk1006 and 242 Merionethshire,1007 the former being ornamented with circles enclosed between bronze bands, and each containing the mystic three-limbed figure, called the triskele, which seems to have been akin110 to the swastika; while the handle of the latter is notable for its flamboyant tracery. Specimens of a different kind include a beautiful bowl from Glastonbury, the sweeping111 curves incised on its surface expanding into circles and trumpet-like projections which enclose diagonal cross-hatching, and a rectangular object from the same site, which has no curves but is engraved with a step-like pattern shaded with cross-hatching of double diagonals.1008
Fig. 39. ?
Pottery.
Fig. 40. ?
Not less interesting is the Late Celtic pottery, which is generally very different from that of the Bronze Age, and the distinctive112 forms of which were first classified a few years ago by the explorer of the cemetery at Aylesford. Since then numerous examples of the same types have been found in other parts of Kent and in Essex; but the influence was felt as far north as Northamptonshire, and as far west as Dorsetshire. These vessels113 were turned upon the wheel and were much finer in quality than those of the Bronze Age. 243 The most characteristic of the cinerary urns114, which in outline may be likened to a truncated115 pear, stand upon narrow pedestals and are generally divided into zones by ridges116 and corresponding grooves; while a few are incised on the bottom with concentric circles. They closely resemble urns found in Belgic cemeteries near St. Valéry-sur-Somme and in the lower valley of the Seine, which are nearly contemporary with them, belonging to the latest period of Gallic independence; but vases of the same form had been deposited three centuries earlier in the cemetery of Somme-Bionne, where the bodies had all been simply interred, whereas the urns of Aylesford were filled with cremated117 bones. The type, however, was not indigenous118 in Gaul. Its descent has been traced to vessels of earthenware found in North Italian graves of the fifth and fourth centuries before Christ, which were in their turn derived119 from bronze vases common on both shores of the Northern Adriatic. The cordons120 on the bronze vessels were simply survivals of wooden rings that compacted a frame of staves to which metal plates had been riveted121.1009
Fig. 41. 244
Pedestalled vases were not the only pottery found at Aylesford and the analogous122 sites. There were others, bowl-shaped or with low globular bodies, some of which were also cordoned123, while a few had the triangular124 decoration characteristic of the Bronze Age.
Domestic vessels of wholly different forms have also been recovered, some with handles on either side, and perforated bases, which were perhaps used for draining honey-combs, and others which are more easily recognized as Late Celtic by their flamboyant decoration. A fragment of this ware73 was taken from the same cavern125 near Torquay which had been used as a dwelling-place in palaeolithic times. Household pottery was still commonly made by hand; and while some specimens were without any ornament, others had rectilinear patterns of such a kind that, but for the associations in which they were found, they would have been referred unhesitatingly to the Age of Bronze.1010
The noblest creation of Late Celtic art.
If archaeologists were invited to name the noblest creation of Late Celtic art, I think that with one consent they would point to the bronze shield which was lost in the Thames, and found after it had lain there some nineteen hundred years. Oblong with rounded ends and gently contracted in the middle, the outline forming an endless curve, it is adorned with three successive circles of repoussé work, a large central one and two smaller, connected by sinuous lines, within which lesser126 circles are contained. The central piece of each greater circle is a boss enclosing enamelled swastika designs and surrounded by curves, S-shaped and C-shaped, which begin and end with the same mysterious device. Yet, though the beauty of form remains127, the glory of colouring is gone; and one can only now imagine how, when the shield hung upon the forgotten warrior’s arm, gleaming bronze and raised 245 246 curves and red enamel combined to produce their due effect. Like Stonehenge this was the work of a master: not one detail could be altered, or removed, or added without impairing128 its perfection.1011
Fig. 42. ?
Imported objects of art.
Among the products of Late Celtic art that have been found in Britain are some of foreign manufacture, which testify to the increased commercial activity that followed the Belgic invasion. Besides the bronze-mounted bucket, already mentioned, the Aylesford cemetery yielded a bronze flagon, which had been made in Northern Italy:1012 an elegant Graeco-Italian two-handled cup of black glazed130 earthenware with white foliated ornament encircling its inner margin131 was discovered in the rick-yard of the Manor132 Farm at Dorchester in Oxfordshire;1013 while the Marlborough bucket is adorned with figures of sea-horses which are common on Gallic coins of the neighbourhood of Rennes, and which warrant the conjecture23 that it was imported from North-Western Gaul,1014 perhaps in one of the vessels that plied133 between the Loire and Ictis. What else besides tin the Britons in the days of their independence exported in return for such articles we do not know; but in a later chapter we shall see that a long list of their exports and imports was compiled by Strabo.1015 The carrying-trade was for the most part in the hands of Gallic ship-owners; but some cargoes134 were perhaps loaded in British bottoms. The British envoys135 who presented themselves in Caesar’s camp in 55 B.C. may indeed have crossed the Channel in a Gallic merchantman, and so may the hostages who were sent to him after his first invasion of Britain; but it is unlikely that the maritime Belgic tribes, who must 247 British ships and coracles. have set out from Gaul in ships of their own, built none after they had settled in Britain, or that the numerous British adventurers who reinforced Caesar’s Gallic enemies depended for their transport upon the latter. The only British vessels, however, which are expressly mentioned by our authorities were light coracles of lath covered with hides, which Caesar observed when he was in Kent and afterwards copied when he was fighting in Spain against Pompey’s lieutenants,1016 and which are still used by Irish fishermen off the coast of Connaught.1017 These boats were doubtless employed in coastal136 navigation and on inland waterways; but much of the intertribal traffic must have been carried on along trackways, Trackways. which are still traceable, and the prehistoric138 antiquity139 of which is proved by their association with hill-forts. Most of them, like the Pilgrim’s Way, which is known to all who have tramped the high grounds of Surrey and Kent, ran along ridges or the slopes of downs which were generally unencumbered by forest or morass140. If their origin could be traced, we should find that they were formed by the earliest settlers who felt the need of communication, along the lines of least resistance which nomadic141 hunters had followed when they passed from one temporary settlement to another;1018 and doubtless attempts were made to render them more suitable for wheeled traction142 when the Cornish miners began to convey their tin in wagons143 to the coast, and the invaders of the Iron Age brought their chariots from Gaul. Even then, 248 however, wheel-less vehicles, like those which Sir Arthur Mitchell noticed a few years ago in Strathglass and Kintail, must have been used for carting timber down steep hills or over heaths where no wheeled carriage could have moved.1019
Coinage.
Foreign commerce as well as domestic trade were greatly stimulated144 by the introduction of coinage and by the development of a ruder form of currency. Towards the end of the fourth century before the Christian era the Greeks of Massilia had introduced into Gaul gold coins of Philip of Macedon, which bore on the obverse a representation of the head of Apollo wreathed in laurel, and on the reverse a charioteer driving a pair of horses with the name Philippos stamped underneath145. On these coins the Gallic coinage was modelled, and the British coinage was derived mainly from that of Gaul or through Gaul from a Macedonian stater; for certain peculiarities146 are noticeable on our earliest coins which distinguish them from those of Gaul.1020 Evidently a considerable time must have elapsed before the new art travelled from Southern to Northern Gaul, and again before it crossed the Channel; and it is only natural to find that the oldest and heaviest British coins weigh no more than a hundred and twenty grains, or thirteen grains lighter148 than the Philippus, although, on the other hand, they are heavier than Gallic coins which belong to the latter half of the second century before Christ.1021 Until about a quarter of a century after Caesar’s invasion the British coins were uninscribed: indeed uninscribed coins were still current during the earlier years of the Roman 249 occupation.1022 Their weight gradually diminished; and gradually, owing to successive copying, the head of Apollo and his wreath, the charioteer, the chariot, and the horses became more and more conventionalized and degraded, the head in certain cases passing ultimately into a cruciform pattern or even into a four-leaved flower, the charioteer being evolved into pellets, and the pair of horses becoming first one, then more and more grotesque150 until it lost all resemblance to a quadruped. Die-sinkers (who were doubtless few) would use the same dies or follow the same general type during their working career; and new types appeared when their successors came to engrave89 new dies. By estimating the time which would have been required for these successive alterations151, it has been calculated that the earliest British coins must have been struck about a hundred and fifty or perhaps two hundred years before the birth of Christ.1023
For many years the only coins of Britain were gold of two values, the smaller being a quarter of the weight of the larger;1024 and it may be gathered from the testimony152 of Strabo1025 and Tacitus1026 that they were made, at all events in part, from metal extracted from the alluvial153 deposits of the Cornish peninsula. Coins of silver, bronze, and even tin were afterwards circulated, but probably not before the era of redoubled commercial activity which began when the British islands became more closely connected with the Continent in consequence of Caesar’s invasion: indeed many of the silver coins are little earlier than the time of Claudius.1027 Specimens of all these metals are much scarcer than those of gold. Only two British tin coins are known to exist; and in the western counties no bronze coin has ever been found.1028
Specimens of the prototype of British gold coins have been found more frequently in Kent than in any other 250 county; and it may be inferred that, as might have been expected, they were first struck in the more civilized154 district which was nearest to the Continent.1029 For a long period indeed the gold currency was confined to the southern and eastern districts: before Caesar’s time there is no evidence that any tribes coined money except those whose territories lay south of a line drawn155 from the Wash to the Bristol Channel; and even from these the peoples of Gloucestershire, Northern Somersetshire, and Northern Wiltshire must probably be excluded.1030 Uninscribed coins have indeed occurred as far north as Yorkshire,1031 and as far west as Cornwall;1032 but they had found their way thither156 from other tribes.1033
Many coins of British origin which have been discovered in France, especially in the Belgic territory,1034 and many Gallic coins in South-Eastern Britain, bear further witness to the development of international trade.1035
Iron currency bars.
But coins were not the only medium of exchange. Caesar, in his description of the manners and customs of the Britons, remarked that some of them made use of iron bars of specified157 weights as a substitute for coins.1036 Until a very recent period antiquaries were waiting for some lucky find which might corroborate158 the accuracy of Caesar’s statement, not knowing that the evidence was before their eyes and only 251 needed interpretation159. Within the last eighty years a large number of iron bars have been unearthed160 in Berkshire, Northamptonshire, Worcestershire, Gloucestershire, Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, Hampshire, and the Isle49 of Wight. Many of them were found on well-known sites of the Early Iron Age, such as the lake-village of Glastonbury, and the forts of Hod Hill and Spettisbury; and some of the hoards161 comprised very numerous specimens—amounting in two cases to about one hundred and fifty, and in a third to three hundred and ninety-four—which had been buried deep in the ground. A tiro might take them for swords; but to the experts who compare them with the known swords of the Late Celtic Period it is evident that they contain too much metal; and, moreover, they may be arranged, according to their weight, in three groups, the heaviest being twice as valuable as the intermediate, and four times as valuable as the lightest. Not a single specimen has come to light in the eastern and south-eastern counties, in which coins are most abundant.1037
Mining.
The British iron-mines of which Caesar speaks were situated in the Wealden Forest; and although they were not finally abandoned before the nineteenth century, it is probable that some of the pits which mark the site of the works were excavated162 by British miners.1038 But the iron from which some of the currency-bars were wrought was obtained, in the opinion of an eminent163 metallurgist, from the Forest of Dean,1039 and, as we shall presently see,1040 those which were found in Northamptonshire may have been manufactured on the spot. Mining indeed was one of the principal industries of Britain. Tin was still exported, if not in About 100 B.C. Caesar’s time, at least as late as that of Posidonius;1041 copper164 was still needed for bronze ornaments, horse-trappings, 252 sword-sheaths, and other objects, and indeed in certain districts for cutting-tools;1042 and although the numerous ‘pigs’ of lead which have been found in Staffordshire and Cheshire belong to the time of the Empire, the discovery of leaden celts and sword-pommels of the Bronze Age1043 raises the presumption165 that the mines of those districts, of the Mendip Hills, Flintshire, and the neighbourhood of Matlock may have been worked even by the Britons.1044
Looking at all these tokens of industrial enterprise, one is prepared to find evidences of increased comfort and more Agriculture. settled conditions of life. Since the Bronze Age agriculture had undoubtedly made a notable advance. It is impossible to tell whether the Britons, like the Gauls, recognized private property in land;1045 but archaeology has furnished abundant evidence, which confirms Caesar’s statement, that at all 253 events in the south-eastern districts corn was grown in plenty. When he made his first expedition to Britain, his army, numbering at least twelve thousand men, reaped enough wheat in the near neighbourhood of Walmer to supply its wants for a fortnight or more; while in the following year he requisitioned from the people of Essex grain for four legions with their auxiliaries166 and seventeen hundred cavalry167, which was delivered within a few days.1046 An iron sickle168 and a ploughshare found in Bigbury camp near Canterbury;1047 traces of terrace cultivation169 on the Sussex downs;1048 grain of several kinds stored in Worlebury Fort, in the Glastonbury lake-village, and in Hunsbury, where also were found fragments of stone querns in such profusion170 that every family may well have possessed its own, bear witness to the industry of the British farmers.1049 So also perhaps do the famous dene-holes of Kent, Essex, and Norfolk, whose purpose has been a theme of voluminous controversy172, but of which the most satisfactory explanation seems to be that they were for the most part subterranean173 granaries, which may have been used as refuges in time of danger, and that the chalk extracted in the process of excavation174 was used, as Pliny says, for manuring fields.1050 Under the necessity of cultivating fresh land considerable progress must have been made in clearing the forests; and axes, saws, and bill-hooks, with which the woodmen worked, are still to be seen.1051 It is true that even in the more civilized south the great Wealden Forest, in which swine, guarded by fierce dogs, fed secure among wolves and foxes, badgers175, and deer, still extended beyond the chalk downs from the neighbourhood of West 254 Hythe to the eastern border of Hampshire, reached northward176 as far as Sevenoaks, and skirted the Surrey Hills; while great parts of Essex were overgrown with wood; another forest overshadowed the valley of the Kennet from Hungerford to Windsor; and the Isle of Ely was surrounded by broad meres177, swelled178 by the heavier rains which fell in those days.1052 But even in Essex much timber must have been removed to make room for the cornfields from which the Trinovantes supplied Caesar’s legions, and in Kent to form the denes in which cattle grazed; while of those myriad179 homesteads which Caesar passed on his devastating180 march not a few must have been built upon reclaimed181 land.
Dwellings182 of the rich.
The researches of the eminent scholar who has so greatly enlarged our knowledge of Roman Britain have led him to suggest that among these homesteads there may have been, besides the round Celtic huts, dwellings, belonging to the rich, which might almost be described as country houses. Under Roman administration the rural parts of Britain, as of Northern Gaul, were parcelled into estates, the owners of which let out the greater part to cultivators who were in a state of semi-serfdom, while their demesne183 lands were tilled by slaves. The houses belong to two types, known as the Corridor type and the Courtyard type, neither of which exists anywhere save in Britain and the north of Gaul. The corridor house consisted of a row of rooms with a passage running along them: the other of three such rows, which formed three sides of a quadrangle. Since there is little resemblance between either of these types and those of Italy, it may be assumed that the extant examples of both, although they had been made luxurious184 by Roman mosaics185 and hypocausts and baths, were but modified representatives of the chieftains’ houses which Caesar saw.1053
Towns.
Nor were petty hamlets and isolated187 cottages the only places of abode45. Town-life was beginning to emerge. The 255 Britons, like the Gauls, had large fortified188 villages, which afterwards gave place to the flourishing Romano-British towns whose secrets are being revealed by pick and shovel189. Camulodunum, or Colchester, the chief town of the Trinovantes, and Verulamium, hard by St. Albans, the chief town of the Catuvellauni, each of which had its mint before the Roman conquest, were doubtless tribal137 centres before Caesar came.1054 So too, probably, was Corinium, the capital of the Dobuni, which stood upon the site of Cirencester;1055 and Calleva, now Silchester, the excavation of which has been pursued for many years with illuminating190 results, was surrounded by a rampart which had evidently defended the capital of the Atrebates in pre-Roman times.1056 London, which, if we may trust Ptolemy,1057 was in the territory of the Cantii, was probably not less ancient; for Augusta, the name which Roman officialism endeavoured to impose upon it, was unable to resist the vitality192 of the Celtic appellation193.1058 Imaginative historians have pictured British London in the midst of a vast lagoon;1059 but although the site of Westminster Abbey was an island surrounded by a marsh194, and the Walbrook, where it flowed into the Thames, was little less than a hundred yards in width, it was proved during the construction of a sewer195 in London Wall that the land on the north side of the city had in Roman times been as dry as it is to-day.1060
Hill-forts.
The tribal capitals were of course fortified; but the old hill strongholds of the Neolithic Age and the Bronze Age had not been abandoned; and new ones were doubtless constructed as occasion required. Among those that have yielded remains of the Late Celtic Period the most famous are Worlebury, which crowns a headland just north of Weston-super-mare196; Hod Hill, which rises sheer above the 256 valley of the Stour, four miles north-west of Blandford; Bigbury Camp, through which runs the Pilgrim’s Way; and Winkelbury Camp in South Wiltshire, Mount Caburn, overhanging Lewes, and Cissbury Camp, already mentioned for its neolithic factory, which have been excavated by General Pitt-Rivers. Worlebury is the most remarkable of the few stone forts in the west of England. Unlike the great earthworks it has no ditch, because it needed none; and on its northern side a limestone197 precipice198 rendered fortification superfluous199. The rampart is a vast wall, compacted with rubble200 and faced on either side with dry masonry201; and, to prevent an enemy from demolishing202 it, the outer face was buttressed203 by heaps of loose stones. Many of the modern walls in the neighbourhood of the fortress204 are indistinguishable from it in structure.1061 At Winkelbury large openings were left in that part of the rampart which is contiguous to the plain, probably to enable cattle to be driven in rapidly when marauders were near; while another rampart, which bisects the camp, may have been designed to separate the cattle-pound from the quarters of the garrison205.1062 Cissbury, the principal fort on the Sussex Downs, was one of the few British strongholds which appear to have had access to a permanent supply of water: about a mile and a half off, at a place called Broadwater, is a spring, abundant enough for an army, which is connected by a trackway with the southern entrance.1063 The most characteristic feature of Mount Caburn is the number of pits which, as at Worlebury, are contained within its area. In both camps these pits are so small that they could not have been ordinarily inhabited, although, during a siege, they might have afforded shelter: probably they were used as store-rooms, for some of them contained corn.1064 Dwellings, however, were connected with them; for the remains of a clay wall were discovered on 257 Mount Caburn, impressed with marks of wattle-work; and it may be inferred that many such huts, which have left no trace, once existed within the ramparts.1065 Bigbury was probably one of the entrenchments of which Caesar was thinking when he said that ‘the Britons apply the term fortress to woods difficult of access and fortified with rampart and trench207 in which they are in the habit of taking refuge from a hostile raid’.1066 The familiar sentence was a stumbling-block to Pitt-Rivers; for, as we have seen, the British forts were as a rule constructed upon treeless heights, and the presence of trees upon the slopes would have been incompatible208 with the designs of the engineers: but Caesar’s observations must of course be accepted; and we can only suppose that the entrenchments which he described were exceptional even in the region which was the theatre of his campaign.1067 May we conjecture that they had been erected209 in the Iron Age by Celtic immigrants, and that their lack of finish was due to the lazy shrinking from the hard labour of fortification which Caesar regarded as characteristic of the Gauls?1068
The fort of Pen-y-Gaer, which overlooks the valley of the Conway, is remarkable as an almost unique specimen of ancient military engineering. A storming-party which had succeeded in passing the two outer ditches would have fallen, in attempting the next, under the missiles that showered from the rampart, on to chevaux de frise of pointed210 stones.1069
Some permanently211 inhabited.
The relics that have been collected from the hill-forts of the Iron Age prove that the forts themselves, like those of Gaul, were not merely places of refuge but permanent abodes. Those that were situated on heights extremely difficult of access or remote from water were of course very sparsely212 inhabited in time of peace; but others were analogous to 258 the Gallic fortresses213 which Caesar called oppida, and which were evidently distinct from the refuges, such as Aduatuca, which he designated as castella.1070 Pottery, it is true, would have been indispensable even during a few days’ siege; and the stone lamp, resembling that of Grimes’s Graves,1071 and blackened by use, which was recovered from Castle Law in Perthshire,1072 might well have been needed at such a time. But when we find bill-hooks, ploughshares, bridle-bits, and fragments of querns among the objects that had been left in the forts which have been mentioned, it is clear that they were occupied by an industrial population: iron slag, which lay among the deposits on Hod Hill, was evidence of metallurgy; while the loom-weights which were collected on the same spot, the bone weaving-combs of Cissbury and Mount Caburn, and the spindle-whorls which abounded214 not only in these comparatively civilized settlements but also in a stone fortress on far St. David’s Head show that among the inhabitants were women who pursued their ordinary domestic avocations215.1073 This Welsh stronghold was almost identical in construction with Carn Brea,1074 and the hut-circles which the two contain are exactly alike; yet the time which had elapsed since the Cornish ramparts were thrown up was as long as that which separates us from Alfred the Great.1075
Although many of the Scottish forts can be referred to the Early Iron Age, it would perhaps be impossible to prove that the relics found in any of them were earlier than the time of Caesar’s invasion;1076 but two have an interest of their own as being the only examples that have yet been observed in Britain of fortifications constructed, like the Gallic walls 259 which he described,1077 conjointly of timber and stone. In one of them, situated at Burghead near Elgin, wooden logs were actually discovered in the stone walls;1078 while at Castle Law, which stands upon a hill commanding a view over the Tay, as it winds through the carse on the west and loses itself in its eastern estuary217, the outer face of the wall contained rectangular openings, which had manifestly been designed for the reception of beams.1079
Hunsbury.
While the hill-forts were probably only inhabited permanently by comparatively small numbers, and, like Gergovia, the mountain-city of Auvergne, where Vercingetorix defeated Caesar, may have sheltered thousands of fugitives218 in time of need, one stronghold at least of the other group was a town in the strictest sense of the word. Hunsbury, the most celebrated219 representative of this class, which 260 stands upon high ground about two miles south-west of Northampton, might never have surrendered its precious relics if the iron ore which was known to underlie220 the site had not attracted the prospector221. About thirty years ago a company was formed to win the iron; and navvies accidentally did the work which would have been better performed under scientific direction. Hunsbury is so small that it could hardly have been a tribal centre: the entrenchment206 encloses only four acres,—less than the twelfth part of the area of Hod Hill. Not the faintest trace of Roman influence could be detected among the remains, which are now arranged in the Northampton Museum; and the experts who examined them concluded that they belonged to the time of Caesar’s invasion. They were found in pits, resembling those of Mount Caburn, about three hundred of which had been dug inside the rampart; and here too there was evidence that the dwellings had been huts of wattle-work. The townspeople were well armed: they kept horses and chariots, wove their own cloth, sawed their own timber, made their own earthenware, and grew their own corn; and heaps of slag showed that they had smelted222 the ore, which lay thenceforward undisturbed for nineteen hundred years.1080 One of several skulls which were found just outside the town was perforated with three holes, which suggest that the British Celts, like the Gauls and their neolithic predecessors223, made amulets224 out of the remains of their own dead.1081
Inhabited caves; pit-dwellings; ‘Picts’ houses’; beehive houses; and brochs.
But perhaps not many British settlements were of this 261 comparatively advanced type. In the Late Celtic Period, and indeed long after its close, caves were still inhabited, as throughout the prehistoric ages, in some cases by outlaws225, who made a precarious226 livelihood227 by robbing wealthy travellers.1082 Pit-dwellings in small groups, which apparently differed little from those of the Neolithic Age, have been found stored with Late Celtic relics;1083 and doubtless it was from habitations of this class that the thatched huts of mud and wattle-work which Strabo1084 describes, and the remains of which have been already noticed, were evolved. Such cottages, as Caesar1085 testifies, were much the same in Gaul and Britain. Posidonius was made welcome in them when he travelled in Gaul. He tells us how his hosts, seated on straw round low tables, took their meat in their fingers and tore it like lions or chopped it in pieces with their pocket-knives, and washed it down with draughts228 of beer from earthenware or silver beakers; how the meal was sometimes interrupted by a quarrel, when the disputants sprang to their feet and fought till one was slain229.1086 In the far north and in the Cornish peninsula men lived in underground dwellings, commonly called ‘Picts’ houses’, which generally consisted of a paved trench lined with dry masonry, roofed over with slabs231, and terminating in a round chamber232; while in some Scottish examples rooms were grouped on both sides of the gallery.1087 Related to these structures are the 262 Scottish mound-dwellings or bee-hive houses, specimens of which in the island of Lewis were still inhabited in the nineteenth century. They may be looked for in places such as the Hebrides, where branches large enough to form roofs like those of pit-dwellings were not to be had. In some a central chamber was connected with others which opened out of it: a hole, which could be closed at will, was left in the roof for the escape of smoke; the chinks between the stones were stuffed with grass or moss233; and the roof was covered with turf, which adhered to the interstices and made the structure compact. It is impossible to assign a precise date to these huts. Some of them contained querns and were certainly occupied in the time of the Romans; but probably many had been built before, while others are comparatively modern.1088 The most elaborate buildings of this type were the brochs, whose range extends from the Orkney and Shetland Isles, which contain nearly a hundred and fifty, to Berwickshire, but which do not exist outside the Scottish area. These buildings, which were really small forts, represent the art of dry-walling at its zenith. They were round towers about sixty feet high and fifty feet in diameter. If an enemy succeeded in forcing a way in, he found himself in an inner court open to the sky and enclosed by a commanding wall, pierced by numerous apertures234, which formed the windows of encircling galleries, from behind which the defenders235 were prepared to shoot.1089 The relics which have been found in them belong for the most part to the close of the Roman occupation and even later; but some which have been excavated in Caithness contained painted pebbles236 like 263 those of the late palaeolithic cavern of Mas d’Azil; and it is possible that they may have existed in pre-Roman times.1090
The Glastonbury marsh-village.
The most interesting, however, of all the Late Celtic settlements is the far-famed marsh-village of Glastonbury. Besides those of Holderness, which have been already mentioned, there are several lake-dwellings in Great Britain which belonged to the Early Iron Age; but almost all seem to have been built after the commencement of the Christian era.1091 Glastonbury, on the other hand, was first inhabited more than two centuries before the Roman conquest. The peat-moor on which it stands was then surrounded by a shallow mere70, and is now covered by low circular mounds which mark the positions of the former huts. Timber and brushwood, surmounted237 by layers of clay and stones, were laid upon the peat to serve as foundations, and retained in 264 place by piles fixed round their margins238. The huts were then built of wood, filled in with wattle and daub; and the entire village was protected by a palisade. The foundations were, however, so unstable239 that they gradually sank; and in order to keep the floors dry, fresh timber and clay were periodically added. When this was done, the old hearth-stones were left undisturbed; and their presence attests240 the construction of the successive floors. Among the numerous relics which excavation has revealed, and which prove that skilled agriculturists, potters, weavers241, wood-carvers, and coopers lived in the village, there is hardly a single weapon: the sling-bullets evidently served only for killing242 game. Dozens of coloured pebbles, similar to others which have been found on Hod Hill, were perhaps used in some indoor game;1092 and the spur of a cock may suggest to those who remember that the Britons thought it impious to eat poultry243 that the pastime for which, as Caesar says, the birds were reared was cockfighting.1093 It is hardly necessary to mention the weaving-combs, the spindle-whorls, the querns, the harness-buckles, and the other objects which are common in Late Celtic settlements, though it is curious that the bridle-bits were made of deer-horn; but the explorers were astonished to find a bronze mirror, tweezers244, rouge245, and other exotic objects, which showed that continental luxury had invaded this remote region.1094
Dress.
The arts of the toilet had indeed been elaborated not only in the more civilized south but even in places which, like the Yorkshire Wolds, had no direct communication with foreign lands.1095 The tunics246, the cloaks which men and women alike wore, fastened on the right shoulder with a brooch, the breeches which were common to Brythonic Celts in Britain and Gaul, and the use of which seems to have been 265 borrowed by the Continental Celts from the Scythians,1096 the kilts which, as we may perhaps infer from stone monuments,1097 were the national garb247 of the Goidels, were made, like the modern tartan, of many-coloured cloths; while the men whom Caesar encountered, although, like the Gauls, they wore their hair long, and cultivated moustaches, carefully shaved the rest of their faces and even their bodies.1098 The chieftain driving his chariot, his brilliant cloak clasped by a coral-studded brooch, his sword clanking in its decorated scabbard, his bronze shield gleaming like gold and adorned with enamel, his horses’ bridle-bits showing enamelled cheek-pieces, and their harness jingling250 with open-work bronze ornaments,1099 was perhaps only a splendid barbarian251; but his weapons and his trappings were not mere products of a factory:—they were true works of art.
Fig. 43. ?
Reading and writing.
Nor indeed are indications wanting that Britons of the upper class—not Druids only—had some tincture of letters. The Druids of Gaul, and presumably also of Britain, used Greek characters in official documents and private correspondence.1100 Diodorus1101 affirms that it was common among the Gauls to throw letters, addressed to the dead, on to the funeral pile. The Romans, after they had defeated the 266 Helvetii, found in their encampment a schedule, on which were recorded in Greek characters the numbers of the armed men, the women, and the children who had migrated into Gaul.1102 A few years later, when Caesar was marching through the territory of a Belgic tribe to relieve a besieged252 camp commanded by Quintus Cicero, he wrote him a letter in Greek characters—possibly in Greek1103—which he entrusted253 to a Gallic trooper. Unless he made his interpreter write the letter in Celtic, he evidently had reason to fear that, if it were intercepted254, some of the Belgae would be able to read the Latin; in any case that some of them knew how to read. Is it not reasonable to infer that a British Belgian here and there was as good a scholar as his kinsmen255 over the water? At all events the British inscribed149 coins, the earlier of which at least must have been the work of native die-sinkers, are evidence that before the birth of Christ there were Britons who had mastered the art of writing, and had even acquired some slight knowledge of Latin.1104 But the origins of Celtic literature, sacred and profane256, were of course purely257 oral. Bards60, who were apparently Druids of an inferior grade, sat at the tables of the great; accompanied them with their harps258 to festivals; sang their praises and satirized259 their enemies; and recited poems in honour of valiant260 warriors261 who had fallen in battle.1105
Inequalities in culture.
It must not, however, be supposed that the same level of culture had been attained in every part of the island. The Scottish specimens of Late Celtic workmanship are for the most part later than the Claudian conquest;1106 and it is probable that in outlying districts even of England and Wales iron tools in pre-Roman times were rare or unknown. No objects of the Early Iron Age which are regarded as purely 267 British have been found in Lancashire;1107 and even on Cranborne Chase, where one might have expected that continental improvements would have been adopted at least as early as in the far western settlement at Glastonbury, the searching exploration of Pitt-Rivers could detect no signs of any interval262 between the Bronze Age and the period of the Roman occupation.1108 Indeed the association of late bronze implements263 and weapons with iron harness-rings and bridle-bits at Hagbourne Hill1109 suggests that some of the deposits which are assigned to the Bronze Age may have belonged either to a period of transition or even to the time when, in South-Eastern Britain, the use of iron was universal.1110 Readers of the Commentaries would see nothing surprising in this. Caesar was told that the people of the interior for the most part did not grow corn, but lived on milk and flesh-meat and clothed themselves in skins.1111 This information was somewhat misleading; for remains of four different kinds of corn were counted at Hunsbury; and since cloth and linen264 were worn in Yorkshire by the well-to-do even in the Bronze Age,1112 it is not to be supposed that their successors had lost the arts of spinning and weaving. Still, Caesar’s statement points to an ascertained265 truth. It has been well observed that the western and northern uplands held out far longer against the Roman conquest than the central, eastern, and southern lowlands, and that they were never really Romanized 268 at all.1113 From the earliest times their inhabitants had been less open to continental and civilizing266 influences; and one of the gifts which Nature had bestowed267 upon Britain was that the regions more accessible from over sea were also more fitted to sustain an industrial population.1114 Later on, however, we shall find reason, in the juxtaposition268 of old and new sepulchral rites269, to believe that even in Kent such influences had not prevented the survival of the earlier culture.1115
Intertribal war and political development.
Moreover, notwithstanding the progress in material civilization, intertribal fighting was of course still frequent even in the south, and even after the Belgic tribes had settled down in the territories which their swords had won, and established themselves as the dominant270 people of Britain. Both Caesar1116 and Tacitus1117 spoke of these wars; but if they had been silent, the numerous strongholds which were still occupied, permanently, or as occasion required, the weapons that have been found in them, the beach-rolled pebbles, the round chipped flints, and the bullets of baked clay which lie heaped in and near them would tell the same tale;1118 nor indeed is it 269 necessary to insist upon a fact which is universal in the stage of culture in which the Britons then were. What is worthy102 of remark is that war was probably entered upon from motives271 other than those which had caused the struggles of earlier ages. Raids were no doubt still undertaken, especially in the poorer and less settled districts, by mere plunderers and cattle-lifters. But clans272 were tending to become welded, not only by the voluntary combination which was necessary for defence, but also perhaps by the sword of the ambitious captain, into the larger communities which Caesar called civitates1119; and successful chiefs were assuming the state of petty kings. As trade increased, and with it wealth, the king of a tribe which was fortunately situated would seize opportunities of acquiring dominion273 or overlordship over others. Though forest or mountain or fen191 might enable even small tribes to hold their own, and though the success of a strong king might not endure, it is possible, as we shall see, to discern in Caesar’s memoirs274 signs that attempts were already being made to achieve such sovereignty as might eventually lead towards political union, and we may suppose that in Britain also there were astute275 princes who, like the Aeduan Dumnorix, saw that they could strengthen their position by diplomacy276 or marriage.1120
Instances of female sovereignty: the condition of women.
We all learned in childhood that the Britons admitted the sovereignty of women. In the middle of the first century Cartismandua was queen of the Brigantes;1121 and a few years later, when the Iceni revolted against Rome, their general was Boudicca, who is better known by the barbarous misnomer277 of Boadicea.1122 The Gauls may have had the same institution; and perhaps it would hardly be worth noticing if it were not apparently inconsistent with what Caesar tells us about the status of Gallic wives. They were indeed permitted to own property. The bride brought a dowry to her husband; but he was obliged to add an equivalent 270 from his own estate and to administer the whole as a joint216 possession, which, with its accumulated increments278, went to the survivor279.1123 On the other hand, the husband had the power of life and death over his wife1124 as well as his children; and when a man of rank died his relations, if they had any suspicion of foul280 play, examined his wife, like a slave, by torture, and, if they found her guilty, condemned281 her to perish in the flames of the funeral pyre.1125
Political and social conditions of Britain and Gaul compared.
When we try to form an idea of the political and the social conditions of Britain in the later days of its independence, we naturally turn to Caesar’s account of Gaul in the hope of supplementing the scanty282 and scattered283 scraps284 of information which he has left about the country which was less known to him. We must, however, bear in mind that Britain had not yet come under the two currents of influence, German and Roman, which had profoundly affected285 Gaul, and in some measure prepared it to accept Roman dominion; and also that even the south-east was in a more rudimentary stage than the neighbouring country, though perhaps not more than the backward parts of Belgic Gaul.
When Caesar came to Gaul, revolutionary forces were at work to which there are analogies in the earlier history of Greece and Rome. Many of the states had expelled their kings, whose authority had passed in some cases into the hands of annually286 elected magistrates287, while in others perhaps the council of elders kept the government to itself. But these oligarchies289 were never long secure. The magistrates were fettered290 by rules, jealously framed, which weakened their executive power. Like the Tarquins, the banished291 kings or their descendants looked out for opportunities, which Caesar’s policy offered to them, of regaining292 their position; 271 while eloquent293 nobles who had contrived294 to amass295 wealth summoned their retainers, hired mercenaries, surrounded themselves with desperadoes or with the discontented poor, whose grievances296 they promised to redress297, and occasionally succeeded, like Pisistratus of Athens, in making themselves tyrants298. Celtillus, the father of the great Vercingetorix, had acquired a kind of supremacy299 over the whole of Celtican Gaul; but he was dogged by the jealousy300 of his brother nobles, who put him to death on the charge of plotting to revive the kingship. Monarchy301 and oligarchy302 had each their partisans303: everywhere there were adventurers who hoped to make their way to fortune by Roman aid, while others, eager to oust248 their rivals, were ready to welcome German invaders; and thus every state, every clan249, every hamlet, nay304, every household was riven by faction305.1126 But in Britain there is no sign that either oligarchy or tyranny had yet anywhere supplanted306 monarchy. Still, there were doubtless many points of resemblance. We may suppose that in Britain, as in Gaul, the tribal king was assisted by a council of elders; that the British, like the Gallic nobles, had their devoted307 retainers and perhaps also dependents who had fallen into their debt;1127 that only those who became their dependents could expect protection, and that only those lords who were strong enough to protect could count upon obedience308. In Britain too we may be sure that the masses were in the state of semi-serfdom which Caesar regarded as the condition of the Gallic populace; and that political power was monopolized309 by the nobles and the Druids.
Religion.
But, besides improved communication, developed commerce, and constant intercourse310 with their Continental kinsmen, there were other forces making slowly and feebly for unity,—common religious ideas and, to some extent, common ecclesiastical organization. On the other hand we may suppose that the religious union which existed together with much diversity was an effect as well as a cause of political association: when clans found it expedient312 to combine, the similar deities313 of each, which the others had before 272 regarded with hatred314 and jealousy, would tend to become fused, while those which were peculiar147 would be worshipped still.1128 Old superstitions315 of course continued to flourish side by side with those which the Celtic invaders had brought with them. The spirits of springs, of lakes, of rivers, of mountains, and of woods—of every weird317 and awesome318 dell, or cavern, or rock—were worshipped in the Iron Age as they had been for centuries before, and as they continued to be after what was called Christianity had become the official creed319.1129 The Dea Arduinna who hovered320 over the forest of the Ardennes and Abnoba, the goddess of the Black Forest, had their counterparts in Britain. These deities, however, may have been comparatively recent; for the conception of a god whose realm was a forest was of course later than that of the spirit of a single tree.1130 Even the terror that impelled321 the pristine322 savage86 to propitiate323 demons324 was not yet dead: near Newcastle-on-Tyne was erected by some Roman or Romanized Briton an inscription325 Lamiis tribus—‘to the Witches three’—who, it has been truly said, ‘were doubtless as British as the witches in Macbeth’.1131 But the cult44 of wood and water and the dread326 of devils are common to all primitive peoples and to the ignorant among many who are called civilized;1132 and such survivals in Celtic Britain may well have been common to the pre-Celtic population and to the Celts who conquered them. Moreover, it is likely enough that the greater gods whom the Celts worshipped and who, variously imagined and with various names, were the common heritage of the Aryan-speaking peoples, were in part descended327 from deities who were not Aryan, and were adored in Britain in a somewhat different spirit before the first Celt landed on the Kentish shore.1133 273
What do we know about those gods? The Celts were the first inhabitants of Britain about whose religious views definite information has been handed down to us, as distinct from what we may infer from sepulchral discoveries and from ethnography; but it is hardly an exaggeration to say that of the spirit of their religion we know little more than of that of the people who built the chambered tombs. Some five-and-twenty writers, from Timaeus, who wrote three centuries before the birth of Christ, to Ammianus Marcellinus, who was contemporary with Julian and Valens, have contributed to our knowledge; but most of them have left only a few sentences derived from hearsay328 or from nameless authorities of whose credibility we know nothing. They wrote of Celts who lived in widely distant countries, among various populations, and at different epochs; and very few of them referred to the Celts of Britain.1134 Supposing that official Christianity were to become extinct, what could the historian of the fifth millennium329 learn of the manifold doctrines331 preached by English clergymen if he were obliged to extract his materials from passages referring to mediaeval Catholicism, Calvinism, Methodism, or the orthodox faith which thinly disguises the Shamanism of Russia, and scattered in the works of writers who began with à Kempis and ended with Spurgeon? Coins, Gallic and British, in so far as they are not merely imitative, appear to be fraught333 with religious symbolism; but the ingenuity334 which has spent itself in the effort to explain the symbols has yielded little certain result.1135 Geographical names testify to the cult of various gods without telling us anything of their attributes; and sometimes we may fancy that we can detect the presence of divinity when we have only to do with the name of a Roman gens.1136 Inscriptions335 and altars supply names of 274 deities which are names and nothing more, or bewilder us by coupling as surnames with the name of a Roman god a multiplicity of Celtic gods. Anonymous336 statues are attributed to divers311 deities by divers archaeologists, though some of them may not be deities at all. Inscriptions, altars, and statues alike belong to the period of the Roman Empire, when the introduction of Roman gods and goddesses had thrown the Celtic pantheon into wellnigh inextricable confusion; and the monuments of Britain, for the most part, were apparently the outcome of the devotion either of Romans or of Gallic, Batavian, Dacian, and other officers of auxiliaries. Nor can we tell how far British religious ideas had become estranged337 from those of Gaul by contact with aboriginal338 cults339, or how far the religion of the British Goidels (if indeed they existed) differed from that of the Brythons. If we turn to the Mabinogion, to the Triads, or to Irish mythology340, we are checked by the reflection, which our foremost Celticist was forced to make even while he was fascinated by the quest, that ‘the gulf341 of ages’ separates ‘the literature of the Celtic nations of the present day from the narrative342 of the writers of antiquity and the testimony of the stones’.1137
Cannot then Caesar help us? His evidence is of course valuable; but he did not write for the modern student of religion. Disregarding minor343 and local deities, perhaps ignorant of their existence, he recorded the names and summarized the attributes of the five principal Gallic gods; but,—the names are Roman. Mercury—the inventor of all arts, the pioneer of communication, the patron of commerce—was the most reverenced344 of all:1138 275 then follow the names of Apollo, Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva.1139
Now we do not know from whom Caesar derived his information; but assume that it came from the best authority, his friend and political agent, the Aeduan Druid, Diviciacus, who was also an honoured guest of Cicero.1140 Then Caesar was in the position not of Lafcadio Hearn, who made his home in Japan, gave his life to the study of all things Japanese, and at last confessed that the more he tried to learn the more he realized his ignorance; not of Sir Alfred Lyall, who, prepared by discriminative345 reading, devoted all the time that he could command to the observation of Oriental creeds346; but of some Anglo-Indian administrator347 who, in his scanty leisure, should jot348 down the heads of a conversation with a Brahmin, and offer them as an outline of Hindu religion. Only the Anglo-Indian could speak Hindustani; and Caesar was obliged to employ an interpreter. One of the most learned and sane349 of modern Celtic scholars has related that when the musician, Félicien David, was invited at Cairo by the viceroy to instruct his wives, etiquette350 compelled him to give the lessons to a eunuch, who passed them on as best he could.1141 Caesar, he remarks, was in the position of the eunuch. And if we could certainly identify the five great Roman gods with their Gallic counterparts, how much more of Celtic religion should we know?
But let us learn what we can. Celtic religion, in so far as it was descended from the religion of the undivided Aryan stock, was fundamentally one with the religions of Italy and Greece; and we might expect that it would resemble most closely the religion of the Italians, to whose tongue Celtic 276 was most nearly akin. But our imperfect knowledge of the classical religions hardly helps us more to understand the religion of the Celts than the remark of Caesar, that about their deities ‘they have much the same notions as the rest of mankind’.1142 For the religion of Rome had been deeply tinged351 by contact with the Etruscans and the Greeks, just as the religion of the Celts had been affected by their fusion171 with the aboriginal peoples of Central Europe, Gaul, Spain, and Britain; and the Celts were in a less advanced state of civilization than the Romans. What is certain is that, like every other polytheistic religion, that of the Celts, except perhaps in so far as it was moulded by Druidical doctrine330, had no definite theology, but was an ever-expanding, ever-shifting, formless chaos,—the same in its main developments in Britain, Gaul, and Spain, yet differing in every tribe and household, and in every age;1143 that, on its practical side, it was a performance of traditional rites; that its aim was not the salvation352 of souls, but the safety of the state; and that it concerned the individual most as a member of a family, a community, or a tribe.1144 Like all other polytheists too the Celts were ready to believe in gods who were not theirs: in the reign129 of Tiberius the boatmen of Paris set up an altar on which, side by side with their own Esus and Tarvos Trigaranus, were figured Jupiter and Vulcan.1145 The theory, which has been defended with vast if somewhat uncritical erudition, that the king was regarded as an incarnation of the sky-god, may possibly be true both of the Celts and of other Indo-European peoples.1146 Perhaps the Celts, like the Romans, gave more thought to the ritual by which their gods might be persuaded to grant them their hearts’ desire 277 than to the persons of the gods themselves.1147 Doubtless to the Celt, as to the Roman, however little his religion may have fostered nobility of life or contrition353 for sin, dread of the mysterious was a salutary discipline.1148 But what we want to apprehend354 is this,—wherein the spirit of Celtic religion differed from that of the religion of ancient Latium, of Greece, of the Semitic tribes; and if the effort is not wholly vain, we may only hope to attain a distant and hazy355 view. He who desires to understand the subject will work at it for himself. All that I can hope to do is to put him on the road and to set up a sign-post here and there. The reader who has absorbed what is valuable in the teaching of Tylor, Boissier, Lyall, Frazer, Robertson Smith, Reinach, and Camille Jullian will be best able to discern what is suggested by the texts and monuments that preserve a few fragments of Celtic faith.
Why was the god whom Caesar equated356 with Mercury honoured above all others by the Continental Celts? Did the Britons share their devotion? And is Caesar’s statement confirmed? Some centuries earlier, when the Celts were a host of warriors, the war-god had been the most conspicuous figure in their Olympus; and his subsequent inferiority to Mercury is regarded, perhaps justly, as an indication of the progress which they had made meantime in the arts of peace.1149 Possibly Lug357, the Irish representative of the Gaulish Lugos, whose name appears in Lugudunum, or Lyons, in Luguvallum, or Carlisle, and in Lugotorix, a Kentish chieftain,1150 and who in an Irish legend figures as a carpenter, a smith, a harpist, a poet, and a musician, may have been the British Mercury;1151 but we cannot tell whether he ranked higher than Mars. Assuming that votive stones 278 in some measure reflect the faith of the native Celts, Mars was deeply reverenced in Britain. He appears with various epithets359, the names of Celtic deities, one of which, Camulus, meaning ‘the god of heaven’,1152 was commemorated360 in Camulodunum, and perhaps bears witness to his former greatness. It is remarkable, in view of Caesar’s statement, that in British inscriptions the name of Mercury is far less common than that of Mars;1153 but if the discrepancy361 is at all connected with the comparative backwardness of British civilization, it must also be remembered that the organization of Britain under Roman rule was military.1154 One religious custom indeed, of which Caesar himself witnessed examples, proves that Mars, however inferior he may have been to Mercury, had still many fervent362 worshippers in Gaul. When the warriors of a Gallic tribe had made a successful raid, they used to sacrifice to Mars a portion of the cattle which they had captured; the rest of their booty they erected in piles on consecrated363 ground. It rarely happened that any one dared to keep back part of the spoil; and the wretch364 who defrauded365 the god was punished, like Achan, by a terrible death.1155 Another British epithet358 of Mars, Toutates,1156 appears with Esus and Taranis in a famous passage of Lucan,1157 where they stand out as representative deities, in whose honour dreadful rites were performed. None of the three, save Esus,1158 is mentioned in Gallic inscriptions, whereas Epona, 279 the goddess of equitation, a minor deity366, whose statues, representing a woman riding upon a mare, or seated between foals, have been found both in France and Britain,1159 appears ten times; and accordingly a distinguished367 French archaeologist concludes that they were insignificant368 objects of local worship.1160 But it is not credible369 that the devotee who composed his inscription to Toutates should have unwittingly ascribed to a mere local god the qualities of Mars. Again, if Taranis was not one of the greater gods, it is surprising to find in Britain an inscription in honour of Jupiter Tanarus,1161—Jove the Thunderer. Nor is it likely that Lucan should have learned the names of the trinity whom he made famous unless their worship had been national.1162 But it does not follow that Tanarus was the Jupiter of the independent Celts. Tanarus, being the Thunderer, was assimilated to the Roman Jupiter; and perhaps the Jupiter Tanarus whose inscription was found at Chester may have been an outcome of the Roman Jupiter and of a Gallic divinity who is known as the god of the wheel.1163 Statues have been discovered in France, representing a god with a wheel on his shoulder, in 280 his hand, or at his feet; and this god was assimilated in imperial times to Jupiter. Altars on which wheels are represented have also been found in the north of England; and miniature wheels of gold, silver, bronze, and lead—alone, or forming parts of ornaments or helmets, or stamped on coins—have been met with in scores both in France and England. Probably they had a religious meaning; and it has been supposed that they are symbolical370 of sun-worship, and that the god with the wheel was the god of the sun.1164 Traces of sun-worship are still discernible in the May and midsummer festivals which are kept up in our own island and in many European lands.1165
Of the other great deities Minerva appears in Irish legend under the name of Brigit1166, possibly the same goddess as Brigantia, in whose honour several inscriptions were erected in Britain,1167 although in Gaul, unless perhaps in the name of the town Brigantium, there is no trace of her worship;1168 while Apollo was assimilated by Roman or Romano-British devotees sometimes to Maponus, whose name survives in the familiar Welsh Mabon1169, sometimes to Grannos, in whose honour an inscription was set up near Edinburgh.1170 There are also vestiges of the cult of a god who resembled Neptune371. At Lydney, on the western bank of the Severn, in the country 281 of the Silures, a temple was built in Roman times to Nodons, whose name reappears in Welsh legend as Lludd and again in our Ludgate Hill. The marine372 scenes which are depicted373 in mosaic186 on the floor seem to show that he was a god of the sea;1171 while the structure of his temple may justify374 the conjecture that he was likewise a Jupiter, even as the Italian Jupiter was god of sea as well as of storm and sky.1172 In Gaul he was unknown; and an eminent Celticist has assumed that he was peculiar to the Goidelic Celts.1173 On the other hand, Toutates, Taranis, Epona, and Belisama were apparently unknown on Goidelic soil.1174 But it profits little to dispute about names. It does not follow that the Goidels did not recognize somewhat similar deities akin to these; and Belisama was simply the goddess who in Roman Gaul was identified with Minerva.1175
Caesar, in a familiar passage,1176 tells us that the Gauls regarded themselves as descendants of Dis Pater, who was conspicuous in the old Latin pantheon as the god of the dead, although in Caesar’s time he had been dethroned by the Pluto375 who was imported from Greece.1177 Several Gallo-Roman images, the best known of which is on an altar discovered at Sarrebourg,1178 represent a god with a hammer: 282 a bronze statue of the same deity has been found in England;1179 and eminent French archaeologists believe that this was no other than Dis Pater.1180
But we must not imagine that these gods had always been distinct, or even that in Caesar’s time their physiognomies were sharply outlined. When we see that the Germans whom he encountered worshipped Sun, Moon, and Fire,1181 and that those whom Tacitus described had their Mars and Mercury,1182 we may be inclined to suspect that Celtic ideas, under classical influence, had undergone a like transformation376.1183 In polytheism divers attributes of deity tend to become separate deities.1184 Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus were, it would seem, only specialized377 forms of the same god;1185 and some of the Celtic epithets which are attached to Minerva, Mars, and the rest may mean that they were assimilated by this or that tribe to topical divinities.1186 Dis Pater was certainly near of kin3 to Saturn,—that old Italian chthonian divinity;1187 and Dis Pater and Toutates, ‘the god of the people,’ who was perhaps primarily conceived as a kind of Saturn,1188 may once have been one; indeed there seem to be 283 indications that from one point of view Dis Pater was Jupiter,—a Jupiter of the nether378 world.1189 Again, if Toutates in Britain remained Mars, while in Gaul the Romanized Celts seem to have hesitated whether to identify him with Mars or Mercury, one is tempted379 to conjecture that he may have been the common ancestor of both.1190
No deities were nearer to the hearts of Celtic peasants than those who were known as deae matres,—the mother goddesses. Once they were thought to belong to Germans and Celts alone;1191 but their statues have been found in numbers at Capua; and, slightly modified, they survived into the Middle Age. Generally figured in groups of three—a mystic number1192—their aspect was that of gentle serious motherly women, holding new-born infants in their hands, or bearing fruits and flowers in their laps; and many offerings were made to them by country folk in gratitude380 for their care of farm and flock and home.1193
Besides the gods whose cult was common to all the Celtic peoples or to one or the other of the two great stocks were local deities innumerable. We know that the Gallic cities, Bibracte1194 and Lugudunum,1195 had their divine patrons; and it is probable that every British town had its eponymous hero.1196 The deities, however, from whom towns derived their names were doubtless often worshipped near the site long before the first foundations were laid: the goddess Bibracte was originally the spirit of a spring reverenced by the peasants of the mountain upon which the famous Aeduan town was built.1197 Perhaps we shall not err5 if we also suppose that the heads of his slain enemies, which the Celtic brave religiously treasured and fastened upon the walls of his 284 cottage, were offered to his household gods or to the spirits of his ancestors.1198
The worship of animals, to those who have not felt the fascination381 of anthropology, appears merely unintelligible382 and absurd. Animals were worshipped because they were formidable or wonderful; because men fancied that they were incarnations of deity; because they might be tenanted by the souls of heroic forefathers;1199 and animal-worship, or a relic94 of animal-worship, which may perhaps, in some cases, have been a survival of totemism, has left vestiges in Celtic art. The boar was especially sacred. Bronze figures of boars have been found alone and on the crests383 of helmets: the Witham shield, as we have seen, was decorated with the figure of a boar; and so are numerous coins, both Gallic and British.1200 Like the Romans, the Gauls and doubtless also the Britons had military standards: like the Romans also, they carried not a flag but the figure of an animal, and with them this animal was always the boar.1201 A reminiscence of animal-worship is probably also discernible in the horned head of Cernunnos, a god who is figured on one of the well-known altars of Paris, and in Tarvos Trigaranus—‘the bull with the three cranes’—which fills the back of another.1202
But votive altars, statues, and temples, although they embodied384 older beliefs, belong, as we have seen, to the period when the Celts had fallen under the dominion of 285 Rome. The Cisalpine Gauls, if Livy1203 and Polybius1204 are to be believed, worshipped in temples: but the holy places of the Western Celts were groves,1205 and perhaps stone circles which they inherited from the people of the Bronze Age. Such simplicity386 was of course not peculiar to the Celts and the Germans.1206 The Pelasgian Zeus had no temple: the oldest sanctuary387 of Jupiter on the Alban Mount was a grove385 of oaks.1207 Not a single statue of pre-Roman date has ever been found in Britain; not one in Gaul later than the close of the Palaeolithic Age. Caesar indeed says that the Gallic Mercury was represented by numerous simulacra; but if these were statues, it is inexplicable388 that none of them has ever come to light; and perhaps we may accept the suggestion that Caesar was thinking of menhirs, which had been erected long before the first Celt set foot in Gaul,1208 but which, like the formless stones that the Greeks venerated389 as figures of Hermes,1209 were, he supposed, regarded as possessed by the spirit of the great national deity. On the menhir of Kernuz in Finistère a rude Mercury was sculptured in Roman times.1210 The conjecture may be well founded that the 286 Druids, like the priests of Israel, were opposed to anthropomorphism;1211 but it is not needed to explain the lack of native statues of Celtic gods.1212 The Romans, according to Varro, had for many years no sacred images:1213 like the Celts, like the Germans, who also, even in the time of Tacitus,1214 deemed it derogatory to the majesty390 of the gods to ascribe to them human form, they were content to recognize manifestations391 of divine will; and even when their temples were being crowded with the works of Greek art, their ancient Vesta remained shrouded392 in awful mystery.1215 But, while the Druids may have been as hostile as Israel to Gentile abominations, the Celts in general were as receptive as the Romans, and readily accepted the services of foreign sculptors393.
Sepulchral usages.
The evidence of interments, from which we tried to glean394 some information as to the religion of the Bronze Age, remains much the same during the later period; and the noticeable changes do not seem to have much significance. British customs differed somewhat from those of Gaul. Inhumation, which had almost entirely ceased in that country in the second century before Christ, continued everywhere in Britain except in the territory of the Belgae; and even there cremation was not universal.1216 In the more 287 southern districts nearly all the interments which have been explored were unmarked by any tumulus; while in the cemetery of Aylesford the urns which contained the cremated remains were placed in small cylindrical395 pits set in what has been described as a family circle.1217 When barrows were erected their form was still circular: but they were generally much smaller than those of the Bronze Age: they were grouped in much greater numbers;1218 and they were never more than structureless heaps of earth or stone.1219 Although the contracted position was still common, skeletons have been found extended in this country, as generally in Gaul;1220 and, as in Wiltshire in the Bronze Age, the head generally 288 pointed towards the north.1221 On the other hand, ornaments and weapons were placed in graves more frequently than before:1222 animals were still occasionally interred;1223 and flint chips and stones were still sometimes deposited in or along with urns.1224 But rites which in the Bronze Age could only be inferred are attested396 in the Iron Age by eye-witnesses. We learn from Caesar1225 that it was a custom of the Gauls to immolate397 the dead man’s cherished possessions, even his favourite animals, on the funeral pyre; and that not long before the time of his oldest contemporaries slaves and retainers had been sacrificed.
Fig. 44.
The most remarkable perhaps of the sepulchral discoveries that illustrate this period appears to show that old persisted along with new. Hard by the family circles of the Aylesford cemetery, Dr. Arthur Evans opened three cists, each containing a contracted skeleton, the upper slab230 of one being pierced with a hole which may perhaps have been intended to let the ghost escape;1226 while almost side by side with elegant Late Celtic vases he picked up fragments of the old-fashioned finger-dented ware, including a drinking-cup and a cinerary urn92.1227 289
The Druids.
It would be interesting to learn whether any Celtic prophet, like the great preachers of India and Palestine, taught that mercy is better than sacrifice. If we may trust Diogenes Laertius,1228 the Druids bade their disciples398 not only to fear the gods, but to do no wrong and to quit themselves like men. At all events the study of Celtic religion is inseparable from that of Druidism.
Where did Druidism originate? Caesar, in a well-known passage, remarks that it was believed to have arisen in Britain and to have been imported thence into Gaul;1229 and some scholars accept this tradition as literally399 true. The earliest extant mention of Druids1230 was made about the commencement of the second century before Christ,—not long after the Belgic conquest of Britain began; and it has been supposed that the conquerors found Druidism flourishing there, and made it known in the land from which they had set out. But the Belgae were not the first Celtic conquerors of Britain; and it is reasonable to suppose that if Druidism was of British origin, it would have been imported into Gaul long before. The common view is that on both sides of the Channel it originated among the neolithic population; and Caesar’s words are sometimes explained in the sense that in his time it was more vigorous in Britain than in Gaul, and that Gallic Druids therefore travelled to Britain in order to be initiated400 into its mysteries. At all events it is not unreasonable401 to believe that the Celts learned it from some non-Aryan people; for there is nothing to show that the Gauls whom the Romans first encountered had ever heard of it. The Germans, with whom the Celts were long in contact in Central Europe and to whom they were ethnically402 akin, had no Druids;1231 and although it may be true that the intense devotion to religious observances which Caesar remarked among the mixed population of Gaul1232 did not exceed that of other barbarians,1233 it appeared to him to contrast sharply 290 with the temper of the peoples beyond the Rhine.1234 This spirit led them to connect religion with every act of life: in the chase,1235 in all the operations of war, after victory or defeat, before undertaking403 an expedition, in selecting the site of a town, the gods were regularly invoked:1236 there was no distinction between the sacred and the profane; or rather, nothing was profane. The contrast which Caesar observed supports the theory of the non-Aryan origin of Druidism.
But was Druidism in Britain universal? The leading Celtic scholar of this country insists that there is no evidence that Druidism was ever the religion of any Brythonic people;1237 and since he assigns almost the whole of Britain south of the firths of Forth and Clyde to the Brythons, he appears to restrict the area of Druidism to a narrow western fringe. This hardly accords with Caesar’s statement that Britain was the stronghold of Druidism. Moreover, when Caesar tells us that the Druids were the religious aristocracy of the Gauls, he plainly gives us to understand that Druidism was common to all the peoples who lived between the Seine and the Garonne; and it is certain that among many if not most of these peoples the Gallo-Brythonic element was predominant. Indeed, although it is commonly assumed that the Belgae had no Druids, there is absolutely no ground for the assumption. Caesar often used the word Galli in a wider sense, including the Belgae; and it is not improbable that when he was describing the manners and customs of the Gauls and Druidism, which was their most remarkable institution, he intended his description to apply to the Belgae as well.1238 Moreover, the very writer who denies that 291 the Brythons had Druids tells us that Druidism was the religion of the British aborigines and was borrowed from them by the British Goidels; and it is certain that both the aborigines and the Goidels (if they had already reached Britain) survived in considerable numbers in the territory which the Brythons conquered.1239 It is clear therefore that Druidism persisted within the Brythonic area; and that the Brythons held aloof404 from it is a groundless guess.1240 292
But concerning Druidism as it existed in Britain we have no special information, except the passage in which Tacitus1241 speaks of the cruel rites practised by the Druids of Anglesey. Caesar described Druidism once for all;1242 and since he says that British Druidism was the model and the standard of the Gallic Druids, we can only infer that his description applied405 in many respects to Britain as well as to Gaul. There the Druids formed a corporation, admission to which was eagerly sought: they jealously guarded the secrecy406 of their lore15; and full membership was only obtainable after a long novitiate. They were ruled by a pope, who held office for life; and sometimes the succession to this dignity was disputed by force of arms. They were exempt407 from taxation408 and from service in war. They had, as the priests of a rude society always have, a monopoly of learning. The 293 ignorance and superstition316 of the populace, their own organization and submission409 to one head, gave them a tremendous power. The doctrine which they most strenuously410 inculcated (if Caesar was not misinformed) was the transmigration of souls. ‘This doctrine,’ he said, ‘they regard as the most potent411 incentive412 to valour, because it inspires a contempt for death.’1243 They claimed the right of deciding questions of peace and war. Among the Aedui, if not among other peoples, at all events in certain circumstances, they exercised the right of appointing the chief magistrate288.1244 They laid hands on criminals and, in their default, even on the innocent, imprisoned414 them in monstrous415 idols416 of wickerwork, and burned them alive as an offering to the gods. They immolated417 captives in order to discover the divine will in the flow of their blood or their palpitating entrails;1245 they lent their ministrations to men prostrated418 by sickness or going forth to battle, who trusted that heaven would spare their lives if human victims were offered in their stead; and one form of human sacrifice which they appear to have countenanced—the slaughter419 of a child at the foundation of a monument, a fortress, or a bridge—has left many traces in European folk-lore and been practised in Africa, Asia, and Polynesia in modern times.1246 They practically 294 monopolized both the civil and the criminal jurisdiction420;1247 and if this jurisdiction was irregular, if they had no legal power of enforcing their judgements, they were none the less obeyed. Primitive states did not originally take cognizance of offences committed against individuals, which were avenged421 by their kin; and when they began to intervene they did so at the request of the injured party or his surviving relatives. What was peculiar to the Celts was that this intervention422 was exercised by the priests;1248 and doubtless the outlaws who, as Caesar says,1249 abounded in Gaul were criminals whom they had banished. Every year they met to dispense423 civil justice in the great plain above which now soar the spires413 of Chartres cathedral.1250 Those who disregarded their decrees were excommunicated; and excommunication meant exclusion424 from the civil community as well as from communion in religious rites.
Did the Druids owe their conception of immortality425, as Diodorus Siculus1251 and Timagenes1252 imply, to the influence of Pythagoras? The testimony of these writers has been contemptuously rejected:1253 but it seems not improbable that Druidism may have absorbed tenets of Pythagorean origin through the medium of the Greeks of Massilia;1254 and this conjecture gains some support from numismatic evidence. 295 A British uninscribed gold coin, found at Reculver, bears on its reverse side the figure, formed by five interlacing lines, which is known as the pentagram and was a well-known Pythagorean symbol.1255 It would seem, however, that if metempsychosis was really a Druidical doctrine, it had no firm hold upon the Celts in general; and their sepulchral customs were not consistent with it. Their notion of a future life, like that of the Bronze Age, was a form of the ‘Continuance Theory’, which has had so many adherents426 both in primitive and modern tribes.1256 They believed that there was an Elysium somewhere in the west, where they were to live again, feasting, carousing427, and duelling, a life like that which they had lived before, but free from care.1257 If the Druids, as Caesar said, taught that souls passed ‘from one person to another’, they meant perhaps that after death the soul entered a new body,—the ethereal counterpart of that which it had left behind. The immortality of the soul 296 was an idea, more or less vague, common to many peoples: for the Celts the Druids made it an article of faith. Nor indeed are we precluded428 from supposing that some of them may have conceived or borrowed from a classic source the doctrine of future retribution. But what that theory was which, as Caesar says1258, the Druids inculcated in regard to the origin of the universe and the nature and motion of the heavenly bodies, it is useless to inquire1259. We only know that, as they traced the descent of the Gauls back to Dis Pater, they regarded night as older than day, and reckoned time by nights; and that, in common with all the peoples of antiquity, they computed429 their years by the revolutions of the moon1260. The statements of Caesar and Pliny are supplemented by a calendar, engraved on bronze, which was discovered towards the end of the last century at Coligny in the department of the Ain1261. It has its lucky and unlucky days; certain days would be regarded as suitable for sacrifices as well as for other functions1262; and the regulation of these important matters would certainly have been retained by the Druids. It has been said, perhaps in reliance upon a mistranslation of the word dryas or druias, that Druidesses taught side by side with Druids1263: at all events Boadicea 297 sought to divine the issue of her campaign by observing the movements of a hare, besought430 the gods to bless her enterprise, and after her success offered female captives to Andate, the goddess of victory;1264 and her joint exercise of royal and priestly functions seems to give colour to the suggestion that in primitive times Celtic kings may also have been priests.1265 Cicero1266 indeed relates that the Galatian King, Deiotarus, was the most skilful431 augur432 of his country. But the facts of historical import which stand out as certain are these. Like the Brahmans, who, so long as their authority is acknowledged, recognize, but regulate, the Protean433 manifestations of Hindu religious fancy,1267 the Druids kept control over the manifold forms of aboriginal and Celtic worship. Being a sacerdotal caste, not, like the priests of Rome, popularly elected, but self-constituted and self-contained, they were naturally opposed to all innovation. It has been said that ancient writers regarded as peculiar to the Druids beliefs and practices which were common to them and other priests of antiquity. Certainly human 298 sacrifice was not peculiar to the Celts: the ceremony of cutting the mysterious mistletoe was German as well as Druidical;1268 and as the Druid sacrificed white bulls before he ascended434 the sacred oak,1269 so did the Latin priest in the grove which was the holy place of Jupiter.1270 But while every ancient people had its priests, the Druids alone were a veritable clergy332.1271 Celtic religion, in so far as it had the same ancestry435 as that of Rome, would easily harmonize with it; but Druidism, with its more definite theology, might be expected to counteract436 this tendency, and would therefore be a danger to Roman dominion.1272 And it was British Druidism that supported and renovated437 the Druidism of Gaul, and formed one of the bonds of union between the two Celtic lands.1273 299
Ties between Britons and Gauls.
For, if their material culture was somewhat less advanced, the Britons, at least those of the south-eastern districts, naturally remained connected by the closest ties with the Gauls, and particularly with the Belgae. The Britons of Kent were little less civilized than the Gauls;1274 and Belgic kings, like William the Conqueror36 and his descendants, ruled on both sides of the Channel.1275 Not many years before the period of the Gallic wars, Diviciacus, king of the Suessiones, who governed directly the country round Soissons, had established supremacy not only over a large part of the surrounding Belgic territory but also over Britain;1276 and during a period which may have coincided with his reign gold coins of certain types were used indifferently in the Belgic districts of Britain and of Gaul, and were doubtless struck for rulers who had possessions in both.1277 But the power of Diviciacus had ended with him;1278 and when Caesar came 300 to Gaul, the tribes of South-Eastern Britain were divided into antagonistic438 groups, headed respectively by the Catuvellauni and the Trinovantes. Cassivellaunus, the king of the Catuvellauni, was the ablest and most aggressive of the British princes of his time; but his opponents were supported, it would seem, by the influence of Commius, a chieftain of the Belgic Atrebates, whose territory comprised adjacent districts of the departments of Pas-de-Calais and Nord, and who were connected with the British tribe of the same name.
How the Britons were affected by Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul.
But, if anything could induce the Britons to forget their differences, it was the news which reached them of Caesar’s movements in Gaul. The events of the first year of his pro-consulship—the overthrow439 of the Helvetii, who had migrated into Gaul from Switzerland, and the defeat of the German invader2, Ariovistus—might not affect their interests: but in the following year, when the Belgae banded together against the Roman conqueror, it was time for them to be on the alert. British adventurers crossed the Straits to assist their kinsmen; and when Caesar shattered the forces of the coalition440, the leaders of at least one Belgic tribe fled over sea to escape his vengeance441. Late in the autumn of that year or early in the following spring rumours442 reached the ports of the Channel that Caesar purposed to invade Britain.
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adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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9 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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10 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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11 mounds | |
土堆,土丘( mound的名词复数 ); 一大堆 | |
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12 interred | |
v.埋,葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13 tract | |
n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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14 pottery | |
n.陶器,陶器场 | |
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15 lore | |
n.传说;学问,经验,知识 | |
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16 ornament | |
v.装饰,美化;n.装饰,装饰物 | |
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17 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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18 barter | |
n.物物交换,以货易货,实物交易 | |
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19 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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20 maritime | |
adj.海的,海事的,航海的,近海的,沿海的 | |
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21 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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22 conjectured | |
推测,猜测,猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23 conjecture | |
n./v.推测,猜测 | |
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24 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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25 anthropology | |
n.人类学 | |
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26 neolithic | |
adj.新石器时代的 | |
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27 amalgam | |
n.混合物;汞合金 | |
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28 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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29 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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30 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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31 sepulchral | |
adj.坟墓的,阴深的 | |
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32 exhumed | |
v.挖出,发掘出( exhume的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33 skulls | |
颅骨( skull的名词复数 ); 脑袋; 脑子; 脑瓜 | |
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34 cemeteries | |
n.(非教堂的)墓地,公墓( cemetery的名词复数 ) | |
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35 cremation | |
n.火葬,火化 | |
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36 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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37 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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38 geographical | |
adj.地理的;地区(性)的 | |
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39 steered | |
v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 );操纵;控制;引导 | |
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40 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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41 conjectures | |
推测,猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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42 attain | |
vt.达到,获得,完成 | |
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43 bristle | |
v.(毛发)直立,气势汹汹,发怒;n.硬毛发 | |
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44 cult | |
n.异教,邪教;时尚,狂热的崇拜 | |
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45 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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46 abodes | |
住所( abode的名词复数 ); 公寓; (在某地的)暂住; 逗留 | |
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47 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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48 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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49 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
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50 impetus | |
n.推动,促进,刺激;推动力 | |
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51 archaeology | |
n.考古学 | |
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52 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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53 chevron | |
n.V形臂章;V形图案 | |
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54 illustrate | |
v.举例说明,阐明;图解,加插图 | |
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55 fig | |
n.无花果(树) | |
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56 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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57 scroll | |
n.卷轴,纸卷;(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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58 twigs | |
细枝,嫩枝( twig的名词复数 ) | |
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59 browsing | |
v.吃草( browse的现在分词 );随意翻阅;(在商店里)随便看看;(在计算机上)浏览信息 | |
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60 bards | |
n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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61 embellished | |
v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 );装饰;修饰;润色 | |
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62 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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63 depict | |
vt.描画,描绘;描写,描述 | |
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64 foliage | |
n.叶子,树叶,簇叶 | |
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65 transmute | |
vt.使变化,使改变 | |
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66 sinuous | |
adj.蜿蜒的,迂回的 | |
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67 flamboyant | |
adj.火焰般的,华丽的,炫耀的 | |
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68 decadent | |
adj.颓废的,衰落的,堕落的 | |
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69 enamel | |
n.珐琅,搪瓷,瓷釉;(牙齿的)珐琅质 | |
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70 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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71 graceful | |
adj.优美的,优雅的;得体的 | |
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72 earthenware | |
n.土器,陶器 | |
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73 ware | |
n.(常用复数)商品,货物 | |
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74 adorned | |
[计]被修饰的 | |
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75 Vogue | |
n.时髦,时尚;adj.流行的 | |
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76 crucibles | |
n.坩埚,严酷的考验( crucible的名词复数 ) | |
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77 enamels | |
搪瓷( enamel的名词复数 ); 珐琅; 釉药; 瓷漆 | |
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78 grooves | |
n.沟( groove的名词复数 );槽;老一套;(某种)音乐节奏v.沟( groove的第三人称单数 );槽;老一套;(某种)音乐节奏 | |
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79 scooped | |
v.抢先报道( scoop的过去式和过去分词 );(敏捷地)抱起;抢先获得;用铲[勺]等挖(洞等) | |
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80 vestiges | |
残余部分( vestige的名词复数 ); 遗迹; 痕迹; 毫不 | |
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81 ornamented | |
adj.花式字体的v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82 tapered | |
adj. 锥形的,尖削的,楔形的,渐缩的,斜的 动词taper的过去式和过去分词 | |
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83 specimens | |
n.样品( specimen的名词复数 );范例;(化验的)抽样;某种类型的人 | |
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84 ribs | |
n.肋骨( rib的名词复数 );(船或屋顶等的)肋拱;肋骨状的东西;(织物的)凸条花纹 | |
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85 forefathers | |
n.祖先,先人;祖先,祖宗( forefather的名词复数 );列祖列宗;前人 | |
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86 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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87 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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88 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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89 engrave | |
vt.(在...上)雕刻,使铭记,使牢记 | |
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90 engraved | |
v.在(硬物)上雕刻(字,画等)( engrave的过去式和过去分词 );将某事物深深印在(记忆或头脑中) | |
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91 scrolls | |
n.(常用于录写正式文件的)纸卷( scroll的名词复数 );卷轴;涡卷形(装饰);卷形花纹v.(电脑屏幕上)从上到下移动(资料等),卷页( scroll的第三人称单数 );(似卷轴般)卷起;(像展开卷轴般地)将文字显示于屏幕 | |
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92 urn | |
n.(有座脚的)瓮;坟墓;骨灰瓮 | |
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93 relics | |
[pl.]n.遗物,遗迹,遗产;遗体,尸骸 | |
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94 relic | |
n.神圣的遗物,遗迹,纪念物 | |
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95 spokes | |
n.(车轮的)辐条( spoke的名词复数 );轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 | |
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96 curiously | |
adv.有求知欲地;好问地;奇特地 | |
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97 bracelet | |
n.手镯,臂镯 | |
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98 bracelets | |
n.手镯,臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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99 projections | |
预测( projection的名词复数 ); 投影; 投掷; 突起物 | |
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100 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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101 beads | |
n.(空心)小珠子( bead的名词复数 );水珠;珠子项链 | |
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102 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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103 zigzag | |
n.曲折,之字形;adj.曲折的,锯齿形的;adv.曲折地,成锯齿形地;vt.使曲折;vi.曲折前行 | |
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104 wavy | |
adj.有波浪的,多浪的,波浪状的,波动的,不稳定的 | |
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105 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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106 analogues | |
相似物( analogue的名词复数 ); 类似物; 类比; 同源词 | |
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107 cemetery | |
n.坟墓,墓地,坟场 | |
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108 slag | |
n.熔渣,铁屑,矿渣;v.使变成熔渣,变熔渣 | |
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109 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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110 akin | |
adj.同族的,类似的 | |
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111 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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112 distinctive | |
adj.特别的,有特色的,与众不同的 | |
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113 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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114 urns | |
n.壶( urn的名词复数 );瓮;缸;骨灰瓮 | |
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115 truncated | |
adj.切去顶端的,缩短了的,被删节的v.截面的( truncate的过去式和过去分词 );截头的;缩短了的;截去顶端或末端 | |
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116 ridges | |
n.脊( ridge的名词复数 );山脊;脊状突起;大气层的)高压脊 | |
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117 cremated | |
v.火葬,火化(尸体)( cremate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118 indigenous | |
adj.土产的,土生土长的,本地的 | |
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119 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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120 cordons | |
n.警戒线,警戒圈( cordon的名词复数 ) | |
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121 riveted | |
铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 ); 把…固定住; 吸引; 引起某人的注意 | |
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122 analogous | |
adj.相似的;类似的 | |
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123 cordoned | |
v.封锁,用警戒线围住( cordon的过去式 ) | |
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124 triangular | |
adj.三角(形)的,三者间的 | |
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125 cavern | |
n.洞穴,大山洞 | |
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126 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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127 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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128 impairing | |
v.损害,削弱( impair的现在分词 ) | |
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129 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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130 glazed | |
adj.光滑的,像玻璃的;上过釉的;呆滞无神的v.装玻璃( glaze的过去式);上釉于,上光;(目光)变得呆滞无神 | |
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131 margin | |
n.页边空白;差额;余地,余裕;边,边缘 | |
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132 manor | |
n.庄园,领地 | |
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133 plied | |
v.使用(工具)( ply的过去式和过去分词 );经常供应(食物、饮料);固定往来;经营生意 | |
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134 cargoes | |
n.(船或飞机装载的)货物( cargo的名词复数 );大量,重负 | |
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135 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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136 coastal | |
adj.海岸的,沿海的,沿岸的 | |
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137 tribal | |
adj.部族的,种族的 | |
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138 prehistoric | |
adj.(有记载的)历史以前的,史前的,古老的 | |
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139 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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140 morass | |
n.沼泽,困境 | |
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141 nomadic | |
adj.流浪的;游牧的 | |
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142 traction | |
n.牵引;附着摩擦力 | |
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143 wagons | |
n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 );铁路货车;小手推车 | |
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144 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
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145 underneath | |
adj.在...下面,在...底下;adv.在下面 | |
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146 peculiarities | |
n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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147 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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148 lighter | |
n.打火机,点火器;驳船;v.用驳船运送;light的比较级 | |
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149 inscribed | |
v.写,刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 );内接 | |
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150 grotesque | |
adj.怪诞的,丑陋的;n.怪诞的图案,怪人(物) | |
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151 alterations | |
n.改动( alteration的名词复数 );更改;变化;改变 | |
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152 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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153 alluvial | |
adj.冲积的;淤积的 | |
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154 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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155 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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156 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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157 specified | |
adj.特定的 | |
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158 corroborate | |
v.支持,证实,确定 | |
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159 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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160 unearthed | |
出土的(考古) | |
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161 hoards | |
n.(钱财、食物或其他珍贵物品的)储藏,积存( hoard的名词复数 )v.积蓄并储藏(某物)( hoard的第三人称单数 ) | |
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162 excavated | |
v.挖掘( excavate的过去式和过去分词 );开凿;挖出;发掘 | |
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163 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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164 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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165 presumption | |
n.推测,可能性,冒昧,放肆,[法律]推定 | |
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166 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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167 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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168 sickle | |
n.镰刀 | |
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169 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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170 profusion | |
n.挥霍;丰富 | |
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171 fusion | |
n.溶化;熔解;熔化状态,熔和;熔接 | |
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172 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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173 subterranean | |
adj.地下的,地表下的 | |
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174 excavation | |
n.挖掘,发掘;被挖掘之地 | |
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175 badgers | |
n.獾( badger的名词复数 );獾皮;(大写)獾州人(美国威斯康星州人的别称);毛鼻袋熊 | |
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176 northward | |
adv.向北;n.北方的地区 | |
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177 meres | |
abbr.matrix of environmental residuals for energy systems 能源系统环境残留矩阵 | |
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178 swelled | |
增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 ); 肿胀; (使)凸出; 充满(激情) | |
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179 myriad | |
adj.无数的;n.无数,极大数量 | |
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180 devastating | |
adj.毁灭性的,令人震惊的,强有力的 | |
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181 reclaimed | |
adj.再生的;翻造的;收复的;回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 );要求收回;从废料中回收(有用的材料);挽救 | |
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182 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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183 demesne | |
n.领域,私有土地 | |
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184 luxurious | |
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
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185 mosaics | |
n.马赛克( mosaic的名词复数 );镶嵌;镶嵌工艺;镶嵌图案 | |
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186 mosaic | |
n./adj.镶嵌细工的,镶嵌工艺品的,嵌花式的 | |
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187 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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188 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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189 shovel | |
n.铁锨,铲子,一铲之量;v.铲,铲出 | |
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190 illuminating | |
a.富于启发性的,有助阐明的 | |
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191 fen | |
n.沼泽,沼池 | |
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192 vitality | |
n.活力,生命力,效力 | |
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193 appellation | |
n.名称,称呼 | |
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194 marsh | |
n.沼泽,湿地 | |
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195 sewer | |
n.排水沟,下水道 | |
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196 mare | |
n.母马,母驴 | |
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197 limestone | |
n.石灰石 | |
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198 precipice | |
n.悬崖,危急的处境 | |
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199 superfluous | |
adj.过多的,过剩的,多余的 | |
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200 rubble | |
n.(一堆)碎石,瓦砾 | |
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201 masonry | |
n.砖土建筑;砖石 | |
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202 demolishing | |
v.摧毁( demolish的现在分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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203 buttressed | |
v.用扶壁支撑,加固( buttress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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205 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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206 entrenchment | |
n.壕沟,防御设施 | |
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207 trench | |
n./v.(挖)沟,(挖)战壕 | |
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208 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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209 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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210 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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211 permanently | |
adv.永恒地,永久地,固定不变地 | |
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212 sparsely | |
adv.稀疏地;稀少地;不足地;贫乏地 | |
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213 fortresses | |
堡垒,要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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214 abounded | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215 avocations | |
n.业余爱好,嗜好( avocation的名词复数 );职业 | |
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216 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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217 estuary | |
n.河口,江口 | |
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218 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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219 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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220 underlie | |
v.位于...之下,成为...的基础 | |
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221 prospector | |
n.探矿者 | |
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222 smelted | |
v.熔炼,提炼(矿石)( smelt的过去式和过去分词 );合演( costar的过去式和过去分词 );闻到;嗅出 | |
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223 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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224 amulets | |
n.护身符( amulet的名词复数 ) | |
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225 outlaws | |
歹徒,亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 ); 逃犯 | |
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226 precarious | |
adj.不安定的,靠不住的;根据不足的 | |
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227 livelihood | |
n.生计,谋生之道 | |
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228 draughts | |
n. <英>国际跳棋 | |
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229 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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230 slab | |
n.平板,厚的切片;v.切成厚板,以平板盖上 | |
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231 slabs | |
n.厚板,平板,厚片( slab的名词复数 );厚胶片 | |
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232 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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233 moss | |
n.苔,藓,地衣 | |
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234 apertures | |
n.孔( aperture的名词复数 );隙缝;(照相机的)光圈;孔径 | |
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235 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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236 pebbles | |
[复数]鹅卵石; 沙砾; 卵石,小圆石( pebble的名词复数 ) | |
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237 surmounted | |
战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 ); 克服(困难); 居于…之上; 在…顶上 | |
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238 margins | |
边( margin的名词复数 ); 利润; 页边空白; 差数 | |
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239 unstable | |
adj.不稳定的,易变的 | |
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240 attests | |
v.证明( attest的第三人称单数 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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241 weavers | |
织工,编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
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242 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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243 poultry | |
n.家禽,禽肉 | |
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244 tweezers | |
n.镊子 | |
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245 rouge | |
n.胭脂,口红唇膏;v.(在…上)擦口红 | |
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246 tunics | |
n.(动植物的)膜皮( tunic的名词复数 );束腰宽松外衣;一套制服的短上衣;(天主教主教等穿的)短祭袍 | |
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247 garb | |
n.服装,装束 | |
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248 oust | |
vt.剥夺,取代,驱逐 | |
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249 clan | |
n.氏族,部落,宗族,家族,宗派 | |
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250 jingling | |
叮当声 | |
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251 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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252 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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253 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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254 intercepted | |
拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 ); 截住; 截击; 拦阻 | |
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255 kinsmen | |
n.家属,亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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256 profane | |
adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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257 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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258 harps | |
abbr.harpsichord 拨弦古钢琴n.竖琴( harp的名词复数 ) | |
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259 satirized | |
v.讽刺,讥讽( satirize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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260 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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261 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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262 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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263 implements | |
n.工具( implement的名词复数 );家具;手段;[法律]履行(契约等)v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 );执行;贯彻;使生效 | |
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264 linen | |
n.亚麻布,亚麻线,亚麻制品;adj.亚麻布制的,亚麻的 | |
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265 ascertained | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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266 civilizing | |
v.使文明,使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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267 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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268 juxtaposition | |
n.毗邻,并置,并列 | |
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269 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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270 dominant | |
adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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271 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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272 clans | |
宗族( clan的名词复数 ); 氏族; 庞大的家族; 宗派 | |
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273 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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274 memoirs | |
n.回忆录;回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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275 astute | |
adj.机敏的,精明的 | |
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276 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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277 misnomer | |
n.误称 | |
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278 increments | |
n.增长( increment的名词复数 );增量;增额;定期的加薪 | |
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279 survivor | |
n.生存者,残存者,幸存者 | |
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280 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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281 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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282 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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283 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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284 scraps | |
油渣 | |
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285 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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286 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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287 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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288 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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289 oligarchies | |
n.寡头统治的政府( oligarchy的名词复数 );寡头政治的执政集团;寡头统治的国家 | |
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290 fettered | |
v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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291 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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292 regaining | |
复得( regain的现在分词 ); 赢回; 重回; 复至某地 | |
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293 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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294 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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295 amass | |
vt.积累,积聚 | |
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296 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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297 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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298 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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299 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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300 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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301 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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302 oligarchy | |
n.寡头政治 | |
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303 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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304 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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305 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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306 supplanted | |
把…排挤掉,取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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307 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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308 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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309 monopolized | |
v.垄断( monopolize的过去式和过去分词 );独占;专卖;专营 | |
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310 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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311 divers | |
adj.不同的;种种的 | |
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312 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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313 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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314 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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315 superstitions | |
迷信,迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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316 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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317 weird | |
adj.古怪的,离奇的;怪诞的,神秘而可怕的 | |
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318 awesome | |
adj.令人惊叹的,难得吓人的,很好的 | |
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319 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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320 hovered | |
鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 ); 靠近(某事物); (人)徘徊; 犹豫 | |
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321 impelled | |
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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322 pristine | |
adj.原来的,古时的,原始的,纯净的,无垢的 | |
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323 propitiate | |
v.慰解,劝解 | |
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324 demons | |
n.恶人( demon的名词复数 );恶魔;精力过人的人;邪念 | |
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325 inscription | |
n.(尤指石块上的)刻印文字,铭文,碑文 | |
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326 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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327 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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328 hearsay | |
n.谣传,风闻 | |
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329 millennium | |
n.一千年,千禧年;太平盛世 | |
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330 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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331 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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332 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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333 fraught | |
adj.充满…的,伴有(危险等)的;忧虑的 | |
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334 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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335 inscriptions | |
(作者)题词( inscription的名词复数 ); 献词; 碑文; 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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336 anonymous | |
adj.无名的;匿名的;无特色的 | |
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337 estranged | |
adj.疏远的,分离的 | |
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338 aboriginal | |
adj.(指动植物)土生的,原产地的,土著的 | |
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339 cults | |
n.迷信( cult的名词复数 );狂热的崇拜;(有极端宗教信仰的)异教团体 | |
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340 mythology | |
n.神话,神话学,神话集 | |
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341 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
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342 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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343 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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344 reverenced | |
v.尊敬,崇敬( reverence的过去式和过去分词 );敬礼 | |
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345 discriminative | |
有判别力 | |
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346 creeds | |
(尤指宗教)信条,教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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347 administrator | |
n.经营管理者,行政官员 | |
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348 jot | |
n.少量;vi.草草记下;vt.匆匆写下 | |
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349 sane | |
adj.心智健全的,神志清醒的,明智的,稳健的 | |
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350 etiquette | |
n.礼仪,礼节;规矩 | |
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351 tinged | |
v.(使)发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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352 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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353 contrition | |
n.悔罪,痛悔 | |
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354 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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355 hazy | |
adj.有薄雾的,朦胧的;不肯定的,模糊的 | |
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356 equated | |
adj.换算的v.认为某事物(与另一事物)相等或相仿( equate的过去式和过去分词 );相当于;等于;把(一事物) 和(另一事物)等同看待 | |
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357 lug | |
n.柄,突出部,螺帽;(英)耳朵;(俚)笨蛋;vt.拖,拉,用力拖动 | |
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358 epithet | |
n.(用于褒贬人物等的)表述形容词,修饰语 | |
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359 epithets | |
n.(表示性质、特征等的)词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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360 commemorated | |
v.纪念,庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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361 discrepancy | |
n.不同;不符;差异;矛盾 | |
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362 fervent | |
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
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363 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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364 wretch | |
n.可怜的人,不幸的人;卑鄙的人 | |
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365 defrauded | |
v.诈取,骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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366 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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367 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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368 insignificant | |
adj.无关紧要的,可忽略的,无意义的 | |
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369 credible | |
adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
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370 symbolical | |
a.象征性的 | |
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371 Neptune | |
n.海王星 | |
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372 marine | |
adj.海的;海生的;航海的;海事的;n.水兵 | |
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373 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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374 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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375 Pluto | |
n.冥王星 | |
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376 transformation | |
n.变化;改造;转变 | |
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377 specialized | |
adj.专门的,专业化的 | |
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378 nether | |
adj.下部的,下面的;n.阴间;下层社会 | |
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379 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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380 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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381 fascination | |
n.令人着迷的事物,魅力,迷恋 | |
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382 unintelligible | |
adj.无法了解的,难解的,莫明其妙的 | |
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383 crests | |
v.到达山顶(或浪峰)( crest的第三人称单数 );到达洪峰,达到顶点 | |
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384 embodied | |
v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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385 grove | |
n.林子,小树林,园林 | |
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386 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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387 sanctuary | |
n.圣所,圣堂,寺庙;禁猎区,保护区 | |
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388 inexplicable | |
adj.无法解释的,难理解的 | |
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389 venerated | |
敬重(某人或某事物),崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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390 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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391 manifestations | |
n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式) | |
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392 shrouded | |
v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 );保密 | |
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393 sculptors | |
雕刻家,雕塑家( sculptor的名词复数 ); [天]玉夫座 | |
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394 glean | |
v.收集(消息、资料、情报等) | |
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395 cylindrical | |
adj.圆筒形的 | |
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396 attested | |
adj.经检验证明无病的,经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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397 immolate | |
v.牺牲 | |
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398 disciples | |
n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 );门徒;耶稣的信徒;(尤指)耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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399 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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400 initiated | |
n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始,创始,启蒙,介绍加入 | |
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401 unreasonable | |
adj.不讲道理的,不合情理的,过度的 | |
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402 ethnically | |
adv.人种上,民族上 | |
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403 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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404 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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405 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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406 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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407 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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408 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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409 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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410 strenuously | |
adv.奋发地,费力地 | |
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411 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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412 incentive | |
n.刺激;动力;鼓励;诱因;动机 | |
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413 spires | |
n.(教堂的) 塔尖,尖顶( spire的名词复数 ) | |
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414 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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415 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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416 idols | |
偶像( idol的名词复数 ); 受崇拜的人或物; 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物; 神像 | |
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417 immolated | |
v.宰杀…作祭品( immolate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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418 prostrated | |
v.使俯伏,使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 );(指疾病、天气等)使某人无能为力 | |
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419 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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420 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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421 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
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422 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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423 dispense | |
vt.分配,分发;配(药),发(药);实施 | |
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424 exclusion | |
n.拒绝,排除,排斥,远足,远途旅行 | |
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425 immortality | |
n.不死,不朽 | |
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426 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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427 carousing | |
v.痛饮,闹饮欢宴( carouse的现在分词 ) | |
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428 precluded | |
v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 );排除;妨碍;使…行不通 | |
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429 computed | |
adj.[医]计算的,使用计算机的v.计算,估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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430 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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431 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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432 augur | |
n.占卦师;v.占卦 | |
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433 protean | |
adj.反复无常的;变化自如的 | |
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434 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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435 ancestry | |
n.祖先,家世 | |
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436 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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437 renovated | |
翻新,修复,整修( renovate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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438 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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439 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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440 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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441 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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442 rumours | |
n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 );风闻;谣言;谣传 | |
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