Before Caesar could venture to undertake so difficult an enterprise as the invasion of Britain, it was necessary for him to secure the country in his rear. His first two campaigns had been directed against enemies who were as dangerous to Gaul as to Rome. Cavalry1 levied2 from friendly Gallic tribes fought side by side with the Roman legions against the Helvetii and against Ariovistus: after the defeat of the Helvetii envoys3 came from all the tribes of Central and Eastern Gaul to congratulate the victor; and after the defeat of Ariovistus the legions took up their quarters for the winter in Gallic territory without resistance. There was probably not a single tribe in which Caesar had not opponents: but the prestige of Rome and of his own victories, the factious4 spirit and the intertribal jealousies6 of the Gauls, and above all the sagacity with which he played off party against party, and selected the chiefs who, for their own purposes, were able and willing to serve him, prevented open opposition7. Thus, although the seeds of future troubles were even then germinating8, he could safely use Celtican Gaul as his base of operations when he crossed the Marne in the following year to encounter the Belgae. The series of victories which he gained in this campaign intimidated9 his opponents for the time and increased his renown10, but had little effect upon the remote maritime11 tribe of the Morini, on whose coast was the harbour from which he must sail.
He contemplated12 invasion as early as 56 B.C.
Caesar’s first mention of Britain occurs in the chapter that follows his narrative13 of the operations by which he destroyed the invading hordes14 of the Usipetes and Tencteri, crossed the Rhine, and chastised15 the tribe which had given an asylum16 to their fugitives17:—‘Only a small part of the summer remained; and in these parts, the whole of Gaul having a northerly trend, winter sets in early: nevertheless 302 56 B.C. Caesar made active preparations for an expedition to Britain; for he knew that in almost all the operations in Gaul our enemies had been reinforced from that country.’1279 But even if we had not Strabo’s explicit18 statement, it would be unnecessary to argue that Caesar could not have undertaken so momentous19 an enterprise upon the spur of the moment. Strabo says that the Veneti, who in 56 B.C. formed a coalition21 of the maritime tribes of North-Western and Northern Gaul against Caesar, made war upon him because they were determined22 to prevent him from invading Britain, the trade with which was in their hands.1280 The statement is intrinsically probable, and is supported by facts for which we have the authority of Caesar himself. The alliance which the Veneti headed included almost all the maritime tribes between the Loire and the Rhine; and auxiliaries23 actually came from Britain to join them. It is not credible25 that the Britons would have crossed the widest part of the Channel, or that the Morini, whose country lay between the Somme and the Scheldt, and the Menapii, whose seaboard reached the Rhine, would have supported the remote Veneti, if they had not had reason to believe that their own interests were imperilled. Moreover, Caesar tells us that among the ships which he assembled for the invasion of Britain were galleys28 which he had used in the naval29 action with the Veneti. This action took place off the coast of the Morbihan, the nearest harbour to which was in the estuary30 of the Loire;1281 and it is needless to argue that the galleys were not there when Caesar sent for them. If only ‘a small part of the summer’ remained when he began to prepare for the invasion, there was no time for his messengers to travel from the 303 neighbourhood of Coblenz, where he had crossed and recrossed the Rhine, to the mouth of the Loire, or for the galleys to make the voyage of six hundred miles from the Loire to the north-eastern coast of Gaul. When Caesar’s messengers set out, the galleys must have been within a short distance of the port from which he set sail,—probably in the mouth Campaign against the Veneti necessary in order to secure command of the Channel. of the Seine or of the Somme. The war which he waged against the Veneti was a necessary prelude31 to the invasion of Britain. For he could not safely embark32 his army unless he had command of the Channel; and at the time when he planned the invasion the masters of the Channel were the Veneti. They had a powerful fleet of large vessels33, the model of which had, we may suppose, been originally borrowed from that of the merchantmen of the Carthaginians, whose commerce in the Atlantic and in British waters they had inherited. This fleet enabled them to close the ports not only of their own territory in Western Brittany, but also of the western seaboard at least of Northern Gaul; and no one was permitted to use those ports except on condition of paying them toll35.
57 B.C.
But Caesar attempted to gain his object without fighting. After his campaign against the Belgae he sent the 7th legion under Publius Crassus, the younger son of the wealthy triumvir, to winter in the valley of the lower Loire; and all the tribes of Brittany submitted to him and gave him hostages. It was probably about this time that Crassus made his celebrated36 voyage to the tin-producing districts of Cornwall;1282 and it seems not unreasonable37 to conjecture38 that it was the news of his mission which gave the alarm to the Veneti. They arrested two officers whom he had sent to make a requisition of corn: the other maritime tribes of Brittany and Normandy threw in their lot with them; and an embassy was sent to Crassus to demand the restoration of the hostages. Messengers were promptly39 dispatched to inform Caesar, who had gone to Illyricum. He sent orders to Crassus to have a fleet of war-galleys built in the estuary 56 B.C. of the Loire, to summon oarsmen from the Roman Province of Southern Gaul, and to impress seamen41 and pilots. Meanwhile 304 the Veneti were engaging fresh allies, and reinforcements were hastening from Britain to join them. The allied42 fleet was speedily assembled on the coast of the Morbihan. Caesar hurried back to join his army, and on his arrival made all the necessary dispositions43 for preventing the spread of the insurrectionary movement. Crassus was dispatched southward into the country of the Aquitani, from whom, it is true, little danger was to be expected: another general, Titurius Sabinus, was sent northward44 into the peninsula of the Cotentin, to prevent the tribes of Northern Brittany and Western Normandy from joining the Veneti; and Labienus, Caesar’s most capable lieutenant45, marched eastward46 through the heart of Gaul to the neighbourhood of Treves, with orders to watch the Belgae and repel47 the German tribes, who were believed to be in communication with the Gauls, in case they attempted to cross the Rhine. Labienus appears to have had little trouble; but Crassus and Sabinus encountered and defeated their respective enemies. Caesar himself invaded Venetia, and entrusted48 Decimus Brutus with the command of his fleet. During a great part of the summer Brutus was detained in the mouth of the Loire by stormy weather; and Caesar spent the time in endeavouring to reduce the strongholds on the Venetian coast. These operations were fruitless; but on the first fine day the struggle was brought to an issue. The decisive battle was fought in Quiberon Bay.1283 The allied fleet numbered two hundred and twenty sail, while the Roman galleys were reinforced by ships lent by friendly tribes who inhabited the maritime districts south of the Loire. The ships of the Veneti and their allies were so heavy and so stoutly49 built that it would have been useless for the galleys to attempt to ram50 them; and they stood so high out of the water that the legionaries were unable to throw missiles with effect. But the Roman engineers came to the rescue as they had done in the First Punic War. Long poles had been prepared, armed at one end with sharp-edged hooks. The galleys swifter and more mobile than the Gallic ships, which 305 had no oars40.1284 When the fleets approached each other, two or more galleys ran alongside one of the enemy’s ships; and the halyards were seized by the hooks. Instantly the rowers pulled away: the halyards snapped, and yards and sails fell down, leaving the helpless hulk to be boarded by the legionaries. ‘Thenceforward,’ wrote Caesar, ‘the fight turned upon valour, in which our soldiers easily had the advantage.’1285 When several ships had been captured, the Veneti abandoned the fight and made haste to escape. But their ships had hardly been put before the wind when they were becalmed; and the galleys, running swiftly in and out among them, captured them one after another, all but a few which contrived52 to reach land when darkness fell.
SOUTH EASTERN BRITAIN
See note on page XVI.
The Veneti surrendered unconditionally53. Caesar was determined to teach the Gauls that ‘the rights of envoys’1286 must be respected in future. The Venetian senate were put to death; and all the tribesmen who failed to escape were sold into slavery.
Campaign against the Morini.
It remained only to subdue54 the Morini, who had never yet acknowledged the supremacy55 of Rome. Caesar marched against them: but the season was too far advanced; and he found it impossible to strike a decisive blow. The Morini would not risk a battle, and took refuge in their forests. Caesar allowed himself to be surprised on the outskirts56 and lost a few men, though he succeeded in punishing his assailants; and after the legions had spent some days in cutting down trees, capturing baggage, and driving off cattle, stormy weather set in, and rain fell so heavily and continuously that they could no longer live safely in tents, Its failure leaves Caesar’s base not quite secure. and were forced to abandon the campaign. Owing to this failure, which Caesar hardly atoned57 for by ravaging58 the cultivated lands as he retreated, the base of operations for the expedition which was to take place in the following year was still insecure. On the other hand, the maritime tribes between the Somme and the Pyrenees were effectually 306 subdued59; and Caesar was absolute master of the sea.
55 B.C. Caesar determines to sail from the Portus Itius (Boulogne.)
When the campaign of the following year against the Germans was over, Caesar marched westward60 into the country of the Morini, ‘because,’ as he tells us, ‘the shortest passage to Britain was from their coast.’1287 Probably he had already ascertained61 what was the best port to sail from; but any competent cavalry officer could have procured62 the information in a couple of days. Between the Scheldt and the Somme there was only one harbour which would satisfy all his requirements. Calais did not then exist: Sangatte, on the east of Cape51 Blancnez, was at best a mere63 roadstead; and the sandy waste between Cape Blancnez and Cape Grisnez, from which the village of Wissant derives64 its name, though it possessed65 two tiny creeks66 formed by rivulets67, offered no shelter for a fleet and no facilities for building or repairing ships, or for provisioning an army. The Canche, the Authie, and the Somme, if at that time they were used as harbours, were too far from Britain. But the estuary of the Liane, on whose right bank stood Gesoriacum, the village whose site is now covered by Boulogne, combined every advantage. Caesar, Latinizing its Celtic name—the port of Icht, or ‘the Channel harbour’—called it the Portus Itius. Gallic merchants sailed from it to the ports of Kent: from the time of Augustus it was the Roman port of embarkation68 for Britain, and at a later period the naval station of the Roman Channel Fleet. The estuary, longer, wider, and deeper than it is now, was protected from every gale69 by the bold bluff70 of land which on the west throws out the promontory71 of Alprech, and which then projected northward considerably72 beyond its present limit.1288 Vessels of light draught73 could enter the harbour at low tide. Shipyards lined its banks. Roads connected it with the interior; and timber in abundance could be floated down the river from the forest of Boulogne. The heights that look down from the east upon the harbour, about half a mile south of the column which commemorates74 the assemblage of Napoleon’s ‘Grand 307 Army’, offered an excellent site for the encampment of the force that was destined75 to protect the communications; and perhaps a detachment may have been posted on the opposite bank of the river.1289 If the distance in a straight line to Britain was a little longer than from the creeks of Wissant, the passage, owing to the set of the tidal streams and the prevalence of south-westerly winds, was more convenient. Caesar therefore gave orders that vessels should be collected from the adjacent coasts, and assemble, along with the galleys which had been docked after the war with the Veneti, in the Portus Itius.
He attempts to obtain information about Britain from Gallic traders.
The summer was now far advanced; and Caesar saw his first expedition must be a mere reconnaissance: but, as he tells us, ‘he thought that it would be well worth his while merely to visit the island, see what the people were like, and make himself acquainted with the features of the country, the harbours, and the landing-places.’1290 Though on a clear day he could see beyond the straits those ‘astonishing masses of cliff’ which haunted the imagination of Cicero,1291 he was about to venture into an unknown land. The Italians of that time knew hardly anything of the island which they vaguely76 regarded as the end of the inhabited world, except that it produced tin, some of which found its way to the markets of the Mediterranean77.1292 Perhaps Cicero and other cultivated men had read extracts from the journal of Pytheas: but Pytheas was a discredited78 writer; and, after all, his description of the Britons who lived in the time of Alexander the Great would have been little more useful to Caesar than Bernier’s account of the empire of Aurangzeb would be to a traveller who intended to spend a winter in India. Caesar sent for traders from all parts of North-Eastern Gaul, and questioned them about the island:—How large was it? What tribes inhabited it? What were their methods of fighting, their manners and customs? 308 What ports were capable of accommodating a large fleet? He failed to obtain the information which he required. Many commentators79 have insisted that the traders could have told him all that he wanted to know; and certainly it seems difficult to understand how they could have professed80 ignorance of the harbours without manifest contumacy: but at least as regards the other questions, the reason which Caesar assigns for their silence is sufficient:—‘even they know nothing of Britain except the coast and the parts opposite the various regions of Gaul.’1293 Moreover, it must be remembered that Caesar asked them what harbours could shelter a large fleet; and as they were only acquainted with the harbours of Kent, none of which would fulfil this requirement, it is quite intelligible81 that even on this point they should have been unable to enlighten him. Still, they could have given valuable information about the Kentish coast; and the passage in which Strabo accounts for the hostility82 of the Veneti suggests that they kept silence from interested motives83.1294 They could not foresee that Caesar’s expeditions would powerfully stimulate85 British trade.
Gaius Volusenus sent to reconnoitre the opposite coast.
Thrown back upon his own resources, Caesar sent a military tribune, named Gaius Volusenus, in a galley27 to reconnoitre the opposite coast. Volusenus had distinguished86 himself in a campaign, conducted by one of Caesar’s generals, against the mountaineers of the upper Rh?ne: he possessed, as his later history proved, not merely a keen eye for the features of a country, but daring of that kind which characterized the sons of Zeruiah; and how highly Caesar thought of him is evident from the fact that he was the only military tribune whose name is mentioned with honour in the Commentaries.1295
Envoys from British tribes sent to Caesar to promise submission87.
All this time trade was going on as usual between Gaul and Britain; and Gallic merchants had informed their clients in Kent that the long-expected invasion was about 309 55 B.C. to take place. While Volusenus was cruising in the Straits of Dover a ship with envoys from various British tribes on board sailed into the Liane. Presenting themselves in Caesar’s camp, they announced that their principals were prepared to submit to the Roman People and to give hostages. Caesar received them courteously88, exhorted89 them to adhere to their resolve, and dismissed them. But they were not to return alone. Two years before, during the campaign against the Belgae, Caesar had gained over Commius, whose connexion with Britain1296 he had perhaps already ascertained, and, in accordance with the policy which he often followed, had established him as king over the Atrebates. He had doubtless learned much from him about British politics, and had concluded that, just as in Gaul he had taken advantage of tribal5 disputes and had found it politic90 to support the Aedui and the Remi against their rivals, so in Britain his best course would be to side with the Trinovantes against the aggressive Catuvellauni. He had formed a high opinion of the energy and judgement of Commius, and believed him He commissions Commius to return with them and gain over tribes. to be thoroughly91 loyal. Accordingly he charged him to approach all the British chieftains with whom he had any influence, engage them on the side of Rome, and give them notice that he himself would shortly visit the island. Commius took with him a troop of cavalry, composed of thirty of his retainers.
Volusenus’s voyage of reconnaissance.
Meanwhile Volusenus had been carrying out Caesar’s instructions. His galley, manned by trained oarsmen, not only made him comparatively independent of wind and tide, but, owing to her superior speed, would enable him to keep clear of any ships which Gauls or Britons might send against him. We do not know what part of the coast he reconnoitred first: but it is probable that his coasting voyage did not extend beyond Lympne, or, at the furthest, Rye on one side and the North Foreland on the other; for within those limits the port and the alternative landing-place of which he was in search were to be found. The port was indeed too small for such a vast armada as would be required to transport the grand army with which Caesar purposed eventually 310 to invade Britain, but not for the comparatively small fleet that had been collected for the preliminary expedition: if Volusenus had sailed westward in quest of the great harbour which he could not have found until he had reached the coast of Sussex,1297 he would have turned back when he saw the inhospitable forest of the Weald, or the Fairlight Down; and, moreover, he knew that Caesar intended to cross the Channel in its narrowest part. While he was still some miles from the British coast he could see the low but precipitous chalk cliffs, backed by a commanding range of heights, that hem24 in the rock-strewn shore of East Wear Bay: the inlet of Folkestone was plainly too small to accommodate the Roman fleet; and the first sight of the hills that guarded the coast from Folkestone to Hythe and of the wooded uplands that overlooked the tide-washed flat which is now Romney Marsh,1298 must have warned him not to advise the great captain whom he served to land beneath them. It was a maxim92 of ancient warfare93, never disregarded without urgent necessity, to avoid engaging an enemy who had the advantage of higher ground; and there was not a foot of land in the whole extent of coast between Shakespeare’s Cliff and Lympne which a Roman soldier would not have described as a most unfavourable position. The hills behind Hythe were, indeed, pierced by three valleys: but it was evident that they ascended95 to high, broken, and wooded ground, where cavalry would be useless, and an invading army would be encompassed96 by manifold perils;1299 and for such disadvantages the narrow pool harbour which extended opposite Hythe, between the hills and the long bank of shingle97, through a gap in which it might be entered at high tide,1300 promised no compensation. Eastward of Shakespeare’s Cliff Volusenus saw that he must look for the place of disembarkation. There, sheltered in the valley between the cliffs, was old Dover harbour, in which we may suppose that Gallic merchants used to discharge their freight.1301 But even this haven98 would be useless if the landing 311 were to be opposed; and it was necessary to look for some broad expanse of open beach which would give easy access to the interior. None such was yet visible. The galley ran on under the Castle Cliff, round the Foreland and past the coomb within which lies St. Margaret’s Bay, past the cliffs, still precipitous but diminishing in height, which end at Kingsdown. About a hundred yards further on the ground was seen rising again; and the tribune observed a low rampart of cliff extending and gradually sinking towards the north till it finally terminated just south of the spot where Walmer Castle rises amid embowering trees. Stretching northward for several miles from this spot he saw the open beach for which he had been looking. Not a sign of high ground was visible. Once the legions had succeeded in forcing their way on to dry land, they would find no difficulty in following up their advantage; and the cavalry would be able to ride down the beaten enemy. The slope upon which Walmer Church now stands would afford a suitable site for the camp. But it was of course impossible to see far inland; and, as Volusenus could not venture to disembark and run the risk of falling into the hands of the natives, he was unable to find out all that he wished to know. The nature of the inner country, the comparative density99 of the population, the water-supply,—of all these things he remained ignorant. But Caesar had chosen him because he was the fittest man that he could find; and we may assume that he did not neglect precautions which any competent officer would have taken, and that he did not overlook what no observant man could have failed to perceive. He spent three entire days in British waters; and his time must have been fully84 occupied. We may be sure that he bore in mind that the beach was of shingle; that he took soundings all along the coast between Walmer and Deal as close inshore as he could venture to go, and tested the character of the anchorage; and that he noted100 the phenomena101 which twice daily obtruded102 themselves upon his attention,—the rise and fall of the tide, and the movement up and down the Channel of the tidal stream. Perhaps indeed he went as far north as Sandwich, and concluded that a landing might still more 312 advantageously be effected between that point and Sandown, where, even in those days, the beach must have shelved more gently than at Walmer or Deal.1302 One other feature, if it then existed, cannot have escaped his scrutiny,—the Goodwin Sands, perhaps only half-formed, or the long low bank of London Clay, which, as some geologists103 believe, may then have occupied their place.1303 On the fourth day following that of his departure he returned to the Portus Itius, and presented his report to Caesar.
Kentishmen prepare for resistance.
The Kentishmen, on their part, knew what they had to expect. The Roman galley had of course been watched; and though Caesar was coming professedly to receive them under the protection of Rome, his visit would portend104 the loss of their independence. If they chose to resist, they would not be embarrassed by having a long line of coast to defend. The movements of the galley indicated where the fleet of which she was the forerunner105 would probably arrive; and, moreover, those who lived by the sea were aware that the invaders106 could not attempt to land except at a few points within a strictly107 limited range. War-chariots would be helpful in checking them when they attempted to advance through the surf: accordingly the horses were exercised on the beach until they became accustomed to enter the waves.
Certain clans108 of the Morini spontaneously promise to submit.
The Portus Itius was thronged109 with shipping110, and the preparations for the expedition were nearly complete; but the base of operations was still insecure. The Morini had hardly felt the weight of Caesar’s hand, and might give trouble to the garrison111 which he intended to leave for the protection of his communications: but the end of August was approaching; he was anxious to set sail; and he had no time to reduce the tribe to submission. Fortune, however, as usual, befriended him. The various communities of the Morini were accustomed to act independently. Envoys from some of them appeared in Caesar’s camp, and excused themselves for having resisted the Romans in the two previous years. He of course accepted their excuses, and ordered them to give him a large number of hostages, who were promptly brought to the camp. 313
East Kent
55 B.C. Caesar’s expeditionary force.
And now all was ready. The expeditionary force consisted of two legions—the 10th, which had gained renown on many fields and was regarded by Caesar with special favour, and the 7th, which had played a conspicuous112 part in the famous battle with the Nervii—besides about five hundred cavalry, raised from various tribes of Gaul, slingers from the Balearic Isles113, and Numidian and Cretan archers114. The entire army numbered about ten thousand men. A small squadron of galleys and about eighty transports were assembled in the harbour; and on the 25th of August1304 the legionaries embarked115 on the transports, while the galleys were assigned to the archers, slingers, and artillerymen. The catapults which they carried would be worked, in case they were required, under the protection of movable turrets117, which could be erected118, at short notice, on their decks.1305 Caesar omitted to mention the class of ‘long ships’ to which they belonged: but his narrative shows that they were shallow; and it may be doubted whether any of them had more than one bank of oars.1306 The transports had of course been carefully selected, and were all excellent sea-boats: but they had not been designed for disembarking troops on an enemy’s coast; and in case it should prove necessary to land on an open beach, the troops whom they carried would find themselves, on entering the water, almost out of their depth. They were probably sailed by their native crews; and the galleys, which were severally placed under the command of the quaestor, the two generals who commanded the legions, and the auxiliary119 officers, were doubtless handled by the seamen and Provincial120 oarsmen who had manned them in the preceding year. The fleet included some small fast-sailing vessels of light draught, which were commonly used for reconnoitring, and would now be called scouts121. Eighteen other transports were lying in the little harbour of Ambleteuse, between five and six miles to the north,1307 having been 314 prevented by contrary winds from reaching the Liane; and, as the wind was now favourable94 for the voyage to Britain, and Caesar could not afford to wait, he sent his cavalry by road with orders to embark on these vessels and follow him. As the expedition was to be of such short duration, no heavy baggage was taken, and only sufficient supplies to last for a few days. A general named Sulpicius Rufus remained with an adequate force to guard the camp and the harbour; Sabinus and Cotta sent to punish the recalcitrant122 Morini and the Menapii. while Titurius Sabinus, who had commanded a division in the war of the previous year, and Aurunculeius Cotta, who had served with distinction in the campaign against the Belgae, were directed to march with the remaining legions against those clans of the Morini which had not submitted, and their neighbours, the Menapii.
Caesar’s voyage.
It was just five days before the full moon;1308 and high tide that evening was about six o’clock. About midnight the moon set, and we may suppose that, like the ships of William when he sailed to encounter Harold, each vessel34 carried a lantern.1309 Soon afterwards the signal was given to weigh anchor,1310 and the ships stood out to sea and steered123 against the ebb125 tide, which, however, was moving at less than one knot an hour,1311 for Dover harbour.1312 As they passed Ambleteuse, there was no sign that the cavalry transports had His cavalry transports fail to put to sea in time. yet got under way. About half an hour before sunrise the stream turned eastward; and by that time Cape Grisnez had been left behind. But at some period of the voyage the wind must have shifted to an unfavourable quarter,1313 for Aug. 26. it was not until the fourth hour of the day, or about nine 315 o’clock in the morning,1314 that the galleys approached the Dover cliffs; and at that time the transports, which were slower sailers and had no oars, were far behind. Above the white precipices126, ranged on the undulating downs behind, Caesar descried127 an armed host of the enemy. ‘The formation of the ground,’ he observed, ‘was peculiar128, the sea being so closely walled in by abrupt129 heights that it was possible to throw a missile from the ground above on to the shore.’1315 To attempt a landing in the harbour or below the cliffs on either side of it was of course out of the question; and He anchors off the Dover cliffs. Caesar determined to remain at anchor until the rest of the fleet should arrive. The reader who is familiar with the Commentaries, and can comprehend their implied meaning, will perceive that the vessels must have been grouped in the bay somewhere between the Castle Cliff and the South Foreland, the one on the extreme right being about a mile westward of the latter.1316 Caesar summoned his generals and tribunes to come on board, communicated to them the substance of the report which he had received from Volusenus, and instructed them how to handle their ships and troops when the landing-place should be reached, warning them above all to bear in mind that rapid and irregular movements were of the essence of seamanship, and to be prepared to obey orders on the instant. When he was satisfied that all understood what was required of them, he sent them back to their ships. Between three and four in the afternoon the infantry130 transports arrived; and although Caesar does not expressly say so, it seems reasonable to assume that he communicated with their officers as well.1317 Between four and five the stream, which, for about six hours, had been running down the Channel, turned towards the east, and, as the wind was now blowing from a favourable quarter, Caesar gave the signal to weigh anchor.1318 A few minutes 316 later galleys, transports, and smaller craft, with all sail set, Late in the afternoon he sails on to Walmer—Deal. were running in an extended line past the Foreland, while the British chariots and cavalry, followed by their infantry, were hurrying across country to intercept131 them. In about an hour the armada was off the coast between Walmer and Deal, heading straight for the shore; and, while the galleys were held ready for emergencies, the transports were run aground.
The landing vigorously resisted.
Caesar now saw crowding upon him the troubles that were due to his lack of preparation. All along the beach a multitude of painted warriors132,1319 with long moustaches and hair streaming over their shoulders, were drawn133 up ready for action. The transports were immovable in water so deep that the men, crowding in the bows, shrank from plunging134 in; and when some of them overcame their hesitation135, they found themselves staggering and slipping, over-weighted by their armour136 and encumbered137 by the shields on their left arms and the javelins138 which they grasped in their right hands; while the Britons, standing139 securely on the beach, and the charioteers, driving their trained horses into the sea, harassed141 them with missiles to which they could not reply. Old soldiers as they were, they felt unnerved by difficulties which they had never encountered before. Caesar promptly sent the galleys to the rescue. Driven through the water at their utmost speed, they were ranged on the right flank of the enemy, who, alarmed by the long low rakish hulls142, the like of which they had never seen, and distracted by the measured stroke of the oars, suddenly found themselves assailed143 by slingers and archers, and enfiladed by strange artillery116. Unable to use their shields unless they changed front, they ceased to press their attack, stood still, and presently began to give ground. But few of the legionaries had yet ventured to enter the water; and the rest still hesitated to take advantage of the respite145. Then the standard-bearer of the 10th legion, calling upon the gods for aid, turned to his comrades, and cried, ‘Leap down, men, unless you wish to abandon the eagle to the 317 enemy. I, at all events, shall have done my duty to my country and my general.’ Springing overboard, he advanced alone, holding the eagle above his head. The men plucked up courage, and, calling upon one another not to bring the legion to shame, leaped all together from the bows. Encouraged by their example, the men in the nearest vessels followed, and the fight became general.
But the advantage was still with the defenders146. The galleys could not be everywhere at once. The Romans, though they could not get firm foothold, tried hard to keep their ranks and follow their respective standard-bearers; but they soon lost all formation. As men entered the sea from one ship or another, they attached themselves in bewilderment to any standard they came across; and the enemy on the shore, whenever they saw a few legionaries dropping one by one into the water, drove their horses in, and surrounded and attacked them before they could join their comrades; while others planted themselves on the exposed flank of a disordered unsupported group,1320 and showered missiles into their midst. Jarring with the shouts of the disciplined soldiers, resounded147 the harsh Celtic yell,1321 the clangour of the Celtic trumpet,1322 and invocations uttered in strange language to strange gods.1323 Caesar now manned his scouts and the boats belonging to the galleys, and sent them in different directions to assist all who were overmatched. Gradually the foremost bodies of legionaries fought their way on to the beach: the rest followed quickly Caesar’s victory indecisive owing to want of cavalry. in support; and now, closing their ranks and drawing their swords, they charged the enemy with exultant148 cries, and put them to flight. Want of cavalry, however, made it impossible to complete the victory.
The Romans encamp.
It was now near sunset. The site which Volusenus had noted for the camp was close to the sea; and while fatigue-parties were sent out to cut wood and the outposts took up 318 their appointed places, the rest of the troops fell to work with pick and shovel149 along the lines which had been marked out for them. The galleys were hauled up on the beach; but the transports were necessarily left at anchor. Until the cavalry should arrive it would not be prudent150 to venture into the interior; and we may suppose that a galley was sent back to the port of Ambleteuse, to inform their captains about the landing-place for which they were to steer124.
British chiefs sue for peace.
It would seem that the resistance which the Britons had opposed to the disembarkation was purely151 local, and that no defensive152 league had been organized. The men of East Kent were disheartened by failure, and on the next day sent envoys to sue for peace. Some days before, when Commius had just landed and was formally communicating Caesar’s mandate153 to the chiefs, he had been arrested and imprisoned154. The envoys, who brought him with them, begged Caesar to pardon this outrage155, for which, they said, the ignorant rabble156 were responsible. He replied that their countrymen had made an unprovoked attack upon his army although they had spontaneously sent an embassy to Gaul to proffer157 submission; but he promised to accept their excuses on condition of their giving hostages. Part of the required number were handed over there and then, the envoys promising158 that the rest, who would have to be fetched from considerable distances, should be brought within a few days. The Britons who had fought at Walmer were ordered by their leaders to return home; and within the next few days tribal chiefs arrived from various districts, and formally surrendered.
The cavalry transports dispersed159 by a gale.
On the morning of the 30th of August the long-looked-for cavalry transports were descried in the offing. They had sailed from Ambleteuse with a light breeze; but as they were approaching the British coast a sudden gale prevented them from keeping on their course. ‘Some,’ wrote Caesar, ‘were carried back to the point from which they had started, while the others were swept down in great peril26 to the lower and more westerly part of the island. They anchored notwithstanding; but, as they were becoming waterlogged, they were forced to stand out to sea in the face of night, and 319 make for the Continent.’1324 The brief sentences tell a tale which cannot be mistaken. The ships which were swept down past the Foreland and the Dover cliffs scudded160 before the north-easterly gale;1325 and, although they were evidently in no danger of being driven ashore161, they were in great peril because only the most watchful162 steering163 could prevent them from broaching164 to: if a heavy sea struck the stern, it might swing the vessel round, and in a moment she would be overset and founder165. The ships which were carried back to the point from which they had started were of course handled differently. A sailing-vessel, caught by a gale, must either run before the wind or lie to. With these vessels the latter course was adopted. Carrying only just enough sail to keep them steady, they were laid to on the port tack144; and once they had drifted past Cape Grisnez into comparatively sheltered water, they were able to stand in for the shore and make the port of Ambleteuse.1326 Not one of the eighteen vessels, not a single man among their crews, was lost; and this fact, which Caesar was careful to record, bears witness to the skilful166 seamanship of the Gauls.
Caesar’s fleet partially167 wrecked168.
But on the shores of East Kent the gale was still raging; and the moon that shone out that night through the fleeting169 clouds was at the full. Caesar’s officers and, it would seem, Caesar himself were ignorant of the connexion between tide and moon; but if he had ever had leisure to study the writings of Pytheas or of Posidonius,1327 he would have known what he might expect. His Gallic pilots indeed could certainly have enlightened him; and there will always remain a doubt whether he did not know more than he chose to admit. It was high water about an hour before midnight; 320 and the seas that came rushing over the shingle before the north-east wind rose as high as a spring tide. The galleys which had been hauled up, as Caesar supposed, above high-water mark, were swept by the waves; the transports were driven ashore. Soldiers and crews could only look helplessly on. Several vessels were totally wrecked; and the rest lost their anchors, cables, and other tackle. No provision had been made against the chance of such a disaster; and the tools and materials that were needed for repairs were on the other side of the Channel. The whole army was seized with panic. Men asked one another how they were to subsist170 when they had no grain, and how they were to get back to Gaul when there were no ships to carry them.
The British chiefs prepare to renew hostilities171.
The British chiefs who were still in the camp saw their opportunity. The coincidence of the shipwreck172 with the full moon was a good omen20.1328 They knew that Caesar had no supplies; and although they did not know exactly the strength of his force, they saw that his camp was very small, and concluded that his troops were correspondingly few. Besides, his want of cavalry would place him at a disadvantage. Accordingly, they determined to recall their tribesmen, to prevent the Romans from getting supplies, and to harass140 them by an irregular warfare, in the hope that they would be able to starve them out, or at any rate prevent them from re-embarking until wintry weather should have set in. One by one they moved away from the camp without attracting observation.
Caesar labours to retrieve173 the disaster.
Meanwhile Caesar was doing his best to retrieve the disaster; and, although the chiefs managed to keep their plans secret, he suspected that they meant mischief174. Moreover, the hostages who were still due did not arrive. The crops were ripe; and troops were detailed175 every day to get corn. A galley was sent back to Gaul to fetch everything that was required for repairing the ships. Twelve of them were so badly damaged that it was impossible to patch them up even for one voyage; but their timbers and bronze were utilized176 for the repair of the rest. All the legionaries who had any knowledge of carpentry or metal-working were employed 321 as shipwrights177, and worked with such good will that within a few days the fleet had been made tolerably seaworthy.
The 7th legion surprised and attacked while cutting corn.
All this time natives were daily passing in and out of the camp; and no one in the Roman army suspected that trouble was brewing178. At a considerable distance from Walmer there was a wood, close to which was a field of standing corn. Everywhere else the crops had been already cut; and to this spot the 7th legion was dispatched. The officer who commanded it neglected to send out scouts; and the troops laid aside their arms, and went to work securely with their reaping hooks. It is true that the only cavalry were Commius’s thirty retainers; but they might have done good service. It would seem that even the ordinary precaution of keeping some of the cohorts under arms was neglected.1329 Suddenly the enemy’s chariots and cavalry emerged from the wood, and swept down upon the unarmed and scattered179 reapers180. The chariots careered at full gallop181 all over the field, the warriors who stood beside the drivers hurling182 javelins1330 or slinging183 stones at the legionaries as they were running to seize their arms, and intimidating184 them, as Caesar said, ‘by the mere terror inspired by their horses and the clatter185 of the wheels:’ presently the drivers passed into the intervals187 between the troops of their supporting cavalry; horsemen and charioteers charged together;1331 and while the warriors leaped from their chariots and fought as infantry, the drivers moved off to a safe distance, ready to receive them in case they were hard pressed. Meanwhile two cohorts were on guard as usual outside the gates of the camp;1332 and some of their number reported to Caesar that an 322 unusual amount of dust was rising in the direction in which the 7th had gone. His suspicions were aroused; and, ordering the two cohorts1333 to accompany him, two others to take their places, and the remaining cohorts of the 10th legion to leave their work, arm, and follow him immediately, he marched towards the corn-field. He had advanced some little distance before he came in sight of the legionaries, who were evidently unable to hold their own. Huddled188 together in a small space, with ranks disordered, they were surrounded by cavalry and charioteers, missiles flying into them from every side. Caesar was just in time. When the enemy saw reinforcements approaching they suspended their attack, and the 7th recovered from their panic. But if the enemy had no mind to renew the combat, Caesar did not feel able, without cavalry and with only two legions, one of which had just been so roughly handled, to strike an effective blow. ‘The moment,’ he afterwards explained, ‘was not favourable for challenging the enemy and forcing on a battle.’1334 Accordingly he contented189 himself with maintaining his ground, and, after a short interval186, withdrew both legions into camp.
Military operations suspended owing to bad weather.
The tribesmen who had not yet rejoined their chiefs were on the way: but during the next few days stormy weather prevented the Romans from going out of camp and the enemy from attacking them. Such was Caesar’s statement; and it is not difficult to fathom190 his meaning. He would not attack a mobile enemy whom it was difficult to bring to action, but preferred to wait until they should attack him on his own ground, before his impregnable camp: on the other hand, the ground was so miry that for the time their chariots could not act. The Kentish chiefs, however, were 323 not idle. Messengers scoured191 the country, assured all who still remained passive that the Roman army was contemptible192, and urged them to seize the opportunity of plundering193 their camp and securing their own independence for ever. A large body of horse and foot speedily assembled, and advanced towards the coast. If they had been commanded by one skilful leader, and had adhered to the simple plan of harassing194 the Romans when they were endeavouring to embark, they might have achieved something. But they were a mere aggregate195 of tribal levies196 under tribal chiefs; and greed and impatience197 worked their ruin. The one thought that troubled Caesar was that their speed would enable them to escape the consequences of defeat. They The Britons, attempting to rush Caesar’s camp, are defeated with heavy loss. made a wild attack upon the camp, and the legions, which were drawn up outside, of course scattered them. Commius’s horse were of some slight service in the pursuit; and the legionaries, who exerted themselves to the utmost, killed many of the fugitives, and burned all the buildings which they had time to reach.
Caesar compelled by the approach of the equinox to return to Gaul.
This success came just in time to enable Caesar to leave Britain with some show of credit. His departure could not be postponed198. It was about the middle of September: the dreaded199 equinox was near; and, with his unsound ships, he would need a fine night for the voyage. He must therefore have been relieved when, on the very day of their defeat, the chiefs sent envoys to sue for peace. He ordered them to find twice as many hostages as he had demanded before; and, as he could not wait for them, the chiefs were to send them in their own or the merchants’ vessels to Gaul. Before he embarked he may have personally reconnoitred the coast north of Walmer: anyhow he decided200 that, when he returned in the following year, his best landing-place would be the sandy flats between Sandown and Sandwich, where, as we have seen, the seaward slope was gentler than Causes of his partial failure. that of the Walmer shingle.1335 But otherwise the objects for which he had undertaken the expedition had not been attained201. The time for preparation had been too short. 324 Owing to the excessive draught of the transports, the disembarkation had entailed202 unnecessary loss: by neglecting to bring over supplies Caesar had exposed the 7th legion to the risk of a defeat which would have been calamitous203; while the unfortunate absence of the cavalry had made it impossible to obtain any information about the nature of the country, and had weakened the effect of the final victory. The troops were embarked without opposition, and, taking advantage of a fair breeze, Caesar set sail just after midnight. The Two transports fail to make the Portus Itius: the troops whom they carried attacked by the Morini. fleet reached the opposite coast safely; but two of the transports, which perhaps were in worse condition than the rest, kept a little too far out to sea, and, failing to make the mouth of the Liane, drifted a few miles further down the coast and reached land somewhere north of the mouth of Canche. The soldiers who had disembarked from them, numbering about three hundred, were marching northward to join their comrades when they were intercepted204 and attacked by a band of the Morini, who belonged to one of the clans which had submitted a few weeks before. As the Romans were considerably outnumbered, they were obliged to form in a square; and, hearing the shouts of the combatants, large numbers flocked to join in the attack. The three hundred defended themselves with vigour205; and four hours later, when Caesar’s cavalry came to the rescue, they were still unbeaten. The assailants speedily dispersed; Punishment of the Morini and Menapii. but next day Labienus marched against them with the two legions which had just returned from Britain, and almost all were taken prisoners. Titurius and Cotta, with the other legions, had been punishing the Menapii. Finding that they had taken refuge in their forests, they mercilessly ravaged206 the open country, cutting the corn and burning the hamlets. Thus, when the legions went into winter-quarters in the country of the Belgae, Caesar might feel that in the ensuing summer his base of operations would be secure. ‘Thither,’ he wrote dryly, ‘two British tribes and no more sent hostages: the rest neglected to do so.’1336 325
55 B.C.
When Caesar’s dispatches reached the Senate, they ordered Thanksgiving service at Rome for Caesar’s success. a thanksgiving service of twenty days to be held in honour his exploits. No one who is versed207 in Roman literature and gifted with historical imagination will regard the decree as ironical208. For Caesar’s countrymen may well have felt that he had opened the way for the conquest of a new world.
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1
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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germinating
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| n.& adj.发芽（的）v.（使）发芽( germinate的现在分词 ) | |
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intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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hem
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| n.贴边，镶边；vt.缝贴边；(in)包围，限制 | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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28
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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estuary
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| n.河口，江口 | |
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prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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toll
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| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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42
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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48
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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50
ram
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| (random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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51
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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52
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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53
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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54
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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55
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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56
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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atoned
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的过去式和过去分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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58
ravaging
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| 毁坏( ravage的现在分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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rivulets
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| n.小河，小溪( rivulet的名词复数 ) | |
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embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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75
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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78
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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79
commentators
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| n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 )；时事评论员；注释者；实况广播员 | |
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80
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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81
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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82
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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83
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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84
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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85
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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86
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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87
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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88
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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89
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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91
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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92
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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93
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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94
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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95
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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97
shingle
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| n.木瓦板；小招牌(尤指医生或律师挂的营业招牌)；v.用木瓦板盖（屋顶）；把（女子头发）剪短 | |
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98
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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99
density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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100
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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101
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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102
obtruded
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| v.强行向前，强行，强迫( obtrude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
geologists
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| 地质学家，地质学者( geologist的名词复数 ) | |
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104
portend
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| v.预兆，预示；给…以警告 | |
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105
forerunner
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| n.前身，先驱（者），预兆，祖先 | |
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106
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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107
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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108
clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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109
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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111
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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112
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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113
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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114
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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115
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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116
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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117
turrets
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| （六角）转台( turret的名词复数 )； （战舰和坦克等上的）转动炮塔； （摄影机等上的）镜头转台； （旧时攻城用的）塔车 | |
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118
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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119
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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120
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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121
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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122
recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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123
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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124
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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125
ebb
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| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
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126
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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127
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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128
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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129
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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130
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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131
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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132
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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133
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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134
plunging
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|
| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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135
hesitation
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|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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136
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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137
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
javelins
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| n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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139
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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140
harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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141
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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142
hulls
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| 船体( hull的名词复数 )； 船身； 外壳； 豆荚 | |
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143
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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144
tack
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| n.大头钉；假缝，粗缝 | |
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145
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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146
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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147
resounded
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|
| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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148
exultant
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|
| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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149
shovel
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| n.铁锨，铲子，一铲之量；v.铲，铲出 | |
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150
prudent
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|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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151
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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152
defensive
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|
| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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153
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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154
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
outrage
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|
| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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156
rabble
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|
| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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157
proffer
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| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
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158
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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159
dispersed
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|
| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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160
scudded
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| v.（尤指船、舰或云彩）笔直、高速而平稳地移动( scud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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162
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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163
steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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164
broaching
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| n.拉削；推削；铰孔；扩孔v.谈起( broach的现在分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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165
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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166
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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167
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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168
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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169
fleeting
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| adj.短暂的，飞逝的 | |
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170
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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171
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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172
shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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173
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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174
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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175
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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176
utilized
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
shipwrights
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| n.造船者，修船者( shipwright的名词复数 ) | |
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178
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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179
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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180
reapers
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| n.收割者，收获者( reaper的名词复数 )；收割机 | |
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181
gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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182
hurling
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| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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183
slinging
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| 抛( sling的现在分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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184
intimidating
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| vt.恐吓，威胁( intimidate的现在分词) | |
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185
clatter
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| v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
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186
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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187
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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188
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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189
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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190
fathom
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| v.领悟，彻底了解 | |
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191
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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192
contemptible
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|
| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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193
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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194
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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195
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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196
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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197
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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198
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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199
dreaded
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|
| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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200
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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201
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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202
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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203
calamitous
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| adj.灾难的，悲惨的；多灾多难；惨重 | |
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204
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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205
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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206
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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207
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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