Caesar had learned the lessons which failure had taught Caesar builds a fleet for a second expedition. him. In the winter he was obliged, as usual, to go to Cisalpine Gaul, partly in order to discharge judicial1 and administrative2 business, partly to safeguard his own political interests in Italy. Before he left Belgium he ordered his generals to employ the legions in repairing the old ships and building a new fleet for the second expedition. He drew up minute instructions for their guidance. Two thousand cavalry3 horses, besides transport cattle, were to be conveyed across the Channel; and, as the campaign would probably be protracted4, it would be impossible to leave all the heavy baggage behind, and imprudent to trust again for supplies to the resources of the country.1337 The ships were to be somewhat shallower than those which were commonly used in the Mediterranean6, in order to facilitate the work of loading and to enable them to be hauled up on the shore: on the other hand, to make room for troops and freight, they were to be rather broader in the beam. Their low freeboard would admit of their being constructed for rowing as well as sailing;1338 and Caesar, who had noticed that the waves in the Channel were comparatively small, thought that it would involve no danger. But this shallowness, combined with unusual breadth, entailed7 a disadvantage which he had perhaps not foreseen: it would cause the vessels8, unless the wind were right aft or on the quarter, to make a great deal of leeway.1339 It was of course impossible to build such a large 327 flotilla in one port. Some of the ships were to be constructed in the mouth of the Seine: others doubtless in the Portus Itius itself; others probably in the Canche, the Authie, and the Somme, possibly even on the Marne, far from the sea-coast.1340 The legionaries were ill provided with appliances for ship-building: but they might be trusted to do their best; and the tackle necessary for rigging and equipping the fleet was to be imported from Spain. The cost of the expedition would be very heavy: but Caesar was amassing10 wealth for himself and his lieutenants11 by plundering14 Gaul; and he certainly hoped to do more in Britain than recover his expenses.1341
News of these preparations must of course have flown swiftly across the Channel; but it is hardly surprising that the British chieftains did not take advantage of the time that was given them to mature a scheme of defence. Cassivellaunus was still intent on self-aggrandisement; and in the struggle with his neighbours, the Trinovantes, he slew16 Mandubracius flees from Britain and takes refuge with Caesar. their king, whose son, Mandubracius, contrived17 to escape, took ship for Gaul, and presented himself—the first of a series of British exiles who invited Roman interference—in Caesar’s camp. The exact date of his flight cannot be given: it is sufficient to know that he was with Caesar when the time arrived for the Roman army to embark18.
Caesar winters in Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum.
Caesar did not start for Italy until the middle of November,1342 and after he had fulfilled the civil duties which awaited him in Cisalpine Gaul he was obliged to travel to the further shore of the Adriatic in order to punish a tribe which had been making devastating19 raids upon Illyricum. In the early spring he was again in Cisalpine Gaul, clearing off arrears20 of His correspondence with Cicero. work, and preparing to recross the Alps. Cicero for whom he had an unfeigned admiration22, and whom he was always endeavouring to conciliate, was now upon the best of terms with him; and his correspondence throws a ray of light upon the hopes which had been awakened23 in Italy by the preparations for a fresh expedition to Britain. Caesar was of 328 course beset24 with letters of recommendation written by public men on behalf of friends who hoped to acquire riches in Gaul or Britain; and Cicero wrote one, as he alone knew how to write, begging him to do something for a young lawyer, named Trebatius, who was destined25 to achieve distinction as a jurist. Caesar, however pressed with business he might be, received all such applications, when they came from men whom he cared to conciliate, with good humour. ‘Just as I was speaking,’ wrote Cicero, ‘to our friend Balbus at my house, a letter from you was handed to me, at the end of which you say: “Rufus, whom you recommend to me, I will make King of Gaul.... Send me some one else to provide for!” ... I therefore send you Trebatius.’1343 The confiding26 lawyer wanted to make a fortune without having to work for it: but Cicero banteringly told him to moderate his expectations. ‘I hear,’ he wrote, ‘there is no gold or silver in Britain. If so, I advise you to capture a war-chariot and come back in it as soon as you can.’1344 He ended his letter by telling Trebatius that if he wished to cultivate Caesar’s friendship, he must take the trouble to make himself useful. Caesar bestowed27 upon him the rank of tribune, exempting28 him from military duty, for which he was manifestly unfit; but, after a short experience of camp life, he made up his mind that the expedition would involve more hardship than profit, and preferred to remain in Gaul. But Caesar had gained another adherent29 who turned out a real soldier. Quintus Cicero, the orator’s younger brother, had consented to serve on his staff as a legatus, or general of division;1345 and a few words from a letter in which this consent is alluded30 to illustrate31 the gracious tact32 which helped Caesar to gain adherents33. ‘Caesar,’ writes Marcus Cicero to his brother, ‘has written to Balbus that the little bundle of letters in which mine and Balbus’s were packed was so 329 saturated34 with rain when it was delivered to him that he was not even aware that there was one from me. However, he had made out a few words of Balbus’s, to which he replied as follows:—“I see you have written something about [Quintus] Cicero, which I have not deciphered: but as far as I could guess, it was of a kind that I might wish, but hardly hope to be true.”’1346 On the 30th of April Quintus was with Cicero’s hopes and fears about the second British expedition. Caesar at Blandeno, a small town near Placentia. Marcus knew of course that Quintus was to accompany the expedition to Britain; and he indulged the fancy that Caesar’s exploits would furnish him with a theme for a heroic poem. ‘Only give me Britain,’ he wrote to Quintus, ‘to paint in colours supplied by you, but with my own brush.’1347 But he must have soon received discouraging news; for early in June1348 he wrote to Atticus:—‘The result of the British expedition is a source of anxiety. For it is notorious that the approaches to the island are ramparted by astonishing masses of cliff; and, besides, it is now known that there isn’t a pennyweight of silver in the island, nor any hope of loot except from slaves; and I don’t suppose you expect any of them to be a scholar or a musician.’1349
Caesar returns to Gaul.
By this time Caesar and his new lieutenant12, having posted across Gaul at the rate of fifty miles a day or more,1350 must have reached the country of the Belgae; and there is no more conclusive36 proof of the hold which he had already obtained upon the Gallic tribes than the fact that he was 330 able to count, as securely as in Italy, upon finding horses ready for each successive stage. He immediately proceeded to inspect the various shipyards, near which the troops were encamped, and was well satisfied with the manner in which his instructions had been executed. ‘Thanks,’ he wrote, ‘to the extraordinary energy of the troops, and in spite of the extreme deficiency of resources, about six hundred vessels of the class specified37 and twenty-eight ships of war had been built, and would probably be ready for launching in a few days.’1351 Caesar, who knew the stimulating38 power of discriminative39 praise, bestowed hearty40 commendation upon officers and men, and gave orders that the ships, as soon as they were ready for sea, should all assemble in the Portus Itius. For this purpose he detached an adequate He is obliged to march to the country of the Treveri. number of troops. Meanwhile his presence was urgently required in the country of the Treveri, a powerful tribe who inhabited parts of Luxembourg and Rhenish Prussia, and whose name survives in that of the modern Trèves. A squadron of cavalry furnished by this people had served on his side in the battle with the Nervii, and had deserted41 in a body at a moment when it seemed that he was doomed42 to defeat. Since that day the Treveri had refused to send representatives to attend the councils of Gallic magnates which he periodically convened43; and he was now informed that they were making overtures44 to the Germans. Unless he recalled them to obedience45, it was more than probable that while he was absent in Britain, Gauls and Germans would raise a rebellion in his rear. Accordingly, he marched against the malcontents with four lightly equipped legions and eight hundred cavalry. Fortunately for him the Treveri were not unanimous. Two rival leaders, Indutiomarus and Cingetorix, were struggling for supremacy46. Cingetorix at once threw in his lot with Caesar, and gave him full information of all that was going on. Indutiomarus began to raise levies47, and prepared to resist; but, finding that most of his fellow chieftains were going over to the 331 stronger side, he sent envoys48 to Caesar, and endeavoured to explain away his conduct. Unwilling49 to lose time, Caesar feigned21 to accept his excuses, and contented50 himself with taking hostages for his good behaviour.
Returning to the Portus Itius, he finds fleet and army assembled.
It was near the middle of June when he returned to the camp on the Liane. More than eight hundred vessels of all sorts were in the harbour, including numerous small craft, constructed by rich officers who desired to make the voyage in comfort, by merchants who had dealings with the troops, or by adventurers who, we may suppose, had been attracted by stories of the wealth of Britain;1352 but sixty of Caesar’s ships had encountered contrary winds, and failed to arrive.1353 The entire Roman army, comprising eight legions, perhaps about thirty-five thousand men, besides slingers, archers52, and four thousand Gallic cavalry, were assembled on the spot. The notables from all the tribes had also repaired He resolves to take Gallic chiefs of doubtful fidelity53 as hostages to Britain. thither54 in obedience to Caesar’s summons. He was aware that there was much smouldering discontent among them, and he intended to take all but the few on whose fidelity he could depend, as hostages across the Channel. Among these was one whose name, as written by Caesar, was Dumnorix, and whose coins, bearing the legend DUBNOREIX,1354 still testify to the authority which he exercised. He was the most powerful chieftain of the Aedui, the most powerful Gallic tribe, whose territories, corresponding with the Nivernais and Western Burgundy, gave access to all parts of Northern and Western Gaul; who, from the time when the legions first entered Transalpine Gaul, had borne the honorary title of ‘Friends and Allies of the Roman People’; and whom it had been Caesar’s constant policy to treat with special favour. Dumnorix was the leader of the anti-Roman faction55 which existed in this as in almost every other Gallic tribe. He was a man of boundless56 ambition, the vehemence57 of whose character was out of all proportion with his judgement: 332 he had amassed58 great wealth, which enabled him to maintain an army of retainers; and he had great influence not only with the lower orders in his own country but also with the Gauls of every tribe who wished to rid themselves of the Roman dominion59. For the last four years his intrigues60 had caused anxiety to Caesar. He had been secretly in league with the Helvetian invaders61 at the time when Caesar marched to encounter them; and in the early part of the campaign his own brother, the famous Druid, Diviciacus, as well as the chief magistrate62 of his own tribe, had advised Caesar to beware of him. At that time Caesar had not felt sufficiently63 secure in his new position to punish him; he had simply given him a severe reprimand and a stern warning, but had ever since employed spies to watch his movements. It was now reported that Dumnorix had announced in the Aeduan tribal64 council that Caesar intended to make him king, and that the announcement had been received with alarm and indignation. There are writers who believe that Caesar had really offered him the throne in order to purchase his support: but it is hardly credible65 that he would have made such a gross miscalculation; and there is more reason in concluding that Dumnorix had spread a false report in order to estrange66 the loyal Aeduans from Caesar’s side. At all events he was irreconcilable67; Dumnorix resolves not to go. and he determined68 that to Britain he would not go. He began by imploring70 Caesar to allow him to remain behind, pleading that he was not accustomed to the sea, and dreaded71 it, and insisting that he was debarred by religious obligations from leaving the Continent. Finding Caesar obdurate72, he approached his brother chieftains, and adjured73 them to join him in refusing to go, assuring them that Caesar only wanted to get them out of Gaul in order that he might safely put them to death. Caesar did his utmost to keep him quiet, at the same time informing himself through his agents of all The fleet weatherbound. that he said and did. Meanwhile the fleet was lying idle in the harbour. All the preparations were complete: but continuous north-westerly winds made it impossible to sail; and we may safely presume that the troops, who might be required to row the transports, were employed in learning 333 to use their oars74. The two Ciceros were in constant correspondence; and the elder brother was impatiently waiting for the announcement that the campaign had begun. On the 2nd of July he wrote to Atticus, ‘Judging from my brother Quintus’s letter, I imagine that by this time he is in Britain. I am anxiously waiting for news of his movements.’1355 The fleet had been weatherbound then for about three weeks; and the chief of Caesar’s commissariat, who succeeded in feeding forty thousand men for so long a period in an unfriendly country, must have possessed75 rare powers of organization. At length the wind shifted; and infantry76 and cavalry began to embark. Suddenly, while every man in the force had his thoughts concentrated on the work in hand, Caesar received news that Dumnorix and his Aeduan troopers had gone. Instantly he stopped the embarkation77; and a strong detachment of cavalry was soon riding in pursuit with orders to bring Dumnorix back, or, if he resisted, to kill him on the spot: for, as Caesar afterwards said, ‘he thought that a man who disregarded his authority when he was present would not behave rationally in his absence.’1356 The fate of Dumnorix. Adjuring78 his retainers to be true to him, Dumnorix resisted desperately79; but he was surrounded and slain80, passionately81 crying with his last breath that he was a free man and a citizen of a free country.
Caesar sets sail, leaving Labienus in charge of Gaul.
It was about the 6th of July, probably the day after this episode, when the embarkation took place.1357 Commius, still friendly to Rome, was to accompany the expedition, as well as Mandubracius, the Trinovantian prince who had placed himself under Caesar’s protection. The slaughter82 of Dumnorix, following the temporary submission83 of Indutiomarus, had relieved Caesar from imminent84 danger: but he knew that to keep a hold on the half-subdued and restless peoples whom he was leaving behind would require all the ability of his ablest lieutenant; and there are indications in 334 his narrative85 that he hoped, if all went well, to winter in Britain, and thus to find time not merely to deter69 the Britons from combining with the Gauls, but to conquer the south-eastern part of the country.1358 Labienus therefore remained in charge of the camp and port with three legions and two thousand cavalry. He was to keep the expeditionary force supplied with corn, ascertain87 all that was passing in Gaul, and act on his own discretion88 according to circumstances. Among the divisional commanders that accompanied Caesar was Gaius Trebonius, an intimate friend of Marcus Cicero,1359 who, two years before, had proposed, in the interests of the triumvirate, the law by which the province of Syria was assigned to Crassus, and the two provinces of Spain to Pompey. Late in the afternoon all was ready for the start, the flotilla lying moored89 in the harbour with five legions and two thousand cavalry on board. The ebb90 stream was running slowly down the coast. Towards sunset the hawsers91 were cast off,1360 and the ships steered92 north by west before a light south-westerly wind. The moon was invisible,1361 but at that time of the year there is no real night in these latitudes93; and perhaps, as in the preceding year, each vessel9 hoisted95 a lantern when the twilight96 waned97. About ten o’clock the stream began to run up the Channel, and for a time the vessels made good progress. By midnight the leading division was not far off the South Foreland, and somewhere near what is now the southern end of the Goodwin Sands; but it is probable that in steering98, sufficient allowance had not been made for the current, and that the shallow flat-bottomed vessels had already drifted to leeward99 away from their true course. And now the wind, which had been gradually dying down, almost entirely100 dropped, only retaining The fleet drifts north-eastward101 out of its course. just sufficient force to give steerage way. Borne along by a rapid flood, the armada drifted into the North Sea; and about a quarter past three, when day broke, Caesar descried102 the white cliffs of Kingsdown and the South Foreland 335 receding94 on the port quarter. Right opposite, but hardly discernible, was the low coast on which he had landed in the previous year. We may assume that when he saw where he was drifting he anchored for a time. Presently the stream ceased to run up the Channel, and, after a few minutes’ slack water, the ebb set in.1362 The Romans had a system of naval103 signalling,1363 and either by this means or by oral instructions conveyed from vessel to vessel, the order was given to go about and run down Channel with the stream. The soldiers on board the transports got out their oars. For some time their work was easy; but when, not far from the spot where the South Sand Head Light Vessel is now moored, the ships’ heads were turned in the direction of Sandwich, they encountered a cross current setting towards the south-west.1364 Although the transports were heavily laden104, they toiled105 with an energy which earned Caesar’s warm admiration, and actually The landing-place, between Sandown Castle and Sandwich, reached by rowing. succeeded in keeping up with the galleys106. About noon the whole fleet had reached the landing-place; but no enemy was to be seen, and in the course of the day a galley107 was speeding back across the Channel with one of Caesar’s couriers on board, who carried, besides other dispatches, a letter in which Quintus Cicero informed his brother that all was well.1365
Leaving the fleet at anchor in charge of a brigade, Caesar marches against the Britons,
While the troops and baggage were being disembarked, Caesar chose a site for his camp, perhaps on the slight eminence108 near the village of Worth. Some prisoners were soon brought in by the cavalry and questioned. They stated that their countrymen had assembled in large numbers to oppose the landing, but that, on observing the huge size of the the armada, they had abandoned the shore and retreated to higher ground inland. Caesar determined to march against them that very night, and accordingly accepted the risk of not hauling his ships up on shore, an operation which would have consumed valuable time. He had not forgotten the disaster of the previous year; but, as the shore where he now left the ships at anchor was not only perfectly109 open but 336 sloped very gently seaward, he felt little anxiety for their safety.1366 He mentioned this fact in his memoirs1367 with an emphasis which suggests that he wished to deprecate professional criticism. Moreover, the storm which had wrought110 such havoc111 before had occurred on the night of a full moon: the moon was now new; and it may be doubted whether Caesar had studied the writings of the Greek astronomers112, or consulted the pilots, from whom he would have learned that the tides at new and at full moon are virtually identical. Ten cohorts selected from the various legions, or about four thousand men, and three hundred cavalry were left, under the command of an officer named Quintus Atrius, to protect the fleet. Soon after midnight Caesar set out against the enemy. We may presume that he had sent a troop of cavalry in the afternoon to reconnoitre; but he must have trusted to his prisoners for information as to the whereabouts of the British force. It was posted on high ground overlooking Durovernum, the village which stood upon the site of Canterbury, and which the Romans afterwards linked by a system of roads with their settlements at London, Reculver, Richborough, Dover, and Stutfall near West Hythe. The general direction of Caesar’s march is indicated by the road which runs across the gently undulating and somewhat featureless country between Sandwich and Canterbury. He had advanced about eleven miles when, in the early morning, he descried the enemy’s cavalry and charioteers descending113 from high ground towards the left bank of the Stour. The spot where he encountered them must have been somewhere between Sturry on the east of Canterbury, and Thanington on the west; and military experts who know the country will probably conclude that it was near the latter.1368 The enemy had doubtless attempted to occupy the whole range of low hills which closes the valley of the Stour between these two points, prepared to oppose the legions wherever they might attempt to cross. It would seem, however, 337 that their resistance was comparatively feeble, perhaps because they were surprised, and, having needlessly strung out their forces, were unable to concentrate in time. Caesar forces the passage of the Stour near Canterbury, may have sent a detachment to turn their position: anyhow they were driven from the banks after a combat which he recorded in a single sentence. Retreating to the higher ground, they took up their position in a stronghold situated114 in the midst of woods,—probably the earthwork, about a mile and a half west of Canterbury, through which runs the Pilgrims’ Way, and within which, as we have seen, have been discovered iron implements115 and weapons of pre-Roman age.1369 The legions, pressing after them, found the entrances blocked by abatis; and when they attempted to force their way in, the Britons, issuing from the woods in small groups, assailed116 them with showers of missiles. It would appear from Caesar’s narrative that the rampart, or at least a part of it, extended along the edge of the wood. The 7th legion was selected for the assault. Advancing in a dense118 column, with shields close-locked over their heads, they shot earth or fascines into the ditch so as to form a causeway flush with the top of the rampart; and it may be conjectured119 that the work was performed by men who advanced between the files under the protection of their comrades’ uplifted shields.1370 and storms a fort, to which they had retreated. In this way the entrenchment120, which, like all the British forts that Caesar saw, was weaker than the great strongholds of Western Britain, was speedily captured with small loss; and the Britons were expelled from the woods. The legionaries followed up their success, but Caesar soon stopped the pursuit. He was afraid to run the risk of letting his troops get entangled122 in a wooded country, of the intricacies of which he was ignorant; and, as it was late in the afternoon, he was obliged to utilize123 the remaining hours of daylight for the construction of his camp.
Next morning he sends three columns in pursuit,
Early next morning he dispatched his cavalry in three columns, each supported by a strong body of infantry, to hunt down the fugitives124. The pursuers had advanced a considerable distance from the camp, the rearguard being 338 still in sight,1371 when some troopers rode up to Caesar with a note from Atrius. A storm had arisen on the previous night: the ships had parted from their anchors, collided with one another, and almost all been dashed ashore125 and damaged. but is forced to recall them by news that many of his ships had been wrecked126. Caesar sent gallopers to recall the pursuing columns, and order them to march back to the coast, defending themselves, if necessary, against a counter-attack, and started in person for the scene of the wreck127.1372 When he arrived, he found that Atrius’s report was accurate: about forty ships were totally destroyed; but, after inspecting the rest, he saw that it would be possible to repair them. In the course of the day the legions arrived. The men who had enlisted130 as skilled craftsmen131 were segregated132 and set to work; and galleys were sent to Labienus with a letter in which he was ordered to dispatch gangs of shipwrights133 from his three legions, and to employ the rest of the men in building new He beaches the ships, constructs a naval camp, and repairs damage. vessels. Caesar reluctantly concluded that the only way of preventing another disaster was to have all the ships hauled up on land out of reach of the highest spring tides. They were doubtless moved in the usual way, by capstans over greased logs, which the Romans called phalangae;1373 and then, in order to secure them against attack, an earthwork was thrown up round them, and connected with the existing camp. The amount of labour which these operations entailed was enormous: but there were some twenty thousand willing workers; and by employing them in relays all day and all night, Caesar was able to complete the task in about ten days. The repairs of course required a longer time.
Results of the disaster.
This second shipwreck134 was a calamity135 of which the mere86 loss in ships formed the smallest part. It changed the course of the campaign. Why had not Caesar restrained his eagerness to close with the enemy, and employed every available man in beaching the vessels which he had constructed with that very aim? Granted that it might not have been possible to complete even the mere work of dragging them all out of reach of the waves before the storm began, he would still have done right in not presuming 339 upon the favour of fortune. Nobody knew better how necessary it is, especially in making war upon a half-civilized enemy, to complete all preparations, even at the cost of delay, before opening the campaign, so as to lose not a moment in following up an initial success, and to give fugitives no time to recover from their demoralization. Less than two days after he set foot in Britain he had dealt the enemy a succession of heavy blows, and the game was in his hands,—when all that he had done was undone137 by his own carelessness. Britons saw Romans in full retreat, and concluded that they were not invincible138.
Caesar again marches towards Canterbury. Cassivellaunus elected commander-in-chief of the Britons.
By the time when the naval camp was finished the season was far advanced. It was near the end of the third week in July when Caesar was able to renew his campaign. The Britons had made good use of their respite139. The tribes had suspended their feuds140: Cassivellaunus had been called upon by a general assembly of notables1374 to undertake the chief command with full powers; and a large force, composed of contingents141 from all, or almost all, the cantons of the south-eastern district, had marched to join the men of East Kent. We may doubt whether the Trinovantes had not held aloof142; but if they had been forced to join the league, they were half-hearted. It is certain that, before Caesar had been long in the island, they sent envoys, promising143 submission and begging him to send Mandubracius back to them as their ruler and to protect him against Cassivellaunus. He allowed Mandubracius to depart, only stipulating144 that the Trinovantes should give him forty hostages and provide grain for his army; and readers who can interpret the Commentaries will conclude that the embassy was dispatched before he had advanced far into the interior, and doubtless as soon as he had proved his superiority. He left the same force as before—ten cohorts and three hundred cavalry—to protect the camp, and marched once more in the direction of Canterbury. As he was approaching the valley of the Stour, the enemy’s cavalry and charioteers commenced a fierce running fight with his Gallic cavalry; but they were 340 beaten back at all points and driven to take refuge on the The Romans harassed145 by British charioteers. wooded heights near the river. The Gallic cavalry, however, over-eager to pursue, and getting entangled in ground which was unknown to them, suffered considerable loss; and soon afterwards, while the legionaries, careless of danger, were engaged in entrenching147 their camp, the enemy suddenly swooped148 down upon the cohort on guard and began to overpower it. Caesar had not yet learned due respect for his enemy; otherwise he would have kept a much more powerful force, as he had done on a similar occasion in Gaul, to protect the working-parties. He sent two cohorts, however, to support the struggling guard and cut off the retreat of the assailants. These reinforcements were separated from one another by a narrow interval150: the men who composed them, and who had not served in the preceding year, were unnerved by the novel tactics of the charioteers; and the enemy boldly rushed through the interval, and got back to the main body unhurt. Several additional cohorts, accompanied by cavalry, were sent to retrieve151 the situation. The combat was clearly visible from the camp; and Caesar saw that his troops, who had so often routed their continental153 enemies, were at a serious disadvantage. The Britons fought not in close order but in small groups, separated by wide intervals154; and when these were tired, their places were taken by reserves. Whenever a group was hard pressed by the legionaries, the men who composed it ran away: the Romans, weighted by their heavy armour155, were ineffective in pursuit; and, besides, accustomed as they were to fight in compact masses, they and their officers naturally failed to adapt themselves to new conditions. Again, when the Gallic cavalry charged the charioteers, the latter drove rapidly away; and, as soon as they had withdrawn156 their assailants from the support of the legions, the warriors158 leaped to the ground, and, supported by their own cavalry, fought as infantry, with the odds159 in their favour.1375 A tribune named Quintus Laberius Durus was killed; but at length the reinforcements which Caesar sent up succeeded in beating back the Britons, or 341 at all events deterring160 them for the moment from renewing their attack.
All this time Caesar was doubtless fighting to gain the line of the road or trackway by which he would have to march westward161 into the interior of Britain and assail117 the dominions162 of Cassivellaunus. But it was of course out of the question to begin his march until he had inflicted163 a crushing defeat upon the allies; and, as he saw now, their game was to avoid a general action. On the following day, however, a chance presented itself. In the morning the enemy, who had taken up a position on the heights at some distance from the Roman camp, moved down, as before, in scattered165 groups, and began to assail the cavalry outposts, but with somewhat diminished vigour166. The outposts fell back; and presently the whole of the cavalry were sent out, along with three of the legions, under Gaius Trebonius, on a foraging167 expedition. Part of the force proceeded to cut grass, while the rest remained drawn157 up in support. Suddenly the enemy rushed down from all points on the foragers, and, made reckless by success, ‘did not even hesitate,’ as Caesar wrote, ‘to attack the ordered ranks of the legions.’1376 Trebonius routs168 the Britons. The Romans charged them fiercely, and took ample revenge for the previous day. The Britons were driven from the field, hotly pursued by Trebonius and his men, until the Gallic cavalry, relying upon the support of the legions, which still followed as closely as they could, hunted them in headlong rout152, cutting them down in numbers, and never giving them a chance of rallying. Not even the charioteers could get a moment’s respite, or dared to dismount and turn The British infantry disperse169. upon their pursuers. This defeat was decisive. The tribal levies of foot at once dispersed170 to their homes; and ‘from that time’, wrote Caesar, ‘the enemy never encountered us in a general action.’1377
War-chariots versus171 Roman troops.
Cassivellaunus had learned a lesson which his kinsmen172 on the other side of the Channel were already taking to heart. 342 His undisciplined foot were evidently powerless to contend against the legions on a fair field, and, except behind works, in a strong position, or in attacking small bodies which had been carelessly isolated173, they were of little use. The Celtic infantry of the more warlike tribes were not indeed to be despised. The Helvetii with their allies made a stubborn fight against Caesar: the Parisian confederation under the veteran Camulogenus tested the mettle174 of Labienus; and the issue of the battle with the Nervii remained long doubtful. But in all these combats the Celts had a great numerical advantage; and in all they were beaten to the verge175 of annihilation. Cassivellaunus saw that his object was not to be attained176 by regular warfare177. Moreover, it is certain that, during a prolonged campaign, he would have been unable to feed a large army. But he still had four thousand charioteers with the cavalry who supported them;1378 and on them he determined to rely. The success with which he had already used them makes us wonder why the Continental Celts had abandoned the arm which their insular178 kinsmen wielded179 with such effect. Less than a century before Caesar crossed the Alps chariots had been generally employed in Eastern and in Central Gaul.1379 Chariots have been found in scores in the great sepulchres of the Iron Age which have been opened in Burgundy and Champagne180, while in the British barrows their remains181 are extremely rare.1380 It is evident to every reader of the Commentaries that Caesar was at his wits’ end to know how to adapt his organization to this strange form of resistance; and it is equally evident that on his own side of the Channel he never encountered it at all. The most satisfactory explanation is to be found in a passage of the Commentaries from which we learn that the Gauls spent large sums in buying well-bred horses.1381 Evidently they discarded chariots for cavalry when they began to import from Southern Europe horses which were powerful enough to carry big men and charge 343 with effect.1382 The German cavalry, it is true, had only small underbred cattle; but they were virtually mounted infantry.1383 The British may have been well or ill mounted; but for the most part British horses were no bigger than ponies,1384 able to draw a light car but not to gallop128 fast with heavy riders. Still, whoever calls to mind how in the last Samnite War the Gallic chariots routed the Roman cavalry,1385 will perhaps doubt whether the Gauls did well to abandon chariots altogether in favour of mounted troops.
Nevertheless the reader who trusts to his first impressions of Caesar’s narrative is prone182 to exaggerate the successes of the British charioteers. Their object was to break up the formation of their opponents; and this they could only do when carelessness gave them an opening. The punishment which they inflicted upon the 7th legion was invited by the almost incredible negligence183 of its commander: the check which Caesar himself suffered in the following year befell an outpost of inadequate184 strength. In irregular warfare chariots could cause serious trouble; but the difficulty which Caesar found in dealing51 with them was partly due to the fact that his army, like all Roman armies, was weak in cavalry,—and in cavalry of the right kind. If he could have taken to Britain one of those German squadrons with their attendant light infantry which so effectively supported him in the war with Vercingetorix, he would have had less trouble in his encounters with the British charioteers.
Caesar marches for the country of Cassivellaunus,
Caesar now marched for the country of Cassivellaunus, who, as he divined, intended thenceforth to wage a guerrilla warfare. The troops must have carried in their wallets rations15 for several days, drawn from the magazine in the naval camp; for they could not count upon getting supplies from the farms till they reached the territory of the Trinovantes; and we may be sure that Caesar, venturing into an unexplored country and against so troublesome an enemy, dispensed186 as far as possible with transport. What route he 344 followed is an interesting but perhaps insoluble question. He dismisses the story of the march, which must have occupied nearly a week, in a single sentence, which contains no clue. We know only that he started from the neighbourhood of Canterbury, and that he crossed the Thames at or not far from Brentford.1386 It is, however, morally certain that he marched either by the trackway on the line of which the Romans of a later period made the great road called Watling Street, which crosses the Medway between Rochester and Strood, or along the southern slope of the chalk escarpment, and across the Medway at Aylesford or Halling. All the antiquities188 of Roman or pre-Roman age that have been discovered in Kent, west of the maritime189 tract5 which is bounded by a line drawn from Reculver through Canterbury and Lympne to Romney, have come from sites clustering alongside these routes.1387 That Caesar makes no mention of the Medway has no significance. He must have crossed it somewhere; and it is certain that he crossed many rivers to which he never alluded unless the passage had some tactical or strategical importance. His narrative shows that his object was to inflict164 the greatest damage possible upon the enemy’s homesteads and farms; and we may reasonably suppose that he followed the route, leading through a fertile and populous190 country, which his successors selected, diverged191 from it somewhere near Rochester, and thence advanced by way of Bromley. But the matter is of no great consequence. Caesar demands from his readers not only attention and intelligence, but also expert knowledge; but from those who possess these qualifications he rarely withholds193 necessary information: when he baffles their curiosity, his silence does not prevent them from understanding what is essential.
whose chariots harass146 his cavalry.
During a great part of the march Cassivellaunus dogged the Roman column. Caesars object was to strike terror; and despoil194 the inhabitants of their chief source of wealth,—their flocks and herds195. But Cassivellaunus soon taught him 345 a lesson of caution. He succeeded in ascertaining196 what route the Romans intended to pursue, and sent messengers to warn the inhabitants to drive their cattle into the woods and to fly for refuge thither themselves. Knowing every inch of the country, and having the advantage of superior mobility197, he would conceal198 his force in some wooded spot, and when he saw the Roman horsemen diverge192 from the column and ride forth185 to plunder13, swoop149 down upon them and inflict heavy loss. Caesar was compelled to keep his cavalry, who were terrorized by these unforeseen attacks, in constant touch with the infantry; while the legions, whose powers of endurance were taxed to the uttermost, moved off the road from time to time, and burned and ravaged199 whatever they could reach.1388
Caesar crosses the Thames.
Caesar had ascertained200 that the Thames, in that part of its course which formed the southern boundary of the territory of Cassivellaunus, was only fordable at one spot; and since the time of Camden it has generally been supposed that this was close to Halliford,—the only place, it is said, between Hurleyford, about two miles west of Great Marlow, and the sea, whose name preserves the memory of an ancient ford187.1389 Evidence, however, has lately been adduced which makes it more probable that Caesar was describing Brentford; for, though the name may only have denoted a ford over the Brent, in this part only of the lower Thames have piles been discovered in dredging operations which could reasonably be identified with the obstacles that threatened the passage of the Roman army.1390 When the column descended201 into the valley, Caesar found that Cassivellaunus had anticipated him. The further bank was fenced by a row of sharp stakes, behind which were massed Cassivellaunus’s tribesmen; and Caesar learned from prisoners and deserters that similar stakes, concealed202 by the water, were planted in the bed of the river. He sent his cavalry behind cover to swim the stream close by; and at the right moment the column of infantry plunged203 into the water, and advanced to the attack. Caesar had calculated that the British levies 346 would be distracted by the onset204 of the cavalry upon their flanks and rear; but the infantry were determined to have the credit for themselves. We may suppose that, while they were removing the stakes, the slingers and archers harassed the enemy.1391 ‘The infantry,’ wrote Caesar, ‘advanced with such swiftness and dash, though they had only their heads above water, that the enemy, unable to withstand the combined onset of cavalry and infantry, abandoned the bank and fled.’1392
Cassivellaunus orders the kings of Kent to attack the naval camp.
But Cassivellaunus did not despair. Before Caesar crossed the Thames, he had sent mounted messengers to order the four petty kings of Kent to raise all their tribesmen instantly and make a sudden attack upon the naval camp.1393
Meanwhile Caesar was moving eastward into the country Caesar enters the country of the Trinovantes, who furnish hostages and grain. of the Trinovantes. Cassivellaunus haunted his line of march as before, and pursued the same harassing205 tactics; but the legionaries succeeded in doing considerable damage. When, however, they crossed the frontier of the Trinovantes, Caesar was careful to restrain them from committing any act of violence. The Trinovantes punctually handed over the hostages and delivered the grain which Caesar had required from them; and several other tribes which had joined the defensive206 league, seeing that they had been rewarded for their Five of the confederate tribes submit. submission, sent envoys to announce their surrender. These tribes were the Cenimagni, the Segontiaci, the Ancalites, the Bibroci, and the Cassi. The last three do not reappear in history: they were evidently dependent tribes, and nothing is known about their geographical207 position except that they lived somewhere in the basin of the Thames, on the west or possibly on the north of the Trinovantian territory in Essex.1394 The territory of the Segontiaci, judging by 347 coins, may have been conterminous with, and was probably north of that of the Atrebates,1395 who occupied parts of Hampshire and Berkshire.1396 The Cenimagni may have been the people who dwelt in Suffolk and Norfolk,1397 and who, under the name of Eceni or Iceni, rose in revolt under Boadicea, a century later, against the Romans. The envoys told Caesar that the stronghold of Cassivellaunus was not far off, and that a large number of the inhabitants with their flocks and herds had taken refuge in it. Possibly it was Verulamium, near St. Albans,1398 which was in later times the capital of the son and successor of Cassivellaunus, though Caesar seems to imply that there was no permanent settlement within the fortress208: at any rate it was not far west of the river Lea, which formed the boundary of the Trinovantes. When Caesar arrived, he found that the stronghold was protected by woods and marshes209, and fortified210 with a rampart and trench121: but the legions, advancing on two sides, speedily carried the place by assault: many of the Britons, as they were endeavouring to escape, were caught and killed; and all their cattle were taken.
Attack on the naval camp repulsed211.
Meanwhile the counter-attack which Cassivellaunus had ordered had been delivered. The extent of the naval camp, enclosing as it did several hundred vessels, might appear disproportionate to the slender force to which Caesar had entrusted212 its defence; but he had made no miscalculation. Probably the entrenchment was protected at intervals by towers like those which he used to strengthen his lines at Alesia, and from which artillery213 could play upon the flanks 348 of the assailants. A chieftain named Lugotorix was chosen to lead the assault; but the garrison214 made a sortie, beat off the Britons with considerable loss, and captured their commander.
Caesar’s hurried journey to the coast and its significance.
It was perhaps just after this event that Caesar, accompanied by a flying column, made a journey to the coast, of which he omits all mention in the Commentaries. His silence, which can hardly have been unintentional, certainly suggests that the news of the attack—perhaps the information that it was about to be delivered—caused him serious anxiety. On the 5th of August (the 1st of September of the unreformed calendar) he wrote a letter from the naval camp to Marcus Cicero. A service of dispatch vessels had been organized, which plied35 from time to time between the Kentish coast and the Portus Itius. Caesar had found time to write at least once before; and the younger Cicero had sent a long series of letters to his brother, whose allusions215 to them reveal something of the inner history of the campaign. In the first week of August he replied to the one which had described the safe arrival of the armada:—‘How I rejoiced at your letter from Britain. I was nervous about the sea and the coast of that island. I don’t underrate what you have still to do; but there is more ground for hope than fear.’1399 On the 1st of September he dispatched a long letter, written in instalments, in which he acknowledged the receipt of four successive letters:—‘I gather from yours,’ he said, ‘that we have no occasion either for fear or exultation216.’1400 The letter to which he here alludes—the first of the series—was written before the 16th of July, that is to say, while the construction of the naval camp was still going on. Caesar’s first letter was written in a spirit so friendly that it gave him the keenest pleasure, mingled217 with pain; for he knew that Caesar could not long remain in ignorance of the death of his daughter, Julia, the wife of Pompey. Towards the end of the 349 letter of September 1 he says, ‘Caesar wrote me a letter on the 5th of August, which reached me on the 31st, satisfactory enough as regards affairs in Britain, in which, to prevent my wondering at not getting one from you, he tells me that you were not with him when he reached the coast.’1401 Caesar did not, it would seem, write again until the 29th of August, after which about a fortnight elapsed before he quitted the island; and it is hardly credible that he should have spent more than five weeks inactive at the sea. The only conclusion is that he had some urgent motive218 for leaving the main body of his army and undertaking219 a journey of seventy miles, and that this journey was connected with the attack upon the camp. Perhaps he desired to see for himself that the defences were secure against any future attempt, to reinforce the garrison, and to ascertain what progress had been made in the repair of the fleet.1402
Cassivellaunus sues for peace.
But Cassivellaunus had by this time begun to lose heart. His country had been harried220 without mercy; his people had been dragged off by hundreds to be sold as slaves; and—what he valued most of all—his cattle had been taken away from him. Discredited221 by reverses, he had not been able to hold his ill-assorted confederates together; their defection left him powerless to retrieve his fortunes; and his last great stroke had failed. He therefore sent envoys to the Roman camp to propose surrender, and requested Commius to negotiate for him.1403 Caesar, on his part, was glad to be able to leave the island with a semblance222 of success. He had originally intended to winter in Britain and renew the war in the following spring. But Labienus had just warned him that the outlook in Gaul was threatening: the season for campaigning was nearly at an end; and he was aware that Cassivellaunus could still maintain a guerrilla 350 warfare. He was obliged therefore to content himself with demanding hostages, fixing a sum which the tribes that had belonged to the league were to pay annually223 as tribute to Rome, and admonishing224 Cassivellaunus to leave the Trinovantes and their king unmolested.
Caesar and his army return to Gaul.
The hostages were handed over without delay; and Caesar, with his army and his train of captives, marched back to the coast. He found all the ships which it had been possible to repair ready for sea: but the number of those which had been condemned225 was not inconsiderable; and, as the prisoners were very numerous, he determined to effect the transport in two successive trips. With the first convoy226 went one of his couriers, bearing letters from him and Quintus to the elder Cicero. Their purport227 is preserved in one of Cicero’s letters to Atticus:—‘On the 26th of September I received letters from my brother Quintus and from Caesar, dated from the nearest coasts of Britain on the 29th of August. They had settled affairs in Britain, received hostages, and imposed tribute, though they had got no booty, and were on the point of bringing the army back.’1404 Caesar expected that when the empty transports returned, they would be accompanied by sixty ships, which had just been launched by Labienus; but only a few either of the old or the new vessels arrived, the rest having been driven back by contrary winds. Day after day Caesar waited for them with increasing anxiety; for the equinoctial gales228 might soon be expected. At length he made up his mind that he could wait no longer. The few available vessels were inconveniently229 crowded: but the sea was perfectly smooth, and, leaving the Kentish coast between About Sept. 15. nine and ten at night, the fleet rowed into the harbour at break of day. In spite of all the perils230 to which they had been exposed in their numerous voyages, not a man had been lost at sea, not a ship had foundered231 in either year.
While Caesar was still in Britain he had begun to collect 351 materials for a description of the island and of the manners Caesar’s description of Britain. and customs of its inhabitants. Partly, indeed, it may have been based upon the account of the Greek historian, Timaeus, who had himself derived232 material from the journal of Pytheas;1405 but certain sentences embodied233 the results of his own observation. What specially136 struck him as he marched through the country was the density234 of the population and the superiority in material civilization of the people of Kent. ‘The population,’ he wrote, ‘is immense: homesteads, closely resembling those of the Gauls, are met with at every turn; and cattle are very numerous.’1406 His curiosity was excited by the statement, which he had seen in one of his Greek authorities, and the origin of which we have already endeavoured to trace,1407 that in some of the islands off the mainland there was continuous night for a month about the winter solstice. ‘Our inquiries,’ he tells us, ‘could elicit235 no information on the subject; but by accurate measurements with a water-clock we ascertained that the nights were shorter than on the Continent.’1408 It would be useless to guess from what authority he derived the puzzling statement that groups of ten or twelve men had wives in common, brothers sharing with one another and fathers with their sons;1409 in other words, that one of the British customs was polyandry. Thoughtless commentators236 have condemned the passage as simply untrue: it has been explained as the outcome of a misunderstanding; and an eminent237 scholar, with a theory that needed every support, has insisted that it was merely a blundering description of the primitive238 institution of matriarchy, which he believed to have survived among the Picts of a later time.1410 We can only be sure that neither matriarchy nor polyandry existed among the dominant239 Celts; but it is permissible240 to suppose that certain primitive communities in remote districts had some usage which gave 352 colour to Caesar’s statement. But perhaps the most remarkable241 feature in his description was the approximate accuracy of his estimate of the size of the island. He was told that its circumference242 was two thousand miles; and this information was certainly not derived either directly or indirectly243 from Pytheas, whose estimate, if Strabo has reported it correctly, was monstrously244 exaggerated.1411 On the other hand, Caesar, although, like Pytheas, he placed Ireland in its true position, imagined, in common with other geographers245 who derided246 Pytheas’s teaching, that the Gallic coast, from the Rhine to the Pyrenees, was roughly parallel with Southern Britain.1412
Review of Caesar’s invasions of Britain.
The story of these invasions is not without interest for students of military history. In Britain Caesar was confronted by tactical problems of an entirely strange kind; and he did not dissemble the difficulty which he had experienced in attempting to solve them. The Roman soldiers had been trained to encounter an enemy who fought in close order; if ever, in the stress of unforeseen circumstances, such as those which beset the foragers of the 7th legion, they found themselves cut off from the standards which they were accustomed to rally round, they felt that they were but the units of a mob.1413 It was not perhaps that they lacked the intelligence which enabled the German soldier in 1870 to adapt himself to new conditions. The coolness with which, in the fearful combat with the Nervii, each legionary shook off the effects of his surprise, and, disentangling himself from the press, ‘fell in by the standard he first caught sight of,’1414 and fought as steadily247 as under his own centurion248, shows that in Caesar’s soldiers no moral, as no physical, military qualification was wanting. But encompassed249 by those rushing chariots, assailed by those nimble groups of skirmishers who would not come to sword’s point with them, they found themselves helpless. And when they advanced with ranks closed—for the enemy never 353 succeeded in breaking their formation—the charioteers could easily keep out of the way and concentrate the whole weight of their attack upon the cavalry, which they had lured250 away from their support. Cassivellaunus handled his levies with commendable251 skill; and if he did not deserve from Caesar the admiration that makes itself felt in the terse252 chapters which mirror the tremendous personality of Vercingetorix, he was a leader of no ordinary capacity, raised to his high place by merit alone. For the mistake which gave Trebonius the opportunity of dealing him that staggering blow near the banks of the Stour—the rush of his tribesmen, intoxicated253 by success, upon the ranks of the legions—not his lack of judgement but their lack of discipline was responsible. And if, instead of disbanding his infantry and following Caesar’s march with his chariots, he had then had the hardihood to let Caesar go his way, and, leaving his cattle, his homesteads, and his granaries to their fate, had hurled254 his entire force, combined with the levies of the Kentish kings, against the little garrison which held the naval camp, it might have gone hardly with Caesar. For, like the weak cohorts with which Galba strove to hold his camp in the Valais against a host of mountaineers, the garrison would have been compelled to defend themselves without respite against assailants whose numbers enabled them to fight and rest by turns; and if, like Galba’s men, they had attempted to disperse their enemies by a sortie, they would have been attacked in flank and rear by the charioteers and cavalry. Perhaps, indeed, Cassivellaunus saw what to do, but was not sufficiently master of his countrymen to do it. He who can keep in hand an aggregate255 of levies, shattered by defeat in a regular combat which they should never have fought, must needs be a king of men. Caesar understood the weaknesses of half-civilized tribes, and knew what risks he might fairly run. Just as Vercingetorix was compelled by his tribesmen to let go his hold upon the country of the Bituriges, where he barred Caesar’s advance, and to leave the way open to him by returning to succour their farms, so Cassivellaunus, we may be sure, would not have been able to withstand the clamours that 354 would have bidden him go to the rescue of the threatened dominions of the Catuvellauni and their allies, even if, by sacrificing them, he could have cut the invaders’ communications, and detained him a prisoner in Britain. One may be allowed perhaps to speculate whether Caesar, if he had himself had much experience of British tactics in his first expedition, would have been able, without sacrificing the advantage of discipline, to train his troops in the intervening winter to adapt their formation to the methods of attack which they had to expect; or whether it would have been possible for him then, as it was two years later, to enlist129 the invaluable256 aid of German cavalry: but in his second campaign he speedily corrected the mistakes which his sanguine257 temperament258 had led him to make; and in his mode of conducting the war he conformed so closely to the maxims259 which the foremost British soldier of our time, himself an enthusiastic admirer of the Commentaries, has laid down for generals who have to command against uncivilized enemies,1415 that one might almost suppose those maxims to have been derived from a study of the campaign. By marching in the night to seek out his enemy after his disembarkation, he gained the advantage which is the reward of a secretly-planned, sudden, and swift movement against an undisciplined foe260. Instantly following up his success, he taught the fugitives that the strongholds which kept their own countrymen at bay were of little avail against Roman soldiers. As soon as he was free to advance into the interior, he demoralized his enemies by rapidity of movement and incessant261 energy; and by ruthlessly destroying their crops, seizing the stores upon which they depended for subsistence, and driving off the cattle, which were their most valued possession, he succeeded, within a few weeks, in bringing the campaign, which fortune would not permit him to continue, to a successful conclusion.
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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amassing
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的现在分词 ) | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exempting
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adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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37
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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38
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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39
discriminative
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| 有判别力 | |
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40
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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41
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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42
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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43
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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44
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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45
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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46
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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47
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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48
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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49
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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50
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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51
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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52
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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53
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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54
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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55
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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56
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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57
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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58
amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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60
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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61
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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62
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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63
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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64
tribal
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|
| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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65
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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66
estrange
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| v.使疏远，离间，使离开 | |
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67
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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68
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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69
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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70
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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71
dreaded
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|
| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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72
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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73
adjured
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|
| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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74
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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75
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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76
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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77
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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78
adjuring
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的现在分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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79
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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80
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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81
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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82
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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83
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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84
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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85
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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86
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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87
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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88
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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89
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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90
ebb
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| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
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91
hawsers
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| n.（供系船或下锚用的）缆索，锚链( hawser的名词复数 ) | |
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92
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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93
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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94
receding
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|
| v.逐渐远离( recede的现在分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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95
hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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97
waned
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| v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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98
steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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99
leeward
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|
| adj.背风的；下风的 | |
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100
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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101
eastward
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|
| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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102
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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103
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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104
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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105
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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106
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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107
galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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108
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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109
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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110
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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111
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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112
astronomers
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| n.天文学者，天文学家( astronomer的名词复数 ) | |
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113
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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114
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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115
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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116
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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117
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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118
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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119
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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121
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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122
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
utilize
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| vt.使用，利用 | |
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124
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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125
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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126
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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127
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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128
gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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129
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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130
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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131
craftsmen
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| n. 技工 | |
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132
segregated
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| 分开的； 被隔离的 | |
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133
shipwrights
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| n.造船者，修船者( shipwright的名词复数 ) | |
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134
shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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135
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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136
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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137
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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138
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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139
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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140
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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141
contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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142
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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143
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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144
stipulating
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| v.（尤指在协议或建议中）规定，约定，讲明（条件等）( stipulate的现在分词 )；规定，明确要求 | |
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145
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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146
harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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147
entrenching
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| v.用壕沟围绕或保护…( entrench的现在分词 )；牢固地确立… | |
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148
swooped
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| 俯冲，猛冲( swoop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
swoop
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| n.俯冲，攫取；v.抓取，突然袭击 | |
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150
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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151
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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152
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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153
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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154
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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155
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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156
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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157
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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158
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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159
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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160
deterring
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的现在分词 ) | |
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161
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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162
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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163
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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165
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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166
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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167
foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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168
routs
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| n.打垮，赶跑( rout的名词复数 )；（体育）打败对方v.打垮，赶跑( rout的第三人称单数 )；（体育）打败对方 | |
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169
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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170
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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171
versus
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| prep.以…为对手，对；与…相比之下 | |
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172
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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173
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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174
mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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175
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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176
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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177
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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178
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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179
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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180
champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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181
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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182
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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183
negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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184
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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185
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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186
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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187
Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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188
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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189
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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190
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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191
diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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192
diverge
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| v.分叉，分歧，离题，使...岔开，使转向 | |
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193
withholds
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| v.扣留( withhold的第三人称单数 )；拒绝给予；抑制（某事物）；制止 | |
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194
despoil
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| v.夺取，抢夺 | |
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195
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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196
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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197
mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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198
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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199
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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200
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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202
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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203
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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204
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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205
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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206
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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207
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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208
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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209
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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210
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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211
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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212
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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213
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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214
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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215
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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216
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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217
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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218
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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219
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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220
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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221
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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222
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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223
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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224
admonishing
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| v.劝告( admonish的现在分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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225
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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226
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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227
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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228
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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229
inconveniently
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| ad.不方便地 | |
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230
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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231
foundered
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| v.创始人( founder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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232
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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233
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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234
density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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235
elicit
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| v.引出,抽出,引起 | |
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236
commentators
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| n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 )；时事评论员；注释者；实况广播员 | |
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237
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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238
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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239
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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240
permissible
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| adj.可允许的，许可的 | |
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241
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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242
circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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243
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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244
monstrously
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245
geographers
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| 地理学家( geographer的名词复数 ) | |
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246
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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247
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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248
centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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249
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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250
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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251
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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252
terse
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| adj.(说话，文笔)精炼的，简明的 | |
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253
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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254
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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255
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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256
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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257
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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258
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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259
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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260
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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261
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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