In this smash-up of empires and diplomacy1, this utter disaster of international politics, certain things which would have seemed ridiculously Utopian a few weeks ago have suddenly become reasonable and practicable. One of these, a thing that would have seemed fantastic until the very moment when we joined issue with Germany and which may now be regarded as a sober possibility, is the absolute abolition2 throughout the world of the manufacture of weapons for private gain. Whatever may be said of the practicability of national disarmament, there can be no dispute not merely of the possibility but of the supreme4 necessity of ending for ever the days of private profit in the instruments of death. That is the real enemy. That is the evil thing at the very centre of this trouble.
At the very core of all this evil that has burst at last in world disaster lies this Kruppism, this sordid5 enormous trade in the instruments of death. It is the closest, most gigantic organisation6 in the 41world. Time after time this huge business, with its bought newspapers, its paid spies, its agents, its shareholders7, its insane sympathisers, its vast ramification8 of open and concealed9 associates, has defeated attempts at pacification10, has piled the heap of explosive material higher and higher—the heap that has toppled at last into this bloody11 welter in Belgium, in which the lives of four great nations are now being torn and tormented12 and slaughtered13 and wasted beyond counting, beyond imagining. I dare not picture it—thinking now of who may read.
So long as the unstable14 peace endured, so long as the Emperor of the Germans and the Krupp concern and the vanities of Prussia hung together, threatening but not assailing15 the peace of the world, so long as one could dream of holding off the crash and saving lives, so long was it impossible to bring this business to an end or even to propose plainly to bring this business to an end. It was still possible to argue that to be prepared for war was the way to keep the peace. But now everyone knows better. The war has come. Preparation has exploded. Outrageous16 plunder17 has passed into outrageous bloodshed. All Europe is in revolt against this evil system. There is no going back now to peace; our men must die, in heaps, in thousands; we cannot delude18 ourselves with dreams of easy victories; we must all suffer endless miseries19 and 42anxieties; scarcely a human affair is there that will not be marred20 and darkened by this war. Out of it all must come one universal resolve: that this iniquity21 must be plucked out by the roots. Whatever follies22 still lie ahead for mankind this folly23 at least must end. There must be no more buying and selling of guns and warships24 and war-machines. There must be no more gain in arms. Kings and Kaisers must cease to be the commercial travellers of monstrous25 armament concerns. With the Goeben the Kaiser has made his last sale. Whatever arms the nations think they need they must make for themselves and give to their own subjects. Beyond that there must be no making of weapons in the earth.
This is the clearest common sense. I do not need to argue what is manifest, what every German knows, what every intelligent educated man in the world knows. The Krupp concern and the tawdry Imperialism26 of Berlin are linked like thief and receiver; the hands of the German princes are dirty with the trade. All over the world statecraft and royalty27 have been approached and touched and tainted28 by these vast firms, but it is in Berlin that the corruption29 has centred, it is from Berlin that the intolerable pressure to arm and still to arm has come, it is at Berlin alone that the evil can be grappled and killed. Before this there was no reaching it. It was useless to dream even of disarmament 43while these people could still go on making their material uncontrolled, waiting for the moment of national passion, feeding the national mind with fears and suspicions through their subsidised Press. But now there is a new spirit in the world. There are no more fears; the worst evil has come to pass. The ugly hatreds30, the nourished misconceptions of an armed peace, begin already to give place to the mutual31 respect and pity and disillusionment of a universally disastrous32 war. We can at last deal with Krupps and the kindred firms throughout the world as one general problem, one worldwide accessible evil.
Outside the circle of belligerent33 States, and the States which, like Denmark, Italy, Rumania, Norway and Sweden, must necessarily be invited to take a share in the final re-settlement of the world’s affairs, there are only three systems of Powers which need be considered in this matter, namely, the English and Spanish-speaking Republics of America and China. None of these States is deeply involved in the armaments trade, several of them have every reason to hate a system that has linked the obligation to deal in armaments with every loan. The United States of America is now, more than ever it was, an anti-militarist Power, and it is not too much to say that the Government of the United States of America holds in its hand the power to sanction or prevent this most urgent need of mankind. 44If the people of the United States will consider and grasp this tremendous question now; if they will make up their minds now that there shall be no more profit made in America or anywhere else upon the face of the earth in raw material; if they will determine to put the vast moral, financial and material influence the States will be able to exercise at the end of this war in the scale against the survival of Kruppism, then it will be possible to finish that vile34 industry for ever. If, through a failure of courage or imagination, they will not come into this thing, then I fear if it may be done. But I misjudge the United States if, in the end, they abstain35 from so glorious and congenial an opportunity.
Let me set out the suggestion very plainly. All the plant for the making of war material throughout the world must be taken over by the Government of the State in which it exists; every gun factory, every rifle factory, every dockyard for the building of warships. It may be necessary to compensate36 the shareholders more or less completely; there may have to be a war indemnity37 to provide for that, but that is a question of detail. The thing is the conversion38 everywhere of arms-making into a State monopoly, so that nowhere shall there be a ha’porth of avoidable private gain in it. Then, and then only, will it become possible to arrange for the gradual dismantling39 of this industry which is destroying 45humanity, and the reduction of the armed forces of the world to reasonable dimensions. I would carry this suppression down even to the restriction40 of the manufacture and sale of every sort of gun, pistol, and explosive. They should be made only in Government workshops and sold only in Government shops; there should not be a single rifle, not a Browning pistol, unregistered, unrecorded, and untraceable in the world. But that may be a counsel of perfection. The essential thing is the world suppression of this abominable41 traffic in the big gear of war, in warships and great guns.
With this corruption cleared out of the way, with the armaments commercial traveller flung down the back-stairs he has haunted for so long—and flung so hard that he will be incapacitated for ever—it will become possible to consider a scheme for the establishment of the peace of the world. Until that is done any such scheme will remain an idle dream. But him disposed of, the way is open for the association of armed nations, determined42 to stamp out at once every recrudescence of aggressive war. They will not be totally disarmed43 Powers. It is no good to disarm3 while any one single Power is still in love with the dream of military glory. It is no good to disarm while the possibility of war fever is still in the human blood. The intelligence of the whole world must watch for febrile symptoms and prepare to allay44 them. But after this struggle one 46may count on the pacific intentions of at least the following States: The British Empire, France, Italy, and all the minor45 States of the north and west; the United States has always been a pacific Power; Japan has had its lesson and is too impoverished46 for serious hostilities47; China has never been aggressive; Germany also, unless this war leads to intolerable insults and humiliations for the German spirit, will be war-sick. The Spanish and Portuguese-speaking Republics of America are too busy developing materially to dream of war on the modern scale, and the same may presently be true of the Greek, Latin and Slav communities of south-east Europe if, as I hope and believe, this war leads to the rational rearrangement of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. 1915 will indeed find this world a strangely tamed and reasonable world.
There is only one doubtful country, Russia, and for my own part I do not believe in the wickedness and I doubt the present power of that stupendous barbaric State. Finland and a renascent48 Polish kingdom at least will be weight on the side of peace. It will be indeed the phase of supreme opportunity for peace. If there is courage and honesty enough in men, I believe it will be possible to establish a world council for the regulation of armaments as the natural outcome of this war. First, the trade in armaments must be absolutely killed. And then the next supremely49 important measure to secure the 47peace of the world is the neutralisation of the sea.
It will lie in the power of England, France, Russia, Italy, Japan and the United States, if Germany and Austria are shattered in this war, to forbid the further building of any more ships of war at all; to persuade, and if need be, to oblige the minor Powers to sell their navies and to refuse the seas to armed ships not under the control of the confederation. To launch an armed ship can be made an invasion of the common territory of the world. This will be an open possibility in 1915. It will remain an open possibility until men recover from the shock of this conflict. As that begins to be forgotten so this will cease to be a possibility again—perhaps for hundreds of years. Already human intelligence and honesty have contrived50 to keep the great American lakes and the enormous Canadian frontier disarmed for a century. Warlike folly has complained of that, but it has never been strong enough to upset it. What is possible on that scale is possible universally, so soon as the armament trader is put out of mischief51. And with the Confederated Peace Powers keeping the seas and guaranteeing the peaceful freedom of the seas to all mankind, treating the transport of armed men and war material, except between one detached part of a State and another, as contraband52, and impartially53 blockading all belligerents54, those who know best the 48significance of the sea power will realise best the reduction in the danger of extensive wars on land.
This is no dream. This is the plain common sense of the present opportunity.
It may be urged that this is a premature55 discussion, that this war is still undecided. But, indeed, there can be no decision to this war for France and England at any rate but the defeat of Germany, the abandonment of German militarism, the destruction of the German fleet, and the creation of this opportunity. Nothing short of that is tolerable; we must fight on to extinction56 rather than submit to a dishonouring57 peace in defeat or to any premature settlement. The fate of the world under triumphant58 Prussianism and Kruppism for the next two hundred years is not worth discussing. There is no conceivable conclusion to this war but submission59 at Berlin. There is no reasonable course before us now but to give all our strength for victory and the establishment of victory. The end must be victory or our effacement60. What will happen after our effacement is for the Germans to consider.
A war that will merely beat Germany a little and restore the hateful tensions of the last forty years is not worth waging. As an end to all our effort it will be almost as intolerable as defeat. Yet unless a body of definite ideas is formed and promulgated61 now things may happen so. And so now, while there is yet time, the Liberalism of France 49and England must speak plainly and make its appeal to the Liberalism of all the world, not to share our war indeed, but to share the great ends for which we are so gladly waging this war. For, indeed, sombrely enough England and France and Belgium and Russia are glad of this day. The age of armed anxiety is over. Whatever betide, it must be an end. And there is no way of making it an end but through these two associated decisions, the abolition of Kruppism and the neutralisation of the sea.
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1
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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6
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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shareholders
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| n.股东( shareholder的名词复数 ) | |
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ramification
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| n.分枝，分派，衍生物 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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11
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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16
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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17
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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18
delude
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| vt.欺骗；哄骗 | |
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19
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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marred
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| adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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warships
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| 军舰，战舰( warship的名词复数 )； 舰只 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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30
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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38
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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dismantling
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| （枪支）分解 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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43
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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renascent
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| adj.新生的 | |
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supremely
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| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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52
contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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belligerents
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| n.交战的一方（指国家、集团或个人）( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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dishonouring
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| 使（人、家族等）丧失名誉（dishonour的现在分词形式） | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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effacement
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| n.抹消，抹杀 | |
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61
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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