At the moment of writing the war has not lasted many days, great battles by land and sea alike impend1, and yet I find my steadfast2 anticipation3 that Prussianism, Bernhardi-ism, the whole theory and practice of the Empire of the Germans, is a rotten and condemned4 thing, has already strengthened to an absolute conviction. Unforeseen accidents may happen. I say nothing of the sea, but the general and ultimate result seems to me now as certain as the rising of to-morrow’s sun. I do not know how much slaughter5 lies before Europe before Germany realises that she is fool-led and fool-poisoned. I do not know how long the swaggering Prussian officer will be able to drive his crowded men to massacre6 before they revolt against him, nor do I know how far the inflated7 vanity of Berlin has made provision for defeat. Germany on the defensive8 for all we can tell may prove a very stubborn thing, and Russia’s strength may be, and I think is, overestimated9. All that may delay, but it will not alter 51the final demonstration10 that Prussianism, as Mr. Belloc foretold11 so amazingly, took its mortal wound at the first onset12 before the trenches13 of Liège. We begin a new period of history.
It is not Germany that has been defeated; Germany is still an unconquered country. Indeed, now it is a released country. It is a country glorious in history and with a glorious future. But never more after this war has ended will it march to the shout of the Prussian drill sergeant14 and strive to play bully15 to the world. The legend of Prussia is exploded. Its appeal was to one coarse criterion, success, and it has failed. Nevermore will the harshness of Berlin overshadow the great and friendly civilisation16 of Southern and Western Germany. The work before a world in arms is to clean off the Prussian blue from the life and spirit of mankind.
No European Power has any real quarrel with Germany. Our quarrel is with the Empire of the Germans, not with a people but with an idea. Let us in all that follows keep that clearly in our minds. It may be that the German repulse17 at Liège was but the beginning of a German disaster as great as that of France in 1871. It may be that Germany has no second plan if her first plan fails; that she will go to pieces after her first defeat. It seems to me that this is so—I risk the prophecy, and I would have us prepare ourselves for the temptations of victory. And so to begin with, let us of the liberal 52faith declare our fixed18, unalterable conviction that it will be a sin to dismember Germany or to allow any German-speaking and German-feeling territory to fall under a foreign yoke20. Let us English make sure of ourselves in that matter. There may be restorations of alien territory—Polish, French, Danish, Italian, but we have seen enough of racial subjugation21 now to be sure that we will tolerate no more of it. From the Rhine to East Prussia and from the Baltic to the southern limits of German-speaking Austria, the Germans are one people. Let us begin with the resolution to permit no new bitterness of “conquered territories” to come into existence to disturb the future peace of Europe. Let us see to it that at the ultimate settlement the Germans, however great his overthrow22 may be, are all left free men.
When the Prussians invaded Luxemburg they tore up the map of Europe. To the redrawing of that map a thousand complex forces will come. There will be much attempted over-reaching in the business and much greed. Few will come to negotiations23 with simple intentions. In a wrangle24 all sorts of ugly and stupid things may happen. It is for us English to get a head in that matter, to take counsel with ourselves and determine what is just; it is for us, who are in so many ways detached from and independent of the national passions of the Continent, not to be cunning or politic25, but to contrive26 53as unanimous a purpose as possible now, so that we may carry this war to its end with a clear conception of its end, and to use the whole of our strength to make an enduring peace in Europe. That means that we have to re-draw the map so that there shall be, for just as far as we can see ahead, as little cause for warfare27 among us Western nations as possible. That means that we have to redraw it justly. And very extensively.
Is that an impossible proposal? I think not. There are, indeed, such things as non-irritating frontiers. Witness the frontiers of Canada. Certain boundaries have served in Europe now for the better part of a hundred years, and grow less amenable28 to disturbance29 every year. Nobody, for example, wants to use force to readjust the mutual30 frontiers in Europe of Holland, Belgium, France, Spain, Portugal and Italy, and none of these Powers desire now to acquire the foreign possessions of any other of the group. They are Powers permanently31 at peace. Will it not be possible now to make so drastic a readjustment as to secure the same practical contentment between all the European Powers? Is not this war that crowning opportunity? It seems to me that in this matter it behoves us to form an opinion sane33 and definite enough to meet the sudden impulses of belligerent34 triumph and override35 the secret counsels of diplomacy36. It is a thing to do forthwith. Let us decide what we 54are going on fighting for, and let us secure it and settle it. It is not an abstract interesting thing to do; it is the duty of every English citizen now to study this problem of the map of Europe, so that we can make an end for ever to that dark game of plots and secret treaties and clap-trap synthetic37 schemes that has wasted the forces of civilisation (and made the fortunes of the Krupp family) in the last forty years. We are fighting now for a new map of Europe if we are fighting for anything at all. I could imagine that new map of Europe as if it were the flag of the allies who now prepare to press the Germans back towards their proper territory.
In the first place, I suggest that France must recover Lorraine, and that Luxemburg must be linked in closer union with Belgium. Alsace, it seems to me, should be given a choice between France and an entry into the Swiss Confederation. It would possibly choose France. Denmark should have again the distinctly Danish part of her lost provinces restored to her. Trieste and Trent, and perhaps also Pola, should be restored to Italy. This will re-unite several severed38 fragments of peoples to their more congenial associates. But these are minor39 changes compared with the new developments that are now, in some form, inevitable40 in the East of Europe, and for those we have to nerve our imaginations, if this vast war and waste of 55men is to end in an enduring peace. The break-up of the Austrian Empire has hung over Europe like a curse for forty years. Let us break it up now and have done with it. What is to become of the non-German regions of Austria-Hungary? And what is to happen upon the Polish frontier of Russia?
First, then, I would suggest that the three fragments of Poland should be reunited, and that the Tsar of Russia should be crowned King of Poland. I propose then we define that as our national intention, that we use all the liberalising influence this present war will give us in Russia to that end. And secondly41, I propose that we set before ourselves as our policy the unification of that larger Rumania which includes Transylvania, and the gathering42 together into a confederation of the Swiss type of all the Servian and quasi-Servian provinces of the Austrian Empire. Let us, as the price greater Servia will pay for its unity32, exact the restoration to Bulgaria of any Bulgarian-speaking districts that are now under Servian rule; let us save Scutari from the iniquity43 of a nose-slashing occupation by Montenegrins and try to effect another Swiss confederation of the residual44 Bohemian, Slavic and Hungarian fragments. I am convinced that the time has come for the substitution of Swiss associations for the discredited45 Imperialisms and kingdoms that have made Europe 56unstable for so long. Every emperor and every king, we now perceive, means a national ambition more organic, concentrated and dangerous than is possible under Republican conditions. Our own peculiar46 monarchy47 is the one exception that proves this rule. There is no reason why we should multiply these centres of aggression48.
Probably neither Bulgaria nor Servia would miss their kings very keenly, and anyhow, I do not see any need for more of these irritating ambition-pimples upon the fair face of the world. Let us cease to give indigestible princes to the new States that we Schweitzerize. Albania, particularly, with its miscellaneous tribes has certainly no use for monarchy, and the suggestion that has been made for its settlement, as a confederation of small tribal49 cantons is the only one I have ever heard that seemed to contain a ray of hope for that distracted patch of earth. There is certainly no reason why these people should be exploited by Italy, since Italy can claim a more legitimate50 gratification. There, in a paragraph, is a sketch51 of the map of Europe that may emerge from the present struggle. It is my personal idea of our purpose in this war.
Quite manifestly in all these matters I am a fairly ignorant person. Quite manifestly this is crude stuff. And I admit a certain sense of presumptuous52 absurdity53 as I sit here before the map of Europe like a carver before a duck and take off a slice 57here and decide on a cut there. None the less it is what everyone of us has to do. I intend to go on redrawing the map of Europe with every intelligent person I meet. We are all more or less ignorant; it is unfortunate but it does not alter the fact that we cannot escape either decisions or passive acquiescences in these matters. If we do not do our utmost to understand the new map, if we make no decisions, then still cruder things will happen; Europe will blunder into a new set of ugly complications and prepare a still more colossal54 Armageddon than this that is now going on. No one, I hope, will suggest after this war that we should still leave things to the diplomatists. Yet the alternative to you and me is diplomacy. If you want to see where diplomacy and Welt Politik have landed Europe after forty years of anxiety and armament, you must go and look into the ditches of Liège. These bloody55 heaps are the mere56 first samples of the harvest. The only alternative to diplomacy is outspoken57 intelligence, yours and mine and every articulate person’s. We have all of us to undertake this redrawing of the map of Europe, in the measure of our power and capacity. That our power and capacity are unhappily not very considerable does not absolve58 us. It is for us to secure a lasting59 settlement of all the European frontiers if we can. If we common intelligent people at large do not secure that, nobody will.
58If we have no intentions with regard to the map of Europe, we shall soon be going on with the war for nothing in particular. The Prussian spirit has broken itself beyond repair, and the north coast of France and the integrity of Belgium are saved. All the fighting that is still to come will only be the confirmation60 and development of that. If we have no further plan before us our task is at an end. If that is all, we may stand aside now with a good conscience and watch a slower war drag to an evil end. Left to herself a victorious61 Russia is far more likely to help herself to East Prussia and set to work to Russianise its inhabitants than to risk an indigestion of more Poles; Italy may go into Albania and a new conflict with Servia; it is even conceivable that France may be ungenerous. She will have a good excuse for being ungenerous. Meanwhile, German-speaking populations will find themselves under instead of upper dogs in half the provinces of Austria-Hungary; mischievous62 little kings, with chancellors63 and national policies and ambitions all complete, will rise and fluctuate and fall upon that slippery soil, and a bloody and embittered64 Germany, continually stung by the outcries of her subject kindred, will sit down grimly to grow a new generation of soldiers and prepare for her revenge....
That is why I think we liberal English should 59draw our new map of Europe now, first of all on paper and then upon the face of the earth.
We ought to draw that map now, and propagate the idea of it, and make it our national purpose, and call the intelligence and consciences of the United States and France and Scandinavia to our help. Openly and plainly we ought to discuss and decide and tell the world what we mean to do. The reign19 of brutality65, cynicism, and secretive treachery is shattered in Europe. Over the ruins of the Prussian War-Lordship, reason, public opinion, justice, international good faith and good intentions will be free to come back and rule the destinies of man. But things will not wait for reason and justice, if just and reasonable men have neither energy nor unity.
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1
impend
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| v.迫近，逼近，即将发生 | |
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steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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overestimated
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| 对（数量）估计过高，对…作过高的评价( overestimate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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11
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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wrangle
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| vi.争吵 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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override
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| vt.不顾，不理睬，否决；压倒，优先于 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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synthetic
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| adj.合成的，人工的；综合的；n.人工制品 | |
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severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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40
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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41
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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42
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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43
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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residual
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| adj.复播复映追加时间；存留下来的，剩余的 | |
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45
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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47
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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48
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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49
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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50
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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51
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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52
presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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53
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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54
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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55
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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56
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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57
outspoken
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| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
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58
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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59
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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60
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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62
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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chancellors
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| 大臣( chancellor的名词复数 )； （某些美国大学的）校长； （德国或奥地利的）总理； （英国大学的）名誉校长 | |
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64
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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