But, unfortunately or otherwise, history will not take them by themselves. That same June of 1888 witnessed a spectacle of quite another sort in a third large city—a spectacle which gave the lie direct to everything that Paris and Chicago seemed to say. This sharp and clamorous4 note of contradiction came from Berlin, where a helmeted and crimson-cloaked young man, still in his thirtieth year, stood erect5 on a throne, surrounded by the bowing forms of twenty ruling sovereigns, and proclaimed, with the harsh, peremptory7 voice of a drill-sergeant, that he was a War Lord, a Mailed Hand of Providence8, and a sovereign specially9 conceived, created, and invested with power by God, for the personal government of some fifty millions of people.
It is much to be feared that, in the ears of the muse10 of history, the resounding11 shrillness12 of this voice drowned alike the noise of the hammers on the banks of the Seine and the cheering of the delegates at Chicago.
Any man, standing13 on that throne in the White Saloon of the old Schloss at Berlin, would have to be a good deal considered by his fellow-creatures. Even if we put aside the tremendous international importance of the position of a German Emperor, in that gravely open question of peace or war, he must compel attention as the visible embodiment of a fact, the existence of which those who like it least must still recognize. This is the fact: that the Hohenzollerns, having done many notable things in other times, have in our day revivified and popularized the monarchical14 idea, not only in Germany, but to a considerable extent elsewhere throughout Europe. It is too much to say, perhaps, that they have made it beloved in any quarter which was hostile before. But they have brought it to the front under new conditions, and secured for it admiring notice as the mainspring of a most efficient, exact, vigorous, and competent system of government. They have made an Empire with it—a magnificent modern machine, in which army and civil service and subsidiary federal administrations all move together like the wheels of a watch. Under the impulse of this idea they have not only brought governmental order out of the old-time chaos15 of German divisions and dissensions, but they have given their subjects a public service, which, taken all in all, is more effective and well-ordered than its equivalent produced by popular institutions in America, France, or England, and they have built up a fighting force for the protection of German frontiers which is at once the marvel16 and the terror of Europe.
Thus they have, as has been said, rescued the ancient and time-worn function of kingship from the contempt and odium into which it had fallen during the first half of the century, and rendered it once more respectable in the eyes of a utilitarian17 world.
But it is not enough to be useful, diligent18, and capable. If it were, the Orleans Princes might still be living in the Tuileries. A kingly race, to maintain or increase its strength, must appeal to the national imagination. The Hohenzollerns have been able to do this. The Prussian imagination is largely made up of appetite, and their Kings, however fatuous19 and limited of vision they may have been in other matters, have never lost sight of this fact. If we include the Great Elector, there have been ten of these Kings, and of the ten eight have made Prussia bigger than they found her. Sometimes the gain has been clutched out of the smoke and flame of battle; sometimes it has more closely resembled burglary, or bank embezzlement20 on a large scale; once or twice it has come in the form of gifts from interested neighbours, in which category, perhaps, the cession21 of Heligoland may be placed—but gain of some sort there has always been, save only in the reign6 of Frederic William IV and the melancholy22 three months of Frederic III.
That there should be a great affection for and pride in the Hohenzollerns in Prussia was natural enough. They typified the strength of beak23, the power of talons24 and sweeping25 wings, which had made Prussia what she was. But nothing save a very remarkable26 train of surprising events could have brought the rest of Germany to share this affection and pride.
The truth is, of course, that up to 1866 most other Germans disliked the Prussians thoroughly27 and vehemently28, and decorated those head Prussians, the Hohenzollerns, with an extremity29 of antipathy30. That brief war in Bohemia, with the consequent annexation31 of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and Frankfort, did not inspire any new love for the Prussians anywhere, we may be sure, but it did open the eyes of other Germans to the fact that their sovereigns—Kings, Electors, Grand Dukes, and what not—were all collectively not worth the right arm of a single Hohenzollern.
It was a good deal to learn even this—and, turning over this revelation in their minds, the Germans by 1871 were in a mood to move almost abreast32 of Prussia in the apotheosis33 of the victor of Sedan and Paris. To the end of old William’s life in 1888, there was always more or less of the apotheosis about the Germans’ attitude toward him. He was never quite real to them in the sense that Leopold is real in Brussels or Humbert in Rome. The German imagination always saw him as he is portrayed34 in the fine fresco35 by Wislicenus in the ancient imperial palace at Goslar—a majestic36 figure, clad in modern war trappings yet of mythical37 aspect, surrounded, it is true, by the effigies38 of recognizable living Kings, Queens, and Generals, but escorted also by heroic ancestral shades, as he rides forward out of the canvas. Close behind him rides his son, Fritz, and he, too, following in the immediate39 shadow of his father to the last, lives only now in pictures and in sad musing40 dreams of what might have been.
But William II—the young Kaiser and King—is a reality. He has won no battles. No antique legends wreathe their romantic mists about him. It has occurred to no artist to paint him on a palace wall, with the mailed shadows of mediaeval Barbarossas and Conrads and Sigismunds overhead.
The group of helmeted warriors41 who cluster about those two mounted figures in the Goslar picture, and who, in the popular fancy, bring down to our own time some of the attributes of mediaeval devotion and prowess—this group is dispersed42 now. Moltke, Prince Frederic Charles, Roon, Manteuffel, and many others are dead; Blumenthal is in dignified43 retirement44; Bismarck is at Friedrichsruh. New men crowd the scene—clever organizers, bright and adroit45 parliamentarians, competent administrators46, but still fashioned quite of our own clay—busy new men whom we may look at without hurting our eyes.
For the first time, therefore, it is possible to study this prodigious47 new Germany, its rulers and its people, in a practical way, without being either dazzled by the disproportionate brilliancy of a few individuals or drawn48 into side-paths after picturesque49 unrealities.
Three years of this new reign have shown us Germany by daylight instead of under the glamour50 and glare of camp fires and triumphal illuminations. We see now that the Hohenzollern stands out in the far front, and that the other German royalties51, Wendish, Slavonic, heirs of Wittekind, portentously52 ancient barbaric dynasties of all sorts, are only vaguely53 discernible in the background. During the lifetime of the old Kaiser it seemed possible that their eclipse might be of only a temporary nature. Nowhere can such an idea be cherished now. Young William dwarfs54 them all by comparison even more strikingly than did his grandfather.
They all came to Berlin to do him homage55 at the opening of the Reichstag, which inaugurated his reign on June 25, 1888. They will never make so brave a show again; even then they twinkled like poor tallow dips beside the shining personality of their young Prussian chief.
Almost all of them are of royal lines older than that of the Hohenzollerns. Five of the principal personages among them—the King of Saxony, the Regent representing Bavaria’s crazy King, the heir-apparent representing the semi-crazy King of Wurtemberg, the Grand Duke of Baden, and the Grand Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt—owe their titles in their present form to Napoleon, who paid their ancestors in this cheap coin for their wretched treason and cowardice56 in joining with him to crush and dismember Prussia. Now they are at the feet of Prussia, not indeed in the posture57 of conquered equals, but as liveried political subordinates. No such wiping out of sovereign authorities and emasculation of sovereign dignities has been seen before since Louis XI consolidated58 France 500 years ago. Let us glance at some of these vanishing royalties for a moment, that we may the better measure the altitude to which the Hohenzollern has climbed.
There was a long time during the last century when people looked upon Saxony as the most powerful and important State in the Protestant part of Germany. It is an Elector of Saxony who shines forth59 in history as Luther’s best friend and resolute60 protector. For more than a hundred years thereafter Saxony led in the armed struggles of Protestantism to maintain itself against the leagued Catholic powers.
Then, in 1694, there ascended61 the electoral throne the cleverest and most showy man of the whole Albertine family, who for nearly thirty years was to hold the admiring attention of Europe. We can see now that it was a purblind62 and debased Europe which believed August der Starke to be a great man; but in his own times there was no end to what he thought of himself or to what others thought of him. It was regarded as a superb stroke of policy when, in 1697, he got himself elected King of Poland—a promotion63 which inspired the jealous Elector of Branden-berg to proclaim himself King of Prussia four years later. August abjured64 Protestantism to obtain the Polish crown, and his descendants are Catholics to this day, though Saxony is strongly Protestant. August did many wonderful things in his time—made Dresden the superb city of palaces and museums it is, among other matters, and was the father of 354 natural children, as his own proud computation ran. A tremendous fellow, truly, who liked to be called the Louis XIV of Germany, and tried his best to live up to the ideal!
Contemporary observers would have laughed at the idea that Frederick William, the surly, bearish65 Prussian King, with his tobacco orgies and giant grenadiers, was worth considering beside the brilliant, luxurious66, kingly August. Ah, “gay eupeptic son of Belial,” where is thy dynasty now?
There is to-day a King of Saxony, descended67 six removes from this August, who is distinctly the most interesting and valuable of these minor68 sovereigns. He is a sagacious, prudent69, soldierlike man, nominal70 ruler of over three millions of people, actual Field Marshal in the German Army which has a Hohenzollern for its head. Although he really did some of the best fighting which the Franco-German war called forth, nobody outside his own court and German military circles knows much about it, or cares particularly about him. The very fact of his rank prevents his generalship securing popular recognition. If he had been merely of noble birth, or even a commoner, the chances are that he would now be chief of the German General Staff instead of Count von Schlieffen. Being only a king, his merits as a commander are comprehended alone by experts.
There is just a bare possibility that this King Albert may be forced by circumstances out of his present obscurity. He is only sixty-three years old, and if a war should come within the next decade and involve defeat to the German Army in the field, there would be a strong effort made by the other subsidiary German sovereigns to bring him to the front as Generalissimo.
As it is, his advice upon military matters is listened to in Berlin more than is generally known, but in other respects his position is a melancholy one. Even the kindliness72 with which the Kaisers have personally treated him since 1870, cannot but wear to him the annoying guise73 of patronage74. He was a man of thirty-eight when his father, King John, was driven out of Dresden by Prussian troops, along with the royal family, and when for weeks it seemed probable that the whole kingdom of Saxony would be annexed75 to Prussia. Bismarck’s failure to insist upon this was bitterly criticised in Berlin at the time, and Gustav Frey-tag actually wrote a book deprecating the further independent existence of Saxony. Freytag and the Prussians generally confessed their mistake after the young Saxon Crown Prince’s splendid achievement at Sedan; but that could scarcely wipe from his memory what had gone before, and even now, after the lapse76 of a quarter century, King Albert’s delicate, clear-cut, white-whiskered face still bears the impress of melancholy stamped on it by the humiliations of 1866.
Two other kings lurk77 much further back in the shadow of the Hohenzollern—idiotic Otto of Bavaria and silly Charles of Wurtemberg. Of the former much has been written, by way of complement78 to the picturesque literature evoked79 by the tragedy of his strange brother Louis’s death. In these two brothers the fantastic Wittelsbach blood, filtering down from the Middle Ages through strata80 of princely scrofula and imperial luxury, clotted81 rankly in utter madness.
As for the King of Würtemberg, whose undignified experiences in the hands of foreign adventurers excited a year or two ago the wonderment and mirth of mankind, he also pays the grievous penalty of heredity’s laws. Writing thirty years back, Carlyle commented in this fashion upon the royal house of Stuttgart: “There is something of the abstruse82 in all these Beutelsbachers, from Ulric downwards—a mute ennui83, an inexorable obstinacy84, a certain streak85 of natural gloom which no illumination can abolish; articulate intellect defective86: hence a strange, stiff perversity87 of conduct visible among them, often marring what wisdom they have. It is the royal stamp of Fate put upon these men—what are called fateful or fated men.” * The present King Charles was personally an unknown quantity when this picture of his house was drawn. He is an old man now, and decidedly the most “abstruse” of his whole family.
* “History of Friedrich II, of Prussia,” book vii. chapter
vi.
Thus these two ancient dynasties of Southern Germany, which helped to make history for so many centuries, have come down into the mud. There is an elderly regent uncle in Bavaria who possesses sense and respectable abilities; and in Würtemberg there is an heir-apparent of forty-three, the product of a marriage between first cousins, who is said to possess ordinary intelligence. These will in time succeed to the thrones which lunacy and asininity88 hold now in commission, but no one expects that they will do more than render commonplace what is now grotesquely89 impossible.
Of another line which was celebrated90 a thousand years ago, and which flared91 into martial92 prominence93 for a little in its dying days, when this century was young, nothing whatever is left. The Fighting Brunswickers are all gone.
They had a fair right to this name, had the Guelphs of the old homestead, for of the forty-five of them buried in the crypt of the Brunswick Burg Kirche nine fell on the battlefield. This direct line died out seven years ago with a curiously-original old Duke who bitterly resented the new order of things, and took many whimsical ways of showing his wrath94. In the sense that he scorned to live in remodeled Germany, and defied Prussia by ostentatiously exhibiting his sympathy for the exiled Hanoverian house, he too may be said to have died fighting. The collateral95 Guelphs who survive in other lands are anything but fighters. The Prince of Wales is the foremost living male of the family, and Bismarck’s acrid96 jeer97 that he was the only European Crown Prince whom one did not occasionally meet on the battlefield, though unjustly cruel, serves to point the difference between his placid98 walk of life and the stormy careers of his mother’s progenitors99. Another Guelph, who is de jure heir to both Brunswick and Hanover—Ernest, Duke of Cumberland—has a larger strain of the ancestral Berserker blood, but alas100! no weapon remains101 for him but obdurate102 sulkiness. He buries himself in his sullen103 retreat at Gmunden in uncompromising rage, and the powers at Berlin have left off striving to placate104 him with money—his relatives not even daring now to broach105 the subject to him.
And so there is an end to the Fighting Bruns-wickers, and a Hohenzollern has been put in their stead. Prince Albert of Prussia—a good, wooden, ceremonious man of large stature106, who stands straight in jack107 boots and cuirass and is invaluable108 as an imposing109 family figure at christenings and funerals—reigns as Regent in Brunswick. So omnipotent110 are the Hohenzollerns grown that he was placed there without a murmur111 of protest—and when the time comes for the Prussian octopus112 to gather in this duchy, that also will be done in silence.
Of the sixteen remaining sovereigns-below-the-salt, the Grand Duke of Baden is a fairly-able and wholly-amiable man, much engrossed113 in these latter days in the fact that his wife is the Kaiser’s aunt. This makes him feel like one of the family, and he takes the aggrandizement114 of the Hohenzollerns as quite a personal compliment. The venerable Duke Ernest, of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, has an active mind and certain qualities which under other conditions might have made him a power in Germany. But Bismarck was far too rough an antagonist115 for him to cope with openly, and he fell into the feeble device of writing political pamphlets anonymously116 against the existing order of things, using the ingenuity117 of a jealous woman to circulate them and denying their authorship before he was accused. This has, of course, been fatal to his influence in the empire. Duke George, of Saxe-Meiningen, is another able and accomplished118 prince, who has devoted119 his energies and fortune to the establishment and perfecting of a very remarkable theatrical120 company. The rest are mere71 dead wood—presiding over dull little country Courts, wearing Prussian uniforms at parades and reviews, and desiring nothing else so much as the reception of invitations to visit Berlin and shine in the reflected radiance of the Hohenzollern’s smile.
The word “invitations” does indeed suggest that the elderly Prince Henry XIV, of Reuss-Schleiz, should receive separate mention, as having but recently abandoned a determined121 feud122 with Prussia. It is true that Reuss-Schleiz has only 323 miles of territory and 110,000 people, but that did not prevent the feud being of an embittered123, not to say menacing, character. When the invitations were sent out for the Berlin palace celebration of old Kaiser Wilhelm’s ninetieth birthday, in 1887, by some accident Henry of Reuss-Schleiz was overlooked. There are so many of these Reusses, all named Henry, all descended from Henry the Fowler, and all standing so erect with pride that they bend backward! The mistake was discovered in a day or two and a belated invitation sent, which Henry grumblingly124 accepted. On the appointed day he arrived at the palace in Berlin and went up to the banqueting hall with the other princes. Being extremely near-sighted, he made a tour of the table, peering through his spectacles to discover his name-card. Horror of horrors! No place had been provided for him, and everybody in the room had observed him searching for one! Trembling with wrath, he stalked out, brushing aside the chamberlains who essayed to pacify125 him, and during that reign he never came to Berlin again. Not death itself could mollify him, for when Kaiser Wilhelm died the implacable Henry XIV, who personally owns most of his principality, refused his subjects a grant of land on which to rear a monument to his memory. But even he is reconciled to Berlin now.
Thus with practical completeness had the ancient dynasties of old Germany been subordinated to and absorbed by the ascendency of the Hohenzollerns, when young William II stepped upon the throne. Thus, too, with this passing glance at their abasement126 or annihilation, the way is cleared for us to study the young chief of this mighty127 and consolidated Empire, to examine his personality and his power, and, by tracing their growth during the first three years of his reign, to forecast their ultimate mark upon the history of his time.
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1
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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resounding
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| adj. 响亮的 | |
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shrillness
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| 尖锐刺耳 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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utilitarian
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| adj.实用的，功利的 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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fatuous
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| adj.愚昧的；昏庸的 | |
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embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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beak
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| n.鸟嘴，茶壶嘴，钩形鼻 | |
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talons
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| n.（尤指猛禽的）爪( talon的名词复数 )；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物；锁簧尖状突出部 | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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apotheosis
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| n.神圣之理想；美化；颂扬 | |
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portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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fresco
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| n.壁画；vt.作壁画于 | |
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majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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mythical
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| adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的 | |
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effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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musing
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| n. 沉思，冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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51
royalties
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| 特许权使用费 | |
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portentously
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vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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54
dwarfs
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| n.侏儒，矮子（dwarf的复数形式）vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的第三人称单数形式） | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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purblind
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| adj.半盲的；愚笨的 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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abjured
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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bearish
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| adj.(行情)看跌的，卖空的 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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kindliness
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| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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lurk
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| n.潜伏，潜行；v.潜藏，潜伏，埋伏 | |
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complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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strata
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| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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clotted
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| adj.凝结的v.凝固( clot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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abstruse
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| adj.深奥的，难解的 | |
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ennui
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| n.怠倦，无聊 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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streak
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| n.条理，斑纹，倾向，少许，痕迹；v.加条纹，变成条纹，奔驰，快速移动 | |
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defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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perversity
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| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
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asininity
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| n.愚钝 | |
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grotesquely
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| adv. 奇异地,荒诞地 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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Flared
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| adj. 端部张开的, 爆发的, 加宽的, 漏斗式的 动词flare的过去式和过去分词 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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acrid
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| adj.辛辣的，尖刻的，刻薄的 | |
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jeer
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| vi.嘲弄，揶揄；vt.奚落；n.嘲笑，讥评 | |
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placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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placate
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| v.抚慰，平息(愤怒) | |
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broach
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| v.开瓶，提出(题目) | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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octopus
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| n.章鱼 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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114
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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115
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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116
anonymously
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| ad.用匿名的方式 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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122
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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123
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
grumblingly
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| 喃喃报怨着，发牢骚着 | |
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125
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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126
abasement
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| n.滥用 | |
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127
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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