So far as I have been able to learn, the first hint given to the world that there was a young Prince in Berlin distinctly worth watching appeared in the book “Sociétiê de Berlin. Par2 le Comte Paul Vasili,” published at the end of 1883. This volume was, perhaps, the cleverest of the anonymous10 series projected by a Parisian publisher to make money out of the collected gossip and scandal of the chief European capitals, and utilized11 by more than one bright familiar of Mme. Adam’s salon12 to pay off old grudges13 and market afresh moss-grown libels. The authorship of these books was never clearly established. There is a general understanding in Berlin that the one about that city was for the most part written by a Parisian journalist named Gerard, then stationed in Germany. At all events, the evidence was regarded at the time as sufficient as to warrant his being chased summarily out of Berlin, while the book itself was prohibited, confiscated15, almost burned by the common hangman. Perhaps Gerard, if he be still alive, might profitably return to Berlin now, for to him belongs the credit of having first put into type an intelligent character study of the young man who now monopolizes16 European attention.
“The Prince William,” said this anonymous writer, “is only twenty-four years of age. It is, therefore, difficult as yet to say what he will become; but what is clearly apparent even now is that he is a young man of promise in mind and head and heart. He is by far the most intellectual of the Princes of this royal family. Withal courageous17, enterprising, ambitious, hot-headed, but with a heart of gold, sympathetic in the highest degree, impulsive18, spirited, vivacious19 in character, and gifted with a talent for repartee20 in conversation which would almost make the listener doubt his being a German. He adores the army, by which he is idolized in return. He has known how, despite his extreme youth, to win popularity in all classes of society. He is highly educated, well read, busies his mind with projects for the welfare of his country, and has a striking keenness of perception for everything relating to politics.
“He will certainly, be a distinguished21 man, and very probably a great sovereign. Prussia will perhaps have in him a second Frederic II, but minus his scepticism. In addition, he possesses a fund of gaiety and good humour that will soften23 the little angularities of character without which he would not be a true Hohenzollern.
“He will be essentially24 a personal king—never allowing himself to be blindly led, and ruling with sound and direct judgment, prompt decision, energy in action, and an unbending will. When he attains25 the throne, he will continue the work of his grandfather, and will as certainly undo26 that of his father, whatever it may have been. In him the enemies of Germany will have a formidable adversary27; he may easily become the Henri IV of his country.”
I have ventured upon this extended extract from a book eight years old because the prophecy seems a remarkable28 one—far nearer what we see now to be the truth than any of the later predictions have turned out to be. “Paul Vasili” continues his sketch29 with some paragraphs about the Prince’s vast penchant30 for lower-class dissipated females, concluding with the warning that if ever he comes under the influence of a’ really able woman “it will be necessary to follow his actions with great caution.” All this may be unhesitatingly put down to the French writer’s imagination.
There is no city where more frankness about talking scandal exists than in Berlin, yet I have sought in vain to find any justification31 for this view of the Kaiser’s character, either past or present. The impression brought from many talks with people who know him and his life intimately is that this special accusation32 is less true of him than of almost any other prince of his generation.
William’s boyhood was marked by one innovation in the family traditions of a Hohenzollern’s training, the importance of which it is not easy to exaggerate. His father had been the first of these royal heirs to be sent to a university. He in his turn was the first to go to a public school.
It is a solemn and portentous33 sort of thing—this training of a Hohenzollern. The progress of the family has been one long, sustained object lesson to the world on the value of education. No doubt it is in great part due to the influence of this standing14 example that Prussia leads the van of civilization in its proportion of scholars and teachers, and has made its name a synonym34 for all that is thorough and exhaustive in educational systems and theories. The dawn of this notion of a specially35 Spartan36 and severe practical schooling37 for his heir, in the primitive38 and curiously-limited brain of the first King Frederic William, really marked an era in the world’s conception of what education meant.
We have all read, with swift-chasing mirth, wonder, incredulity and wrath39, the stories of the way in which this luckless heir, afterward40 to be Frederic the Great, got his education stamped, beaten, burned, frozen, almost strangled into him. The account reads like a nightmare of lunatic savagery—yet in it were the germs of a lofty idea. From the brutal41 cudgeling, cursing, and manacling of Frederic’s experience grew the tradition of a unique kind of training for a Hohenzollern prince. The very violence and wild barbarity of his treatment fixed42 the attention of the family upon the theory of education—with very notable results.
Historically we are all familiar with the excessive military twist given to this education of the youths born to be Kings of Prussia. The picture books are full of portraits of them—quaint little manikins dressed in officers’ uniforms—stepping from the cradle into war’s paraphernalia43. The picture of the Great Fritz beating a drum at the age of three, of which the rapturous Carlyle makes so much, has its modern counterpart in the photographs of the present child Crown Prince, clad in regimentals and saluting44 the camera, which are in every Berlin shop window. But another element of this stern regimen, not so much kept in view, is the absolute dependence45 of the son upon the father, or rather the King, which is insisted upon.
We know to what abnormal lengths this ran in the youth and early manhood of Frederic the Great. It did not alter much in the next reign22. In 1784, when this same Frederic was seventy-two years old, a travelling French noble was his guest at a great review in Silesia. There was also present the King’s nephew and heir, who two years later was to ascend46 the throne as Frederic William II, and who now was in his fortieth year. Yet of this forty-year-old Prince the Frenchman writes in his diary: “The heir presumptive lodges47 at a brewer’s house, and in a very mean way; is not allowed to sleep from home without permission from the King.”
The results in this particular instance were not of a flattering kind, and among the decaying forms of the dying eighteenth century—in an atmosphere poisoned by the accumulated putridities of that luxurious48 and evil epoch49—even the Hohenzollern of the next generation was not a shining success. He was at least, however, much superior to the other German sovereigns of his time, and he had the unspeakable fortune, moreover, to be the husband of that Queen Louise who is enshrined as the patron saint of Prussian history. It was she who engrafted a humane50 spirit upon the rough drill-sergeant body of Hohenzollern education. She made her sons love her—and it seems but yesterday since the last of these sons, a tottering51 old man of ninety, used to go to the Charlottenburg mausoleum on the anniversary of her death, and pray and weep in solitude52 beside the recumbent marble effigy53 of the mother who had died in 1810.
The introduction of filial affection into the relation between Hohenzollern parents and children dates from this Queen Louise, and belongs to our own century. Before that it was the rule for the heirs of Prussia to detest54 their immediate55 progenitors56. From the time of the Great Elector, every rising generation of this royal house sulked, cursed under its breath, went into opposition57 as far as it dared, and every fading generation disliked and distrusted those who were coming after it. Nor were these harsh relations confined to sovereign and heir. Wilhelmine, Margravine of Baireuth, records in her memoirs58 how, at the age of six, she was so much surprised at being fondled and caressed59 by her mother, on the latter’s return from a prolonged journey, that she broke a blood vessel60. * It seems safe to say that down to the family of Frederic William III and Louise, no other reigning61 race in Europe had ever managed to engender62 so much bitterness and bad blood between elders and juniors within its domestic fold. The change then was abrupt63. The two older boys of this family, Frederic William IV and William I, lived lives as young men which were poems of filial reverence64 and tenderness. The cruel misfortunes of the Napoleonic wars made the mutual65 affection within this hunted and homeless royal family very sweet and touching66. Perhaps the most interesting of all the reminiscences called forth67 by the death of the old Kaiser was furnished by the publication of the letters he wrote as a young man to his father—that strange correspondence which reveals him resolutely68 breaking his own heart and tearing from it the image of the Princess Radziwill, in loving obedience69 to his father’s wish.
* “Memoirs of Wilhelmine, Margravine of Baireuth,”
translated by H.R.H. Princess Chri of Wilhelmine, Margravine
of Baireuth, translated by H.R.H. Princess Christian70,
London, 1887
This trait of filial piety71 did not loom72 so largely in William’s son, the late Frederic III, as one or two random73 allusions74 in his diary show. And in his son, in turn, its pulse beats with such varying and intermittent75 fervour that sometimes one misses it altogether.
Young William, as has been said, was the first of his race to be sent to a public school, the big gymnasium at Cassel being selected for the purpose. The innovation was credited at the time to the eccentric liberalizing notions of his mother, the English Crown Princess. The old Kaiser did not like the idea, and Bismarck vehemently76 opposed it, but the parents had their way, and at the age of fifteen the lad went, along with his twelve-year-old brother Henry, and their tutor, Dr. Hinzpeter. They were lodged77 in an old schloss, which had been one of the Electoral residences, and out of school hours maintained a considerable seclusion78. But in the school itself William was treated quite like any ordinary citizen’s son.
It may have been a difficult matter for some of the teachers to act as if they were unconscious that this particular pupil was the heir of the Hohenzollerns, but men who were at the school at the time assure me they did so, with only one exception. This solitary79 flunkey, knowing that William was more backward in his Greek than most of his class, sought to curry80 favour with the Prince by warning him that the morrow’s examination was to be, let us say, upon a certain chapter of Xenophon. The boy William received this hint in silence, but early the next morning went down to the classroom and wrote upon the blackboard in big letters the information he had received, so that he might have no advantage over his fellows. This struck me when I heard it as a curious illustration of the boy’s character. There seems to have been no excited indignation at the meanness of the tutor—but only the manifestation81 of a towering personal and family pride, which would not allow him to win a prize through profiting by knowledge withhold82 from the others.
During his three years at Cassel William was very democratic in his intercourse83 with the other boys. He may have been helped to this by the fact that he was one of the worst-dressed boys in the school—in accordance with an ancient family rule which makes the Hohenzollern children wear out their old clothes in a way that would astonish the average grocer’s progeny84. He was only an ordinary scholar so far as his studies went. At that time his brother Henry, who went to a different school, was conspicuously85 the brighter pupil of the two. Those who were at Cassel with the future Emperor have the idea that he was contented86 there, but he himself, upon reflection, is convinced that he did not like it. At all events, he gathered there a very intimate knowledge of the gymnasium system which, as will be seen later on, he now greatly disapproves87.
At the age of eighteen William left Cassel and entered upon his university course at Bonn. Here his tutor, Hinzpeter, who had been his daily companion and mentor88 from childhood, parted company with him, and the young Prince passed into the hands of soldiers and men of the world. The change marks an important epoch in the formation of his character.
There is a photograph of him belonging to the earlier part of this Cassel period which depicts89 a refined, gentle, dreamy-faced German boy, with a soft, girlish chin, small arched lips with a suggestion of dimples at the corners, and fine meditative90 eyes. The forehead, though not broad, is of fair height and fulness. The dominant91 effect of the face is that of sweetness. Looking at it, one instinctively92 thinks “How fond that boy’s parents must have been of him!” And they were fond in the extreme.
In the Crown Prince Frederic’s diary, written while the German headquarters were at Versailles, are these words:—
“This is William’s thirteenth birthday. May he grow up to be an able, honest, and upright man, a true German, prepared to continue without prejudice what has now been begun! Heaven be praised; between him and us there is a simple, hearty93, and natural relationship, which we shall strive to preserve, so that he may thus always look upon us as his best and truest friends. It is really an oppressive reflection when one realizes what hopes have already been placed on the head of this child, and how great is our responsibility to the nation for his education, which family considerations and questions of rank, and the whole Court life at Berlin and other things will tend to make so much more difficult.”
The retirement94 of Dr. Hinzpeter from his charge was an event the significance of which recent occurrences have helped us to appreciate. When history is called upon to make her final summing up upon William’s character and career, she will allot95 a very prominent place to the influence of this relatively96 unknown man. A curious romance of time’s revenge hangs about Dr. Hinzpeter. He is a native of the Westphalian manufacturing town, Bielefeld, and was a poor young tutor at Darmstadt when he was recommended to the parents of William as one exceptionally fitted to take charge of their son. The man who gave this recommendation was the then Mr. Robert Morier, British Minister at Darmstadt. Nearly a quarter of a century later Sir Robert Morier was able to see his ancient and implacable enemy, Bismarck, tripped, thrown, and thrust out of power, and to sweeten the spectacle by reflecting that he owed this ideal vengeance97 to the work of the tutor he had befriended in the old Darmstadt days.
It is more than probable that the idea of sending the young Prince to the Cassel gymnasium originated with Dr. Hinzpeter. At all events, we know that he held advanced and even extreme views as to the necessity of emphasizing the popular side of the Hohenzollern tradition.
This Prussian family has always differed radically98 from its other German neighbours in professing99 to be solicitous100 for the poor people rather than for the nobility’s privileges and claims. Sometimes this has sunk to be a profession merely; more often it has been an active guiding principle. The lives of the second and third Kings of Prussia are filled with the most astonishing details of vigilant101, ceaseless intermeddling in the affairs of peasant farmers, artisans, and wage-earners generally, hearing complaints, spying out injustice102, and roughly seeing wrongs righted. When Prussia grew too big to be thus paternally103 administered by a King poking104 about on his rounds with a rattan105 and a taker of notes, the tradition still survived. We find traces of it all along down to our times in the legislation of the Diet in the direction of what is called State Socialism.
Dr. Hinzpeter felt the full inspiration of this tradition. He longed to make it more a reality in the mind of his princely pupil than it had ever been before. Thus it was that the lad was sent to Cassel, to sit on hard benches with the sons of simple citizens, and to get to know what the life of the people was like. Years afterwards this inspiration was to bear fruit.
But in 1877 the work of creating an ideally democratic and popular Hohenzollern was abruptly106 interrupted. Dr. Hinzpeter went back to Bielefeld, and young William entered the University of Bonn. The soft-faced, gentle-minded boy, still full of his mother’s milk, his young mind sweetened and strengthened by the dreams of clemency107, compassion108, and earnest searchings after duty which he had imbibed109 from his teacher, suddenly found himself transplanted in new ground. The atmosphere was absolutely novel. Instead of being a boy among boys, he all at once found himself a prince amongst aristocratic toadies110. In place of Hinzpeter, he had a military aide given him for principal companion, friend, and guide.
These next few years at the Rhenish university did not, we see now, wholly efface111 what Dr. Hinz-peter had done. But they obscured and buried his work, and reared upon it a superstructure of another sort—a different kind of William, redolent of royal pretensions112 and youthful self-conceit, delighting in the rattle113 and clank of spurs and swords and dreaming of battlefields.
Poor Hinzpeter, in his Bielefeld retreat, could have had but small satisfaction in learning of the growth of the new William. The parents at Potsdam, too, who had built such loving hopes upon the tender and gracious promise of boyhood—they could not have been happy either.
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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middle-aged
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malady
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negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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utilized
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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salon
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| n.[法]沙龙；客厅；营业性的高级服务室 | |
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grudges
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| 不满，怨恨，妒忌( grudge的名词复数 ) | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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confiscated
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monopolizes
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| n.垄断( monopolize的名词复数 )；独占；专卖；专营v.垄断( monopolize的第三人称单数 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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repartee
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| n.机敏的应答 | |
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distinguished
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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soften
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essentially
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attains
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的第三人称单数 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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adversary
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remarkable
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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penchant
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| n.爱好，嗜好；（强烈的）倾向 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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synonym
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| n.同义词，换喻词 | |
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specially
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spartan
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schooling
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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wrath
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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paraphernalia
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saluting
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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caressed
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| 爱抚或抚摸…( caress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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engender
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| v.产生，引起 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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72
loom
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| n.织布机，织机；v.隐现，(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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80
curry
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| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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82
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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progeny
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| n.后代，子孙；结果 | |
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conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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disapproves
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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mentor
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| n.指导者，良师益友；v.指导 | |
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depicts
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| 描绘，描画( depict的第三人称单数 )； 描述 | |
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meditative
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| adj.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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allot
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| v.分配；拨给；n.部分；小块菜地 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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102
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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103
paternally
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| adv.父亲似地；父亲一般地 | |
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104
poking
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| n. 刺，戳，袋 vt. 拨开，刺，戳 vi. 戳，刺，捅，搜索，伸出，行动散慢 | |
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rattan
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| n.藤条，藤杖 | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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107
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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108
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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109
imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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toadies
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| n.谄媚者，马屁精( toady的名词复数 )v.拍马，谄媚( toady的第三人称单数 ) | |
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efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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112
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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113
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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