Both at the Prussian capital and Rhenish university town he now wore his uniform, his sword, and his epaulets, and, chin well in air, sniffed12 his fill of the incense13 burned before him by the young men of the army. The glitter and colour of the parade ground, the peremptory14 discipline, the sense of power given by these superb wheeling lines and walls of bayonets and exact geometrical movements as of some mighty15 machine, fascinated his imagination. He threw himself into military work with feverish16 eagerness. Pacific Cassel, with its gymnasium and the kindly17 figure of the tutor, Hinzpeter, faded away into a remote memory of childhood.
Public events, meanwhile, had been working out a condition of affairs which gave a marked importance to this change in William’s character. The German peoples, having got over the first rapt enthusiasm at beholding18 their ancient Frankish enemy rolled in the dust at their feet, and at finding themselves once more all together under an imperial German flag, began to devote attention to domestic politics. It was high time that they did so.
Prussia had roared as gently as any sucking dove the while the question was still one of enticing19 the smaller German States into the federated empire. But once the Emperor-King felt his footing secure upon the imperial throne, the old hungry Hohenzollern blood began stirring in his veins20. His great Chancellor21, Prince Bismarck, needed no prompting; every fibre of his bulky frame responded intuitively to this inborn22 Prussian instinct of aggrandisement. Together these two began putting the screws upon the minor23 States. “Solidifying the Empire” was what they called their work. The Hohenzollerns were always notable “solidifiers,” as their neighbours have had frequent occasion to observe tearfully during the last three centuries.
The humiliation24 and expulsion of Austria had been the pivot25 upon which the creation of the new Germany turned. In its most obvious aspect this had appeared to all men to be the triumph of a Protestant over a Catholic power. Later events had contributed to associate Prussia’s ascendency with the religious issue. The great OEcumenical Council at Rome had been followed by a French declaration of war, which every good Lutheran confidently ascribed to the dictation of the Jesuits.
These things grouped themselves together in the public mind just as similar arguments did in England in the days of the Armada. To be a Catholic grew to seem synonymous with being a sympathizer with Austria and France. It is an old law of human action that if you persistently27 impute28 certain views to a man, and persecute29 him on account of them, the effect is to reconcile his mind to those views. The melancholy30 history of theologico-political quarrels is peculiarly filled with examples of this. The Catholics of Germany were in the main as loyal to the idea of imperial unity31 as their Protestant neighbours, and they had shed their blood quite as freely to establish it as a fact. Their bishops32 and priests had over and over again testified by deeds their independence of Rome in matters which affected33 them as Germans. But when they found Bismarck ceaselessly insisting that they were hostile to Prussia, it was natural enough that they should discover that they did dislike his kind of a Prussia, and that some of the least cautious among them should say so.
Prussia’s answer—coming with the promptness of deliberate preparation—was the Kulturkampf, Into the miserable34 chaos35 which followed we need not go. Bishops were exiled or imprisoned36; schools were broken up and Catholic professors chased from the universities; a thousand parishes were bereft38 of their priests; the whole empire was filled with angry suspicions, recriminations, and violence, hot-tempered roughness on one side, grim obstinacy39 of hate on the other—to the joy of all Germany’s enemies outside and the confusion of all her friends.
Despotism begets40 lawlessness, and Bismarck and old William, busy with their priest hunt, suddenly discovered that out of this disorder41 had somehow sprouted42 a strange new thing called Socialism. They halted briefly43 to stamp this evil growth out—and lo! from an upper window of the beer house on Unter den2 Linden, called the Three Ravens44, the Socialist45 Nobiling fired two charges of buckshot into the head and shoulders of the aged46 Emperor, riddling47 his helmet like a sieve48 and laying him on a sick bed for the ensuing six months.
As a consequence, the Crown Prince Frederic was installed as Regent from June till December of 1878, and from this period dates young William’s public attitude of antagonism49 to the policy of his parents.
For the present we need examine this only in its outer and political phases. It is too much, perhaps, to say that heretofore there had been no divisions inside the Hohenzollern family. The Crown Prince and his English wife had been in tacit opposition50 to the Kaiser-Chancellor régime for many years. But this opposition took on palpable form and substance during the Regency of 1878.
A new Pope—the present Leo XIII—had been elected only a few months before, and with him the Regent Frederic opened a personal correspondence, with a view to compromising the unhappy religious wrangles51 which were doing such injury to Germany. The letters written from Berlin were models of gentle firmness and wise statesmanship, and they laid a foundation of conciliatory understanding upon which Bismarck afterward53 gladly reared his superstructure of partial settlement when the time came for him to need and bargain for the Clerical vote in the Reichstag. But at the time their friendly tone gave grave offence to the Prussian Protestants, and was peculiarly repugnant to the Junker court circles of Berlin.
It is no pleasant task to picture to one’s self the grief and chagrin54 with which the Regent and his wife must have noted55 that their elder son ranged himself among their foes56. The change which had been wrought57 in him during the year in the regiment and at Bonn revealed itself now in open and unmistakable fashion. Prince William ostentatiously joined himself with those who criticised the Regent. He assiduously cultivated the friendship of the men who led hostile attacks upon his parents. He had his greatest pride in being known for a staunch supporter of Bismarck, a firm believer in divine right, Protestant supremacy58, and all the other catchwords of the absolutist party. The praises which these reactionary59 people sang in his honour mounted like the fumes60 of spirits to his young brain. Instinctively61 he began posing as the Hope of the Monarchy—as the providential young prince, handsome, wise and strong, who was in good time to ascend26 the throne and gloriously undo63 all that the weak dreamer, his father, had done toward liberalizing the institutions of Prussia and Germany.
A lamentable64 and odious65 attitude this, truly! Yet, which of us was wholly wise at nineteen? And which of us, it may be added fairly, has encountered such magnificent and overpowering temptations to foolishness as these that beset66 young William?
Remember that all his associates, alike in his daily routine with his regiment or at the University and in his larger intercourse67 among the aristocratic social circles of Berlin, took only one view of this subject. At their head were Bismarck, the most powerful and impressive personality in Europe, and the aged Emperor, the one furiously inveighing69 against the manner in which the Protestant religion and political security were being endangered, the other deploring70 from his sick-bed the grievous inroads which were threatened upon the personal rights and prerogatives71 of the Hohenzollerns.
It is not strange that young William adopted the opinion of his grandfather and of Bismarck, chiming as it did with the new impulses of militarism that had risen so strongly within him, and being re-echoed, as it was, from the lips of all his friends.
But the event of this brief Regency which most clearly marked the chasm72 separating the Crown Prince from the Junker circles of his son’s adoption73, was the appointment of Dr. Friedberg to high office. And this is particularly worth studying, because its effects are still felt in German social and political life.
Dr. Friedberg was then a man of sixty-five, and one of the most distinguished74 jurists of Germany. He had adorned75 a responsible post in the Ministry76 of Justice for over twenty years, and had written numerous valuable works, those relating to his special subject of prison reform and the efficacy of criminal law in social improvement standing52 in the very front rank of literature of that kind. His promotion77, however, had been hopelessly blocked by two considerations; he was professedly a Liberal in politics and a close friend of the Crown Prince and Princess, and, what was still worse, he was a Jew.
On the second day of his Regency, Frederic astounded78 and scandalized aristocratic Berlin by appointing Dr. Friedberg to the highest judicial-administrative post in the kingdom. To glance forward for a moment, it may be noted that when old Kaiser Wilhelm returned to active power in December, he refused to remove Friedberg, out of a feeling of loyalty79 to his son’s actions as Regent. But he vented80 his wrath81 in another way by conspicuously82 neglecting to give Friedberg the Black Eagle after he had served nine years in the Ministry, though all his associates obtained the decoration upon only six years’ service. This slight upon the Hebrew Minister explains the well-remembered action of Frederic, when he was on his journey home from San Remo to ascend the throne after his father’s death:—as the Ministerial delegation83 met his train at Leipsic, and entered the carriage, he took the Black Eagle from his own neck and placed it about that of Friedberg.
This action of the emotional sick man, returning through the March snowstorm to play his brief part of phantom84 Kaiser, created much talk in Germany three years ago, and Friedberg, upon the strength of it, plumed85 himself greatly as the chief friend of the new monarch62. He was the first Jew ever decorated by that exalted86 and exclusive Black Eagle—and during the short reign87 of ninety-nine days he held himself like the foremost man in the Empire.
It is a melancholy reflection that this mean-spirited old man, as soon as Frederic died, made haste to lend himself to the work of blackening his benefactor’s memory. He had owed more to Frederic’s friendship and loyalty than any other in Germany, and he requited88 the debt to the dead Kaiser with such base ingratitude89 that even Frederic’s enemies were disgusted, and, under the pressure of general disfavour, he had soon to quit his post. But enough of Friedberg’s unpleasant personality. Let us return to 1878.
The Regent’s action in giving Prussia a Jewish Minister lent an enormous original impulse to the anti-Semitic movement in Berlin, which soon grew into a veritable Judenhetze. This Jewish question, while it ran its course of excitement in Germany, completely dwarfed90 the earlier clerical issue, just as it in turn has been submerged by the rising tide of Socialistic agitation91. But though the anti-semitic party has ceased to exert any power at the polls the feeling back of it is still a potent92 factor in Berlin life.
In the new Berlin, of which I shall speak presently, the Jews occupy a more commanding and dominant93 position than they have ever had in any other important city since the fall of Jerusalem. For this the Germans have themselves largely to blame. The military bent94 of the ascendant Prussians has warped95 the whole Teutonic mind toward unduly96 glorifying97 the army. The prizes of German upper-class life are all of a military sort. Every nobleman’s son, every bright boy in the wealthier citizens’ stratum98, aspires99 to the uniform. The tacit rule which excludes the Jews from positions in this epauletted aristocracy drives them into the other professions. They may not wear the sword: they revenge themselves by owning the vast bulk of the newspapers, by writing most of the books, by almost monopolizing100 law, medicine, banking101, architecture, engineering, and the more intellectual branches of the civil service.
This preponderance of Hebrews in the liberal professions seems unnatural102 to the Tory German, who has vainly tried to break it down by political action and by social ostracism103. These attempts in turn have thrown the Jews into opposition. Of the seven Israelites in the present Reichstag six are Socialist Democrats104 and one is a Freisinnige leader. Every paper in Germany owned or edited by a Jew is uncompromisingly Radical105 in its politics. This in turn further exasperates106 the German Tories and keeps alive the latent fires of hatred107 which bigots like Stocker from time to time fan into flame.
In finance, too, the German aristocrats108 find themselves getting more and more helplessly into Jewish hands. Their wonderful new city of Berlin not only acts as a sieve for the great wave of Hebrew migration109 steadily110 moving westward111 from Russia, but it is becoming the Jewish banking and money centre of Europe. The grain trade of Russia is concentrated in Berlin. To buy wheat from Odessa you apply to one of the three hundred Jewish middleman firms at Berlin. To borrow money in Europe you go with equal certainty to Berlin. The German nobleman was never very rich; he has of late years become distinctly poor—and all the mortgages which mar9 his sleep o’ nights are locked in Jewish safes at Berlin.
To revenge himself the German aristocrat68 can only assume an added contempt for literature and the peaceful professions generally because they are Jewish; insist more strongly than ever that the army is the only place for German gentlemen because it is not Jewish, and dream of the time when a beneficent fate shall once more hand Jerusalem over to conquest and rapine.
This German nobleman, however, does not disdain112 in the meanwhile to lend himself to the spoliation of the loathed113 tribes when chance offers itself. There is a famous Jewish banker in Berlin, who, in his senile years, is weak enough to desire social position for his children. One of his sons, a stupid and debauched youngster, is permitted to associate with sundry fashionable German officers—just up to the point where he loses his money to them with sufficient regularity—and, of course, never gets an inch beyond that point.
A daughter of this old banker had an even more disastrous114 experience. She was an ugly girl, but with her enormous dower the ambitious parents were able to buy a titled husband in the person of a penniless German Baron115. Delighted with this success, the banker settled upon the couple a handsome estate in Silesia, The Baron and his bride were provided with a special train to convey them to their future home, and in that very train the Baron installed his mistress, and with her a lawyer friend who had already arranged for the sale of the estate. The Jewish bride arrived in Silesia to find herself contemptuously deserted116 by her husband and robbed of her estate. She returned to Berlin, obtained a divorce, and as soon as might be was married again—this time to a diamond merchant of her own race.
As for the Baron who perpetrated this unspeakably brutal117 and callous118 outrage119, I did not learn that he had lost caste among his friends by the exploit. Indeed, the story was told to me as a merry joke on the Jews.
Prince Bismarck, almost alone among the Junker group, did not associate himself with this anti-Semitic agitation. In the work which he was carrying forward Jewish bankers were extremely useful. Both in a visibly regular way, and by subterranean120 means, capitalists like Bleichroder played a most important part in his performance of the task of centralizing power at Berlin. Hence he always held aloof121 from the movement against the Jews, and on occasions made his dislike for it manifest.
Doubtless it was his counsel which restrained the impetuous young William from openly identifying himself with this bigoted122 and proscriptive123 demonstration124. At all events, the youthful Prince avoided any overt125 sign of his sympathy with the anti-Jewish outcry, yet continued to find all his friends among the class which supported the Judenhetze. It seems a curious fact now that in those days he created the impression of a silent and reserved young man—almost taciturn. As to where his likes and dislikes lay, no uncertainty126 existed. He was heart and soul with the aristocratic Court party and against all the tendencies and theories of the small academic group attached to his father. He made this obvious enough by his choice of associations, but kept a dignified127 curb128 on his tongue.
In addition to his course of studies at Bonn and his practical labours with his regiment, the Prince devoted129 a set amount of time each week to instruction of a less common order. He had regular weekly appointments with two very distinguished professors—the Emperor William, who spoke130 on Kingcraft, and Chancellor Bismarck, whose theme was Statecraft. The former series of discourses131 was continued almost without intermission, even during the old Kaiser’s period of retirement132 after Nobiling’s attempt on his life. The Prince saw these eminent133 instructors134 regularly, but it did not enter into their scheme of education that he should profess37 to learn anything from his father.
Among the ideas which the impressionable young man imbibed135 from Bismarck there could be nothing calculated to increase his filial affection or respect. Bismarck had cherished a bitter dislike for the English Crown Princess, conceived even before her marriage, at a time when she represented to him only the girlish embodiment of an impolitic matrimonial alliance, and strengthened year by year after she came to Berlin to live. He did not scruple136 to charge to a conspiracy137 between her and the Empress Augusta all the political obstacles which from time to time blocked his path. He not only believed, but openly declared, that the Crown Princess was responsible for the whole Arnim episode; and it is an open secret that even the State papers emanating138 from the German Foreign Office during his Chancellorship139 contain the grossest and most insulting allusions140 to her. As for the Crown Prince, Bismarck was at no pains to conceal141 his contempt for one of whom he habitually142 thought as a henpecked husband.
Enough of this feeling about his parents must have filtered through into young William’s mind, from his intercourse with the powerful Chancellor, to render any reassertion of parental143 influence impossible.
In the summer of 1880 the Emperor and his Chancellor decided144 that it was time for their pupil to marry, and they selected for his bride an amiable145, robust146 and comely-faced German princess of the dispossessed Schleswig-Holstein family. I gain no information anywhere as to William’s parents having been more than formally consulted in this matter—and no hint that William himself took any deep personal interest in the transaction. The marriage ceremony came in February of 1881, and William was now installed in a residence of his own—the pretty little Marble Palace at Potsdam. His daily life remained otherwise unaltered. He worked hard at his military and civil tasks, and continued to pose—not at all through mere147 levity148 of character, but inspired by a genuine, if misguided, sense of duty—as the darling of all reactionary elements in modern Germany.
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1
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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exigencies
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sniffed
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| v.以鼻吸气，嗅，闻( sniff的过去式和过去分词 )；抽鼻子（尤指哭泣、患感冒等时出声地用鼻子吸气）；抱怨，不以为然地说 | |
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incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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enticing
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| adj.迷人的；诱人的 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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inborn
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| adj.天生的，生来的，先天的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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pivot
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| v.在枢轴上转动；装枢轴，枢轴；adj.枢轴的 | |
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ascend
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persistently
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impute
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persecute
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melancholy
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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affected
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miserable
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chaos
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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begets
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| v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 )；产生，引起 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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sprouted
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| v.发芽( sprout的过去式和过去分词 )；抽芽；出现；（使）涌现出 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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ravens
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| n.低质煤；渡鸦( raven的名词复数 ) | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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riddling
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sieve
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| n.筛，滤器，漏勺 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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wrangles
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| n.（尤指长时间的）激烈争吵，口角，吵嘴( wrangle的名词复数 )v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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instinctively
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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63
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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64
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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65
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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66
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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67
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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68
aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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69
inveighing
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的现在分词 ) | |
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70
deploring
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的现在分词 ) | |
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71
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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72
chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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73
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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74
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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75
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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76
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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77
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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78
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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79
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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80
vented
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| 表达，发泄（感情，尤指愤怒）( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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82
conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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83
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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84
phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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85
plumed
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| 饰有羽毛的 | |
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86
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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87
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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88
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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89
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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90
dwarfed
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| vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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91
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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92
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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93
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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94
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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95
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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96
unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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97
glorifying
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| 赞美( glorify的现在分词 )； 颂扬； 美化； 使光荣 | |
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98
stratum
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| n.地层，社会阶层 | |
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99
aspires
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的第三人称单数 ) | |
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100
monopolizing
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| v.垄断( monopolize的现在分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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101
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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102
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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103
ostracism
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| n.放逐；排斥 | |
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104
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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105
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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106
exasperates
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| n.激怒，触怒( exasperate的名词复数 )v.激怒，触怒( exasperate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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107
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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108
aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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109
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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110
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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111
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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112
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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113
loathed
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| v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的过去式和过去分词 )；极不喜欢 | |
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114
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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115
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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116
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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117
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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118
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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119
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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120
subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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121
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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122
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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123
proscriptive
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| adj.剥夺人权的，放逐的 | |
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124
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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125
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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126
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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127
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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128
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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129
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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130
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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131
discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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132
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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133
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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134
instructors
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| 指导者，教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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135
imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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136
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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137
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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138
emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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139
chancellorship
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| 长官的职位或任期 | |
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140
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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141
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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142
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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143
parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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144
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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145
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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146
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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147
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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148
levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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