His summer home at Marmorpalais, charmingly situated6 on the shore of the Heiligen Sea at Potsdam, did not in any obvious sense become a political centre. The men who came to it were chiefly hard-working officers, and the talk of their scant7 leisure, over wine and cigars, was of military tasks, hunting experiences, and personal gossip rather than of graver matters. The library, which was William’s workroom in these days, has most of its walls covered with racks arranged to hold maps, presumably for strategic studies and Kriegspiel work. The next most important piece of furniture in the room is a tall cabinet for cigars. The bookcase is much smaller.
When winter came Prince William and his family returned to their apartments in the Schloss at Berlin. Nurses clad in the picturesque8 Wendish dress of the Spreewald bore an increasing prominent part in this annual exodus9 from Potsdam—for almost every year brought its new male Hohenzollern.
Thus the early spring of 1887 found William, now past his twenty-eighth year, a major, commanding a battalion10 of Foot guards, the father of four handsome, sturdy boys, and two lives removed from the throne.
Then came, without warning, one of those terrible, world-changing moments wherein destiny reveals her face to the awed11 beholder—moments about which the imagination of the outside public lingers with curiosity forever unsatisfied. No one will ever tell what happens in that soul-trying instant of time, We shall never know, for example, just what William felt and thought one March day in 1887, when somebody—identity unknown to us as well—whispered in his ear that the Crown Prince, his father, had a cancer in the throat.
The world heard this sinister12 news some weeks later, and was so grieved at the intelligence that for over a year thereafter it fostered the hope of its falsity, and was even grateful to courtier physicians and interested flatterers who encouraged this hope. Civilization had elected Frederic to a place among its heroes, and clung despairingly to the belief that his life might, after all, be saved.
But in the inner family circle of the Hohenzollerns there was from the first no illusion on this point. The old Emperor and his Chancellor13 and the Prince William knew that the malady14 was cancerous. Their information came from Ems, whither Frederic went upon medical advice in the spring of 1887, to be treated for “a bad cold with bronchial complications.” Later a strenuous15 and determined16 attempt was made to represent the disease as something else, and out of this grew one of the most painful and cruel domestic tragedies known to history. At this point it is enough to say that the Emperor and his grandson knew about the cancer before even rumours17 of it reached the general public, and that their belief in its fatal character remained unshaken throughout.
To comprehend fully18 and fairly what followed, it will be necessary to try to look at Frederic through the eyes of the Court party. The view of him which we of England and America take has been, beyond doubt, of great and lasting19 service to the human race—in much the same sense that the world has been benefited by the idealized purities and sweetnesses of the Arthurian legend. We are helped by our heroes in this practical, work-a-day, modern world as truly as were our pagan fathers who followed the sons of Woden. Every one of us is the richer and stronger for this image of Frederic the Noble which the English-speaking peoples have erected20 in their Valhalla.
But it is fair to reflect, on the other hand, that this fine, handsome, able, and good-hearted Prince could not have created for himself such hosts of hostile critics in his own country, could not have continually found himself year by year losing his hold upon even the minority of his fellow-countrymen, without reason. It is certain that in 1886—the year before his illness befell—he had come to a minimum of usefulness, influence, and popularity in the Empire. Deplore21 this as we may, it would be unintelligent to refuse to inquire into its causes.
Moreover, we are engaged upon the study of a living man, holding a great position, possibly destined22 to do great things. All our thoughts of this living man are instinctively23 coloured by prejudices based upon his relations with his father, who is dead. Justice to William demands that we shall strive fairly to get at the opinions and feelings which swayed him and his advisers24 in their attitude of antagonism25 to our hero, his father.
0076
His critics say that Frederic was an actor. They do not insist upon his insincerity—in fact, for the most part credit him with honesty and candour—but regard him as the victim of hereditary26 histrionism. His mother, the late Empress Augusta, had always impressed Berliners in the same way—as playing in the r?le of an exiled Princess, with her little property Court accessories, her little tea-party circle of imitation French littérateurs, and her “Mrs. Haller” sighs and headshakings over the coarseness and cruelty of the big roaring world outside. And her grandfather was that play-actor gone mad, Czar Paul of Russia, who tore the passion so into tatters that his own sons rose and killed him.
Once given the key to this view of Frederic’s character, a strange cloud of corroborative27 witnesses are at hand. Take one example. Most of the pictures of him drawn28 at the period of his greatest popularity—during and just after the Franco-German war—pourtray him with a long-bowled porcelain29 pipe in his hand. The artists in the field made much of this: every war correspondent wrote about it. The effect upon the public mind was that of a kindly30, unostentatious, pipe-loving burgher—and so lasting was it that when, seventeen years later, he was attacked by cancer, many good people hastened to ascribe it to excessive smoking. I had this same notion, too, and therefore was vastly surprised, in Berlin, years after, when a General Staff officer told me that Frederic rather disliked tobacco. I instanced the familiar pictures of him with his pipe. The instant reply was: “Ah, yes, that was like him. He always carried a pipe about at headquarters to produce an impression of comradeship on the soldiers, although it often made him sick.”
It was hard work to credit this theory—until it was confirmed by a passage in Sir Morell Mackenzie’s book. In response to the physician’s question, Frederic said the report of his being a great smoker31 was “quite untrue, and that for many years he had hardly smoked at all.” He added that probably this report, coming from soldiers who had seen him sometimes solacing32 himself after a hard-fought battle with a pipe, had given him his “perfectly undeserved reputation” as a devotee of tobacco.*
* “The Fatal Illness of Frederic the Noble,” p. 20.
But the most striking illustrations of this trait, which Germans suspected in Frederic, are given in Gustav Freytag’s interesting book, “The Crown Prince and the Imperial Crown.” It may be said in passing that even among Conservatives in Berlin there is a feeling that Freytag should not have published this book. No doubt it tells the truth, but then Freytag owed very much to the tender friendship and liking33 of Frederic, who conspicuously34 favoured him above other German writers, and wrote kindly things about him in his diary—and, if the truth had to be told, some other than Freytag should have told it. Coupled as it is in the public mind with Dr. Friedberg’s desertion, heretofore spoken of, this behaviour of another of the dead Prince’s friends is felt to help justify35 the low opinion of German gratitude36 held among scoffing37 neighbours. As a Berlin official said in comment to the writer: “When men like Friedberg and Freytag do these things to the memory of their dead patron, it is no wonder that foreigners call us Prussians a pack of wolves, ready always to leap upon and devour39 any comrade who is down.”
Freytag was the foremost correspondent attached to Frederic’s headquarters in 1870-71, and enjoyed the confidence of the Crown Prince in extraordinary measure. Thus he is able to give us a detailed40 picture of the man’s moods and mental workings, day by day, during that eventful time. And this picture is a perfect panorama41 of varying phases of histrionism.
The Crown Prince was sedulously42 cultivating the popular impression of himself as a plain, hail-fellow-well-met, friendly Prince. But Freytag says: “The traditional conception of rank and position dwelt ineradicably in his soul; when he had occasion to remember his own claims, he stood more vehemently43 on his dignity than others of his class.... Had destiny allowed him a real reign38, this peculiarity45 would probably have shown itself in a manner unpleasantly surprising to his contemporaries.” *
* “The Crown Prince and the German Imperial Crown,” by
Gustav Freytag, p. 27.
More important still is this remark on the following page: “The idea of the German Empire grew out of princely pride in his soul; it became an ardent46 wish, and I think he was the originator and motive47 power of this innovation.”
The fact that it was Frederic who conceived the idea of the Empire first came to the world when Dr. Geffcken printed that famous portion of the Crown Prince’s diary which led to prosecutions48 and infinite scandal. Freytag’s subsequent publication surrounds the fact with most curious minutiae49 of detail.
As early as August 1st, before his Third Army had even crossed the Rhine, Frederic had broached50 the idea of an empire, with Prussia at its head. All through the campaign which followed his head was full of it. He busied his mind with questions of titles, precedence, &c., to grow out of the new creation. One afternoon—August 11th—he strolled on the hillside with Freytag for a talk. “He had put on his general’s cloak so that it fell around his tall figure like a king’s mantle51, and had thrown around his neck the gold chain of the Hohenzollern order, which he was not wont52 to wear in the quiet of the camp—and paced elated along the village green. Filled with the importance which the emperor idea had for him, he evidently adapted his external appearance to the conversation.” During this talk he asked what the new title of the King of Prussia should be, and the anti-imperialist Freytag suggested Duke of Germany. Then “the Crown Prince broke out with emphasis, his eyes flashing: ‘No! he must be Emperor!’” * To create this empire Frederic was quite ready to forcibly coerce53 the Southern German States. Bismarck and William I., whom we think of as rough, hard, arbitrary men, shrank from even considering such a course. To the enthusiastic and slightly unreal Frederic it seemed the most natural thing in the world. The account in his diary of the long interview of Nov. 16, 1870, with Bismarck makes all this curiously54 clear. “What about the South Germans? Would you threaten them, then?” asks the Chancellor. “Yes, indeed!” answers our ideal constitutional Frederic, with a light heart. The interview was protracted55 and stormy, Bismarck ending it by resort to his accustomed trick of threatening to resign, a well-worn device which twenty years later was to be used just once too often.
* Freytag, p. 20.
In this same diary, under date of the following March (1871), Frederic writes: “I doubt whether the necessary uprightness exists for the free development of the Empire, and think that only a new epoch56, which shall one day come to terms with me, will see that.... More especially I shall be the first Prince who has to appear before his people after having honourably57 declared for constitutional methods without any reserve.”
One feels that these two passages from his own diary—the utterances58 of November and the reflections of March—show distinctly why the practical rulers, soldiers, and statesmen of Prussia distrusted Frederic. They saw him more eager and strenuous about grasping the imperial dignity than any one else—willing even to break treaties and force Bavaria, Saxony, and Würtemberg into the empire at the cannon’s mouth, and then they heard him lamenting59 that until he came to the throne there would not be enough “uprightness” to insure The Empress Frederic “constitutional methods.” Candidly60, it is impossible to wonder at their failure to reconcile the two.
0084
An even more acute reason for this suspicion and dislike lay in Frederic’s relations with the English Court. To begin with, there was a sensational61 and fantastic uxoriousness62 about his attitude toward his wife which could not command sympathy in Germany. Freytag tells of his lying on his camp bed watching the photographs of his wife and children on the table before him, with tears in his eyes, and rhapsodizing about his wife’s qualities of heart and intellect to the newspaper correspondent, until Freytag promised to dedicate his next book to her. “He gave me a look of assent63 and lay back satisfied.” This in itself would rather pall64 on the German taste.
Worse still, Frederic used to write long letters home to his wife every day—often the work of striking the camp would be delayed until these epistles could be finished—and then the Crown Princess at Berlin would as regularly send the purport65 of these to her royal relatives in England and thence it would be telegraphed to France. Bismarck always believed, or professed66 to believe, that there was concerted treachery in this business. No one else is likely to credit this assumption. But at all events the fact is that this embarrassing diffusion67 of news was discovered and complained of at the time, and charged against Frederic, and was the reason, as Bismarck bluntly declared during the discussion over the diary, why the Crown Prince was not trusted by his father or allowed to share state secrets.
As for the Empire itself, though the original idea of it was his, Frederic suffered the fate of many other inventors in having very little to do with it after it was put into working order. He presented a magnificently heroic figure on horseback in out-of-door spectacles, and his cultured tastes made the task of presiding over museums and learned societies congenial. But there his participation68 in public affairs ended.
The Empire he had dreamed of was of a wholly different sort from this prosaic69, machine-like, departmental structure which Bismarck and Delbruck made. Frederic’s vision had been of some splendid, picturesque, richly-decorated revival70 of the Holy Roman Empire. There are a number of delightful71 pages in Freytag’s book giving the Crown Prince’s romantic views on this point. * When the first Reichstag met in 1871, to acclaim72 the new Emperor in his own capital, Frederic introduced into the ceremony the ancient throne chair of the Saxon Emperors, which may now be seen in Henry’s palace at Goslar, and which, having lain unknown for centuries in a Harz village, was discovered by being offered for sale by a peasant as old metal some seventy years ago.
* Fryetag, pp. 115-130.
Among practical Germans this attempt to link their new Empire with the discredited73 and disreputable old fabric74, which had been too rotten for even the Hapsburgs to hold together, was extremely distasteful. Yet Frederic clung to this pseudo-medi?valism to the last. When he came to the throne as Kaiser his first proclamation spoke of “the re-established Empire.” And those who were in Berlin at the time know how a whole day’s delay was caused by the dissension over what title the new ruler should assume—the secret of which was that he desired to call himself Kaiser Friedrich IV, thus going back for imperial continuity to that Friedrich III who died while Martin Luther was a boy, and who is remembered only because he was the father of the great Max and was the original possessor of the Austrian under lip.
Freytag indeed says that to that first proclamation Frederic did affix75 a signature with an IV—the assumption being that Bismarck altered it.
The reader has been shown this less satisfying aspect of Frederic, as his associates saw him, because without understanding it the attitude of both his father and his son towards him would be flatly unintelligible76. They did not believe that he would make a safe Emperor for Germany.
The old William all the same loved his son deeply, and manifested an almost extravagant77 delight at the creditable way in which he carried himself through the Bohemian and French campaigns. In the succeeding years of peace it is obvious enough that the venerable Kaiser grew despondent78 about his son’s association with Radicals79 and their dreams—and it is equally clear that there were plenty of advisers at hand to confirm the old man in these gloomy doubts. Hence, though he cherished a sincere affection for “Unser Fritz” and his English wife, and would gladly have had them much about him, he could not help being of the party opposed to them—the party which lost no opportunity of exalting81 young William in his grandfather’s eyes as the real hope of the Hohenzollerns. Thus there was a growing, though tacit, estrangement82 between the father and son.
When Frederic was stricken with disease, however, the kindly old father suffered keenly. There was great sweetness of nature in the tough martial83 frame of William I, and there is an abiding84 pathos85 in the picture we have of his last moments—the stout86 nonogenarian who fought death so valiantly87 even to his last breath that it seemed as if he could not die, rolling his white head on the pillow, and moaning piteously, “Poor Fritz! Poor Fritz!” with his rambling88 thoughts beyond the snow-clad Alps, where his son was also in the destroyer’s grasp.
As for young William, his estrangement from his father, if less noted89, had been more complete. He belonged openly to another party, and moreover smarted under the reproach of being unfilial, which the friends of his parents, largely of the writing and printing class, publicly levelled at him.
Placed in this position, the shock of the news that his father had an incurable90 disease must have come upon him with peculiar44 force. We can only dimly imagine to ourselves the great struggles fought out in his breast between grief for the father, who had really been an ideal parent, loving, gentle, solicitous91, and tenderly proud, and concern for the Empire, which might be doomed92 to have a wasting invalid93 at its head for years. On the one side was the repellent thought that this father’s death would mean his own swift advancement94, for the grandfather could clearly live but little longer. On the other side, if his father’s life was prolonged, it meant the elevation95 to the throne of a sick man, whose fitness for the crown of this armed and beleaguered96 nation would at all times have been doubtful, and who, in his enfeebled state, at the mercy of the radical80 agitators97 and adventurers about him, might jeopardize98 the fortunes of Empire and dynasty alike.
Torn between these conflicting views, it is not strange that William welcomed a middle course, suggested, I am authoritatively99 informed, by Frederic himself.
The Crown Prince returned to Berlin from Ems thoroughly100 frightened. He had no doubt whatever that he was suffering from cancer and expected to die within the year. Like all men of an expansive and impressionable temperament101, he was subject to fits of profound melancholia—as Freytag puts it, “fond of indulging in gloomy thoughts and pessimistic humours;” so much so that he “sometimes cherished the idea of renouncing102 the throne, in case of its being vacant, and leaving the government to his son.” * He had grown lethargic103 and dispirited through years of inaction and systematic104 exclusion105 from governmental labours and interests. He returned from Ems now, in this April of 1887, in a state of complete depression.
* Freytag, p. 78,
The evident affection and sympathy with which both his father and son received him, gave an added impulse to the despairing ideas which had conquered his mind since his sentence of death by cancer had been uttered.
In the course of a touching106 interview between the three Hohenzollerns, Frederic with tears in his eyes declared that he did not desire to reign, and that if by chance he survived his father he would waive107 his rights of succession in favour of his elder son. This declaration was within a brief space of time repeated in the presence of Prince Bismarck, and was by him reduced to writing. The paper was deposited among the official private archives of the Crown at Berlin, and presumably is still in existence there.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
diligently
|
|
| ad.industriously;carefully | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
inclination
|
|
| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
lust
|
|
| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
imbued
|
|
| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
situated
|
|
| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
scant
|
|
| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
picturesque
|
|
| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
exodus
|
|
| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
battalion
|
|
| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
awed
|
|
| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
sinister
|
|
| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
chancellor
|
|
| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
malady
|
|
| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
strenuous
|
|
| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
rumours
|
|
| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
lasting
|
|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
ERECTED
|
|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
deplore
|
|
| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
instinctively
|
|
| adv.本能地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
advisers
|
|
| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
antagonism
|
|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
hereditary
|
|
| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
corroborative
|
|
| adj.确证（性）的，确凿的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
porcelain
|
|
| n.瓷；adj.瓷的，瓷制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
smoker
|
|
| n.吸烟者，吸烟车厢，吸烟室 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
solacing
|
|
| v.安慰，慰藉( solace的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
33
liking
|
|
| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
conspicuously
|
|
| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
justify
|
|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
gratitude
|
|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
scoffing
|
|
| n. 嘲笑, 笑柄, 愚弄 v. 嘲笑, 嘲弄, 愚弄, 狼吞虎咽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
devour
|
|
| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
detailed
|
|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
panorama
|
|
| n.全景，全景画，全景摄影，全景照片[装置] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
sedulously
|
|
| ad.孜孜不倦地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
vehemently
|
|
| adv. 热烈地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
peculiarity
|
|
| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
ardent
|
|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
motive
|
|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
prosecutions
|
|
| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
minutiae
|
|
| n.微小的细节，细枝末节；（常复数）细节，小事( minutia的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
broached
|
|
| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
mantle
|
|
| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
wont
|
|
| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
coerce
|
|
| v.强迫，压制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
curiously
|
|
| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
protracted
|
|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
epoch
|
|
| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
honourably
|
|
| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
utterances
|
|
| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
lamenting
|
|
| adj.悲伤的，悲哀的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
candidly
|
|
| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
sensational
|
|
| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
uxoriousness
|
|
| n.疼爱妻子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
63
assent
|
|
| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
pall
|
|
| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
purport
|
|
| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
diffusion
|
|
| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
participation
|
|
| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
prosaic
|
|
| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
revival
|
|
| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
delightful
|
|
| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
acclaim
|
|
| v.向…欢呼，公认；n.欢呼，喝彩，称赞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
discredited
|
|
| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
fabric
|
|
| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
affix
|
|
| n.附件，附录 vt.附贴，盖(章)，签署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
unintelligible
|
|
| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
extravagant
|
|
| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
despondent
|
|
| adj.失望的，沮丧的，泄气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
radicals
|
|
| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
radical
|
|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
exalting
|
|
| a.令人激动的，令人喜悦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
estrangement
|
|
| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
martial
|
|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
abiding
|
|
| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
pathos
|
|
| n.哀婉，悲怆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
valiantly
|
|
| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
rambling
|
|
| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
noted
|
|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
incurable
|
|
| adj.不能医治的，不能矫正的，无救的；n.不治的病人，无救的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
solicitous
|
|
| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
doomed
|
|
| 命定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
invalid
|
|
| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
advancement
|
|
| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
elevation
|
|
| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
beleaguered
|
|
| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
agitators
|
|
| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
jeopardize
|
|
| vt.危及，损害 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
authoritatively
|
|
| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
temperament
|
|
| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
renouncing
|
|
| v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
lethargic
|
|
| adj.昏睡的，懒洋洋的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
systematic
|
|
| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
exclusion
|
|
| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
touching
|
|
| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
waive
|
|
| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |