The purport3 of these proclamations, shot forth4 from the printing press while the news of Frederic’s death was still in the air, fitted well the precipitancy of their appearance. William delivered a long eulogy5 upon his grandfather, made only a passing allusion6 to his father, recited the warlike achievements and character of his remoter ancestors, and closed by saying: “Thus we belong to each other, I and the army; thus we were born for one another; and firmly and inseparably will we hold together, whether it is God’s will to give us peace or storm.”
Exultant7 militarism rang out from every line of these utterances8. The world listened to this young man boasting about being a war lord, with feelings nicely graded upon a scale of distances. Those near by put hands on sword hilts; those further away laughed contemptuously; but all alike, far and near, felt that an evil day for Germany had dawned.
The funeral of old William at Berlin in March had been a spectacle memorable9 in the history of mankind—the climacteric demonstration10 of the pomp and circumstance of European monarchical11 systems. A simple military funeral, a trifle more ornate than that of a General of division, was given to his successor. The day, June 18th, was the anniversary of Waterloo.
It may have been due to thoughts upon what this day meant in Prussian history; more probably it reflected the chastened and softening12 influences of these three days’ meditation13 in the palace of death; from whatever cause, William’s address to the Prussian people, issued on the 18th, was a much more satisfactory performance. The tone of the drill sergeant14 was entirely15 lacking, and the words about his father, the departed Frederic, were full of filial sweetness. The closing paragraph fairly mirrors the whole proclamation:
“I have vowed16 to God that, after the example of my fathers, I will be a just and clement17 Prince to my people, that I will foster piety18 and the fear of God, and that I will protect the peace, promote the welfare of the country, be a helper of the poor and distressed19, and a true guardian20 of the right.” Pondering upon the marked difference between this address and the excited and vain-glorious harangue21 to the fighting men of Germany which heralded22 William’s accession, it occurred to me to inquire whether or not Dr. Hinzpeter had in the interim23 made his appearance at Potsdam. No one could remember, but the point may be worth the attention of the future historian.
Studying all that has since happened in the variant24 lights of these proclamations of June 15th and June 18th, one sees a constant struggle between two Williams—between the gentle, dreamy-eyed, soft-faced boy of Cassel, and the vain, arrogant25 youth who learned to clank a sword at his heels and twist a baby moustache in Bonn. Such conflicts and clashings between two hostile inner selves have a part in the personal history of each of us. Only we are not out under the searching glare of illumination which beats upon a prince, and the records and results of these internal warrings are of interest to ourselves alone.
William, moreover, has one of those nervous, delicately-poised, highly-sensitized temperaments26 which responds readily and without reserve to the emotion of the moment. Increasing years seem to be strengthening his judgment27, but they do not advance him out of the impressionable age. In the romantic idealism and mysticism of his mind, and in the histrionic bent28 of his impulses, he is a true son of his father, a genuine heir of the strange fantastic Ascanien strain, which meant greatness in Catharine II, madness in her son Paul, and whimsical staginess in his grand-daughter Augusta.
Like his father, too, his nature is peculiarly susceptible30 to the domination of a stronger and more deeply rooted personality. The wide difference between them arises from this very similitude. Frederic spent all his adult life under the influence of the broad-minded, cultured, and high-thinking English Princess, his wife. William, during these years now under notice, was in the grip of the Bismarcks.
The ascendency of this family, which attained31 its zenith in these first months of the young Kaiser’s reign32, is a unique thing in the history of Prussia. The Hohenzollerns have been hereditarily33 a stiff-backed race, much addicted34 to personal government, and not at all given to leaning on other people. From 1660 to 1860 you will search their records in vain for the name of a minister who was allowed to usurp35 functions not strictly36 his own. The first Frederic William was a good deal pulled about and managed by inferiors, it is true, but they did it only by making themselves seem more his inferiors than any others about him. No Wolsey or Richelieu or Metternich could thrive in the keen air of the Mark of Brandenburg, under the old kingly traditions of Prussia.
Bismarck rose upon the ruins of those traditions. In 1862 the Prussian Diet and Prussian society generally were in open revolt against the new king, William I. Constitutionalism and the spread of modern ideas had made the old absolutist system of the Hohenzollerns impossible; budgets were thrown out, constituencies were abetted37 in their mutiny by the nobles, and the newspaper press was fiercely hostile. The King, a frank, kindly38, slow-minded old soldier, did not know what to do. The thought of surrendering his historic prerogatives39 under pressure, and the resource of sweeping40 Berlin’s streets with grape-shot, were equally hateful to him. In his perplexity he summoned his Ambassador at Paris to Berlin, and begged him to undertake the defence of the monarchy41 against its enemies. He made this statesman, Otto von Bismarck, Minister of the King’s House and of Foreign Affairs, and avowedly42 a Premier43 who had undertaken to rule Prussia without a Parliament.
It was the old story of the Saxons, being invited to defend the British homestead, and remaining to enjoy it themselves.
The lapse44 of a quarter of a century found this King magnified into an Emperor, enjoying the peaceful semblance45 of a reign over 48,000,000 of people, where before he had stormily failed to govern much less than half that number. He had grown into the foremost place among European sovereigns so easily and without friction46, and was withal so honest and amiable47 an old gentleman, that it did not disturb him to note how much greater a man than himself his Minister had come to be.
The relations between William I and Bismarck were always frank, loyal, and extremely simple. They were fond of each other, mutually grateful for what each had helped the other to do and to be. It illumines one of the finest traits in the great Chancellor48’s character to realize that, during the last eighteen years of the old Kaiser’s life.
Bismarck would never go to the opera or theatre for fear the popular reception given to him might wound the royal sensitiveness of his master.
Bismarck, having all power in his own hands, became possessed49 of that most human of passions, the desire to found a dynasty, and hand this authority down to his posterity50. There was a certain amount of promising51 material in his older son Herbert—a robust52, rough-natured, fairly-acute, and altogether industrious53 man—ten years older than the Prince William, now become Kaiser. The strength of Prince Bismarck’s hold upon the old William was only matched by the supremacy54 he had thus far managed to exert over the imperial grandson. He dreamed a vision of having Herbert as omnipotent55 in the Germany of the twentieth century as he had been in the last half of the nineteenth.
The story of his terrible disillusion56 belongs to a later stage. At the time with which we are dealing57, and indeed for nearly a year after William’s accession in June of 1888, the ascendency of the Bismarcks was complete. Men with fewer infirmities of temper and feminine capacities for personal grudges58 and jealousies59 might possibly have maintained that ascendency, or the semblance of it, for years. But a long lease of absolute power had developed the petty sides of their characters. During the brief reign of Frederic they had had to suffer certain slights and rebuffs at the hands of his Liberal friends who were temporarily brought to the front. To their swollen60 amour propre nothing else seemed so important now as to avenge61 these indignities62. The new Kaiser they thought of as wholly their man, and they proceeded to use him as a rod for the backs of their enemies.
It remains63 a surprising thing that they were allowed to go so far in this evil direction before William revolted and called a halt. For what they did before a stop was put to their career it is impossible not to blame him as well as them. In truth, he began by being so wholly under their influence that even his own individual acts were coloured by their prejudices and hates.
If he had been momentarily softened64 by the pathetic conditions surrounding his father’s funeral, his heart steeled itself again soon enough under the sway of the Bismarcks. He entered with gratuitous65 zest66 upon a course of demonstrative disrespect to his father’s memory.
Frederic had been born in the spacious67, rambling68 New Palace at Potsdam, and in adult life had made it his principal home. Here all his children save William were born, and here William himself spent his boyhood, as Mr. Bigelow has so pleasantly told us, * playing with his brother Henry in their attic69 nursery, or cruising in their little toy frigate70 on the neighbouring lakes. Here Frederic at the end came home to die, and in the last fortnight of his life formally decreed that the name of the New Palace should henceforth be Friedrichskron—or Frederic’s Crown.
* New Review, August, 1889.
All who have seen the splendid edifice71, embowered in the ancient royal forest parks, will recognize the poetic72 and historic fitness of the name. From its centre rises a dome73, surmounted74 by three female figures supporting an enormous kingly crown. There was a time when Europe talked as much about this emblematic75 dome as we did a year or so ago about the Eiffel Tower, though for widely different reasons. It was not remarkable76 from any scientific point of view, but it embodied77 in visible bronze a colossal78 insult levelled by Frederic the Great at the three most powerful women in the world. When that tireless creature emerged from the Seven Years’ War, he began busying himself by the construction of this palace. Everybody had supposed him to be ruined financially, but he had his father’s secret hoards79 almost intact, and during the six years 1763-9 drew from them over ￡2,000,000 to complete this structure. With characteristic insolence80 he reared upon the dome, in the act of upholding his crown, three naked figures having the faces of Catherine of Russia, Maria Theresa of Austria, and Mme. Pompadour of France, each with her back turned toward her respective country. The irony81 was coarse, but perhaps it may be forgiven to a man who had so notably82 come through the prolonged life-and-death struggle forced upon him by these women.
At all events, it was an intelligent and proper thing to give the palace the name of Friedrichskron, and one would think that, even if the change had been less fitting than it was, the wish of the dying man about the house of his birth could not but command respect.
One of William’s first acts was to order the discontinuance of the new name, and in his proclamation he ostentatiously reverted83 to the former usage of “New Palace.”
To glance ahead for a moment, there came in September an even more painful illustration of the unfilial attitude to which William had hardened himself. The Deutsche Rundschau created a sudden sensation by printing the diary of Frederic, from July 11, 1870, to March 12th of the following year, covering the entire French campaign and all the negotiations84 leading up to the formation of the German Empire. Quotations85 have already been made in these pages showing that this diary demonstrated authoritatively86 the fallacy of Bismarck’s claim to be the originator of the Empire. Frederic and the others had had, in fact, to drag him into a reluctant acceptance of the imperial idea. The shock of now all at once learning this was felt all over Germany. Every mind comprehended that the blow had been aimed straight at the Chancellor’s head. Nobody seemed to see, least of all Bismarck, that the diary really gave the Chancellor a higher title than that of inventor of the Empire, and revealed him as a wise, far-seeing statesman, who would not submit to the fascination87 of the imperial scheme until he made sure that its realization88 would be of genuine benefit to all Germany. So far, indeed, was he from recognizing this that he allowed the publication to rob him of all control over his temper.
The edition of the Rundschau was at once confiscated89, and on September 23rd Bismarck sent a “report” to the Emperor upon the diary. He set up the pretence90 of doubting its genuineness as a cloak for saying the most brutal91 things about its dead author. The charge was openly made that Frederic could not be trusted with any State secrets owing to the fear of “indiscreet revelations to the English Court,” and therefore “stood without the sphere of all business negotiations.” Further, he asserted that the portions of the diary expressing willingness to force the Southern States into the Empire must be forgeries92, because “such ideas are equally contemptible93 from the standpoint of honourable94 feeling and that of policy.” In conclusion he pointed95 out that, even if the diary were genuine, Frederic in giving it for publication would be a traitor96 under Article XCII of the Penal97 Code.
Of the genuineness of the diary there was, of course, no question whatever in anybody’s mind, least of all in Bismarck’s or William’s. Yet the young Kaiser permitted this gross attack by the Chancellor upon his father’s honour and patriotism98 to be officially published, and gave his consent to a prosecution99 of those responsible for the appearance of the diary in the Rundschau.
The story of the prosecution is a familiar one. Dr. Geffcken was found to be the friend to whom Frederic had entrusted100 this portion of his diary, and he was arrested and thrown into prison, to be brought before the imperial tribunal at Leipsic. The ingrate101 Friedberg put his talents at the disposal of the Bismarcks to draw up the case against him. The houses of Geffcken and Baron102 von Roggenbach were ransacked103, and a correspondence covering many years was seized and searched by Bismarck’s emissaries. These letters were said to contain many compromising references to the Crown Princess, Princess Alice, Sir Robert Morier, and others whom Bismarck alleged104 to be in a conspiracy105 against him. This charge of being desirous of the Chancellor’s downfall grew indeed to be the principal item in the attack upon Geffcken.
The indictment106 for high treason was at last, on January 2, 1889, brought before the Judges of the Supreme107 Court of Judicature at Leipsic, and they threw it out with ignominious108 swiftness. Geffcken himself, badly broken in health and mind, was released on the 4th. This was Bismarck’s first public mishap109 under the new reign, and it attracted much surprised attention at the time, as showing both the Chancellor’s lack of intelligent self-restraint in getting into a fury over a revelation which really redounded110 to his credit, and his ignorance of German law. The opening month of the year 1889, in which this happened, was invested with importance in another way, as we shall see in due course.
But for the time, returning now to the middle of 1888, William seemed to delight in exhibiting himself to the public eye as the man of the Bismarcks. One of his earliest acts was to make a special journey to Friedrichsruh to visit the Chancellor, and the most popular photograph of the year was that representing him standing111 on the lawn in front of this chateau112, in company with Bismarck and the famous “Reichshund.” In Berlin, too, people noted113 his custom of paying early morning calls at the house of Herbert Bismarck, and wondered how long this enthusiastic self-abasement would last.
While it did last, this influence of the Bismarcks was so powerful and all-pervasive that it is very difficult to follow the thread of the young Kaiser’s own personality through the busy period of his first half-year’s reign. One continually confronts this embarrassment114 of inability to separate what he himself wanted to do from what was suggested by these powers behind the throne. We know now that the Kaiser possesses a strongly-marked individuality and an unusually active and fertile mind. Doubtless these asserted themselves a great deal at even this early stage, but there is little or nothing to guide us in distinguishing their effects.
The truth seems to be that at this time, in these opening months of his reign, William’s inclinations115 ran so wholly in Bismarckian channels that even what he himself initiated116 was in practice a part of the Bismarcks’ work.
This is especially true of the young Kaiser’s first important step in the field of international politics. He had been on the throne for less than four weeks when he started off to pay a State visit to the Czar of Russia. He had not been invited, and it was apparent enough in Russian Court circles that his hasty and impulsive117 descent upon their summer leisure was as unwelcome as it was surprising. He himself appears to have been swayed both by memories of his grandfather’s injunction to friendliness118 toward Russia, and by Bismarck’s desire to make a demonstration of unfriendliness to England.
This note of anti-English prejudice is dominant119 throughout all that immediately followed. During Frederic’s brief tenure120 of power, in April of 1888, Queen Victoria had made a journey to Berlin, and had spent several days in the company of her dying son-in-law and afflicted121 daughter at the palace of Charlottenburg. Her coming was not at all grateful to the Junker class, and it was rendered highly unpopular among Berliners generally by a curiously122 tactless performance on the part of the Empress Frederic. To properly receive her royal mother it was necessary to refurnish and decorate a suite123 of rooms in the Charlottenburg Schloss, and orders were sent to London for all this new furniture, and for English workmen to make the needed alterations124. As may be imagined, this slight upon the tradesmen and artizans of Berlin was deeply resented, and there was considerable ground for nervousness lest the Queen should have some manifestation125 of this dislike thrust upon her notice during her stay. Fortunately, this did not happen, but Prince William behaved so coldly toward his grandmother that her Majesty126 could have had no doubt as to the attitude of his friends.
Later on, after Frederic’s death? came confused stories about the arbitrary and unjust way in which his widow had been treated, both personally and as regarded her property rights. These matters are all settled now, and were the subject of great exaggeration even then, but they created so much bad blood at the time that the Prince of Wales in the following autumn left Vienna upon a hastily improvised127 and wholly fictitious128 hunting tour, rather than remain and meet his nephew, Kaiser William, who was coming that way.
Nothing very notable occurred during the July journeys to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, and the autumnal trip to Austria and Italy presented no incidents of importance save this sudden flight of the indignant Prince of Wales, and a distinctly unpleasant bungling129 of the visit to the Pope. This latter episode has become famous in the annals of Prussian brusqueness and incivility. The young Kaiser in his white cuirassier uniform and eagle-capped helmet bluntly told the venerable Pontiff that his dreams of regaining130 temporal power were all childish nonsense, and the still ruder Herbert Bismarck broke up the interview by forcing his way into the Pope’s private apartments, dragging amiable young Prince Henry with him as a pretext131 for his boisterous132 insolence. This was thought to be a smart trick at the time, and Herbert and the German Ambassador openly chuckled133 over it.
William himself is said to have remarked to King Humbert after his return from the call upon Leo XIII: “I have destroyed his illusions.” At least the Holy Father no longer indulged illusions as to what the German Emperor was like—but in his mild, tranquil134 manner confided135 to certain members of his intimate household the pious136 fear that William was a conceited137 and headstrong young man, whose reign would end in disaster.
These journeys did little more than confirm the world in sharing the Pope’s unfavourable opinion of William. Both by his ostentatious visit to Russia before even his two allies of the triple compact had been greeted, and by his marked avoidance of England while visiting all the other maritime138 nations of the north, he was credited with desiring to offend the country of his mother’s birth. That country returned his dislike with interest.
Finally, on the 1st day of January, 1889, he put the capstone upon this evil and unfilial reputation which he had been for a year building up in the minds of English-speaking people. Badly as the outside world thought of him by this time, it learned now with amazement139 that he had selected for special New Year’s honours the ex-Minister Puttkamer. The one important act of Frederic’s reign had been the dismissal of this man, to whom William now, with marks of peculiar29 distinction, gave the order of the Black Eagle.
A groan140 of despairing disgust rose from every part of the globe where people were watching German affairs. How could any good thing whatsoever141 be expected from such a son?
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
sufficiently
|
|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
monstrous
|
|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
purport
|
|
| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
eulogy
|
|
| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
allusion
|
|
| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
exultant
|
|
| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
utterances
|
|
| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
memorable
|
|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
demonstration
|
|
| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
monarchical
|
|
| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
softening
|
|
| 变软，软化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
meditation
|
|
| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
sergeant
|
|
| n.警官，中士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
vowed
|
|
| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
clement
|
|
| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
piety
|
|
| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
distressed
|
|
| 痛苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
guardian
|
|
| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
harangue
|
|
| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
heralded
|
|
| v.预示( herald的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
interim
|
|
| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
variant
|
|
| adj.不同的，变异的；n.变体，异体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
arrogant
|
|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
temperaments
|
|
| 性格( temperament的名词复数 )； （人或动物的）气质； 易冲动； （性情）暴躁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
susceptible
|
|
| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
attained
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
hereditarily
|
|
| 世袭地，遗传地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
addicted
|
|
| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
usurp
|
|
| vt.篡夺，霸占；vi.篡位 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
strictly
|
|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
abetted
|
|
| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
prerogatives
|
|
| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
sweeping
|
|
| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
monarchy
|
|
| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
avowedly
|
|
| adv.公然地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
premier
|
|
| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
lapse
|
|
| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
semblance
|
|
| n.外貌，外表 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
friction
|
|
| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
amiable
|
|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
chancellor
|
|
| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
posterity
|
|
| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
promising
|
|
| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
robust
|
|
| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
industrious
|
|
| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
supremacy
|
|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
omnipotent
|
|
| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
disillusion
|
|
| vt.使不再抱幻想，使理想破灭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
dealing
|
|
| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
grudges
|
|
| 不满，怨恨，妒忌( grudge的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
jealousies
|
|
| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
swollen
|
|
| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
avenge
|
|
| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
indignities
|
|
| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
softened
|
|
| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
gratuitous
|
|
| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
zest
|
|
| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
spacious
|
|
| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
rambling
|
|
| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
attic
|
|
| n.顶楼，屋顶室 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
frigate
|
|
| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
edifice
|
|
| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
poetic
|
|
| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
dome
|
|
| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
surmounted
|
|
| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
emblematic
|
|
| adj.象征的，可当标志的；象征性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
remarkable
|
|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
embodied
|
|
| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
colossal
|
|
| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
hoards
|
|
| n.（钱财、食物或其他珍贵物品的）储藏，积存( hoard的名词复数 )v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
insolence
|
|
| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
irony
|
|
| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
notably
|
|
| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
reverted
|
|
| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
negotiations
|
|
| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
quotations
|
|
| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
authoritatively
|
|
| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
fascination
|
|
| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
realization
|
|
| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
confiscated
|
|
| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
pretence
|
|
| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
brutal
|
|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
forgeries
|
|
| 伪造( forgery的名词复数 )； 伪造的文件、签名等 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
contemptible
|
|
| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
honourable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
pointed
|
|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
traitor
|
|
| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
penal
|
|
| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
prosecution
|
|
| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
entrusted
|
|
| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
ingrate
|
|
| n.忘恩负义的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
baron
|
|
| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
ransacked
|
|
| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
alleged
|
|
| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
indictment
|
|
| n.起诉；诉状 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
ignominious
|
|
| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
mishap
|
|
| n.不幸的事，不幸；灾祸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
redounded
|
|
| v.有助益( redound的过去式和过去分词 )；及于；报偿；报应 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
chateau
|
|
| n.城堡，别墅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
noted
|
|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
embarrassment
|
|
| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
inclinations
|
|
| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
initiated
|
|
| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
impulsive
|
|
| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
friendliness
|
|
| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
tenure
|
|
| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
afflicted
|
|
| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
curiously
|
|
| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
suite
|
|
| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
alterations
|
|
| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
manifestation
|
|
| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
improvised
|
|
| a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
fictitious
|
|
| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
bungling
|
|
| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
regaining
|
|
| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
pretext
|
|
| n.借口，托词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
boisterous
|
|
| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
chuckled
|
|
| 轻声地笑( chuckle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
tranquil
|
|
| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
confided
|
|
| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
pious
|
|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
conceited
|
|
| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
maritime
|
|
| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
amazement
|
|
| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
groan
|
|
| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
whatsoever
|
|
| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |