It is not possible to put the finger upon any one special cause for the change in the Kaiser’s views and feelings which from this time began to manifest itself. There were in truth many reasons working together to effect this alteration5, at once so subtle and so swift.
In its essence the abrupt6 new departure was due to the awakened7 consciousness in William’s mind that the Bismarcks had been making a fool of him. Royalty8 can bear any calamity9 better than this. The saying ascribed to Louis XVIII, “For the love of God, do not render me ridiculous!” puts into words the thought that has lain closest to every monarch10’s heart since kings have had a being. And it was in William’s nature to regard himself and his position with exceptional seriousness.
It would be extremely interesting to follow the mental processes by which William all at once reached this realizing sense of his position, and saw how poor and contemptible11 a figure he had been made to cut in the eyes of the civilized12 world. As it is, we can only glance briefly13 at the more obvious of the causes which led to this welcome awakening14.
First of all, the High Court of Leipsic, on January 4th, threw out the indictment15 which Bismarck had been so savagely16 pressing against Dr. Geffcken, for the treasonable publication of a part of the Emperor Frederic’s diary. The official ransacking17 of all his correspondence, and that of his most intimate associates, had revealed nothing save additional proof that the late Princess Alice of Hesse, Sir Robert Morier, and Dr. Geffcken were close friends of Frederic and his wife—which, of course, everybody knew before, but which the Bismarckian journals had paraded afresh as a reason for new insults to the dead Kaiser’s memory and to the widowed Empress Frederic. The prompt adverse18 decision of the court dealt a sharp blow to this scandalous abuse of power.
In addition, the Bismarcks were meanwhile conducting a fierce public campaign against Sir Robert Morier, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg—or rather, through him, against the honour of the late Emperor. Their accusation19, based upon some alleged20 verbal statement of Marshal Bazaine, made at a time when he was most hopelessly discredited21 and new in exile, was that Frederic had systematically22 revealed the secrets of the German Army plans to Morier, who had sent them to England to be wired across to France. When Sir Robert Morier produced Bazaine’s written denial of the alleged utterances23 and sent it to Herbert Bismarck, with a polite request for a withdrawal24 of the odious25 charge, he received a letter of refusal, couched in grossly insulting terms. This controversy26, culminating about the time of the collapse27 of the Geffcken prosecution28, no doubt contributed much to the opening of William’s eyes.
There were not wanting at Berlin clever people ready to take advantage of these foolish excesses of the arrogant29 and over-confident Bismarcks. Their arbitrary and despotic courses had offended many besides those who would naturally be opposed to them politically, and there now sprang up, as out of the earth, a singular combination of the most diverse political elements, united only in their hatred30 for the Bismarcks. In this incongruous alliance Radicals32 and Jew-baiters joined hands, and ultra-Conservatives stood side by side with the Empress Frederic’s Liberal faction33. The headquarters of this odd combination were at the residence of Alfred Count von Waldersee.
This powerful personage, who for years, as Quartermaster-General, was in training as Moltke’s visible heir, and was until recently at the head of the greatest fighting machine the human race ever saw, is still but little known to the general public. This is because press popularity and interesting personal qualities and connections have nothing whatever to do with a man’s promotion34 in the German Army. Heroic actions on the field advance him no more than does the advertising35 faculty36 in times of peace. He rises to each place because he is judged to be fittest for that particular post, and this judgment37 sternly sets aside all considerations not immediately concerned with the duties of that post.
Thus it happens that of Count von Waldersee, who is one of the most important military officers in the world, not much is known save that he is now grey and bald, and has for his wife a very astute38 and influential39 American lady.
Twenty-seven years ago an elderly prince of the Schleswig-Holstein family produced a temporary sensation by renouncing40 his ancestral rank, in order to marry a beautiful young Miss Lee, whom he had met at Paris. He was then just the age of the century—sixty-four—and the bride, who, with true American courage, states the year of her birth in the Almanach de Gotha, was twenty-six. Less than a year later the bridegroom, who had been given the title of Prince de No?r at the Austrian Court, died in Syria. Nine years afterwards—in 1874—his widow married Count Waldersee, and went to Berlin to live.
It happened, in 1881, that young Prince William of Prussia was wedded41 to a Schleswig-Holstein Princess, to whom the Countess Waldersee, by her first marriage, stood in the relation of great-aunt. Young William and Waldersee were already friends. This connection between their wives led to a closer intimacy42, the results of which have been tremendous in Germany.
I have said that the home of the Waldersees now became the centre of the rising opposition43 to the Bismarcks. Count Waldersee himself represented the ancient Prussian nobles’ traditions of an absolute monarchy44 and a Hohenzollern’s unlimited45 kingly power—traditions which were all at war with this Bismarckian usurpation46 of authority. The Countess Waldersee, with the privilege of an American, was able to gather into association with this aristocratic conservatism many elements in German political life which, under any other roof than hers, would have been antagonistic47. Here it was that the women’s conclave48 was formed—the young Empress Victoria and her widowed mother-in-law, the Empress Frederic, joining hands with the Countess Waldersee—with the blessing49 of the aged50 Empress Augusta, who all her life long had hated Bismarck, resting upon their work.
Bismarck had been supreme51 for so many years, and had put so many of these feminine cabals52 under his feet in bygone days, that he failed to recognize the deadly peril53 which confronted him in this newly-unmasked battery. He proceeded to charge upon it with all his old recklessness of confidence, and with his accustomed weapons of newspaper insults, personal browbeatings and threats to resign. To his great bewilderment nothing gave way. He had come at last upon a force greater than himself. He maintained the struggle for over a year—scornfully at first, and later with a despairing tenacity54 as pitiful as it was undignified, until at last he was fairly cudgeled off the field.
This was the trick of it: Bismarck, in all his extended series of conquests over previous attacks by the women of the Court, had had the King at his back. He was supported by old William in his long campaign against the old Empress and the English Crown Princess. He had had the sanction of young William in his warfare55 upon the Empress Frederic. It had been with royal consent that he bore himself like the foremost man in Prussia, and he had allowed himself to forget the importance of this fact. The tables were completely turned upon him the instant these adroit56 and sagacious women whispered in young William’s ear, “Why not be foremost man in Prussia yourself?”
The young Kaiser’s thirtieth birthday came on January 27, 1889. We can put down to about that date his advance to an independent position in front of everybody else in his kingdom—including the Bismarcks. No single striking event marked the change; but the feeling that the change had come spread with strange swiftness throughout the length and breadth of Germany. The half-intuitive sense that Bismarck was done for ran like wildfire over the country. The Iron Chancellor57 for thirty years had done his best to reduce German manhood to the serf-like condition of the courtier, and it is proverbial that there is no other keenness of scent58 like that of courtiers for the fall of a favourite.
The open reconciliation59 between William and his mother belongs to a somewhat later period, but the spirit of it was already in the air. The terrible news of the death of Crown Prince Rudolph of Austria, which came on January 30th, is also to be taken into account as bearing upon this change at Berlin. The Austrian heir-apparent was only six months older than William, and of late years they had not been friends. Rudolph had been peculiarly intimate with the Prince of Wales and with the late Emperor Frederic, and had not concealed60 his sympathy with the English view of William’s behaviour. His tragic61 ending now produced the most painful and softening62 effect upon the emotional young Kaiser. He could only be restrained from going incognito63 to the funeral at Vienna by the urgent pleas of the stricken Austrian Emperor, and he made obviously sincere expressions of grief to the friends of the Prince of Wales, which went far toward removing the ill-feelings between them.
As it became apparent that the young Kaiser had thrown off his Bismarckian leading-strings, and, after a miserable64 interlude of small personal persecutions and revenges, was at last coming to comprehend the vastness of his duties and responsibilities, the world began watching him with an interest of another sort.
It was not easy for outsiders to follow with much clearness the details of the fight which Bismarck was now making to retain his position and prestige. No one but a German politician could understand the excitement about the appointment of the National Liberal, von Bennigsen, to the Governorship of Hanover—an act, by the way, which definitely ranged the ultra-Tories against Bismarck—or apprehend65 the significance of Bismarck’s fruitless attempts to secure the dismissal of Court Chaplain Stocker, who was too much a partisan66 of Waldersee’s. The general public preferred rather to study the personality of the young Kaiser as revealed by his individual acts and utterances.
William’s fondness for travelling had from the first attracted attention. It is not generally known that in order to gratify this taste he at the beginning of his reign67 decided68 to devote to it the money which would be saved by foregoing a coronation ceremony. This decision accorded with historic Prussian precedents69. From the year 1701, when Prussia was raised to royal estate, and the first King was crowned with such memorable70 and costly71 pomp at K?nigsberg, no Hohenzollern had a coronation ceremony until William I put the crown upon his own head in October of 1861. Each of the intervening monarchs72 held instead what is called a Hudligung, or solemn homage73 from the assembled representatives of the estates of the realm—a curious ceremonial relic74 from feudal75 times which survived into the present century in its antique form as a public function in the Schloss Platz. William I’s avowed76 reason for breaking over the rule was that during his predecessor’s reign a Constitution had been promulgated77 in Prussia, and that this new-fangled innovation rendered it necessary to remind people anew of the powers and prerogatives78 of the monarch by visible signs of crown and sceptre.
Young William was so enthusiastic a follower79 of his grandfather that people assumed he would imitate him in this, all the more because his own tastes are toward display. Upon this theory there has been a great deal printed about a forthcoming coronation which never comes. Only last year an unusually impressive statement appeared to the effect that William, moved by meditating80 upon the historic splendours of the old Holy Roman Empire, intended to have himself crowned German Emperor in the famous mediaeval church of the ancient imperial city of Frankfort-on-the-Main. The idea is a beautiful one, but there is no fact at the back of it. According to William’s present intention, he will not be crowned at all.
In the restless course of his travels during these first six months William had made numerous speeches, almost every one of which contained a sentence or two of enough significance to be reprinted everywhere. As a rule his utterances at foreign Courts were polite and amiable81 to a fault, while his speeches at home, made among cheering after-dinner audiences in various parts of Germany, were characterized by much violent extravagance of language. The most intemperate82 of these harangues83 were reserved for his State visits to the provincial84 divisions of Prussia. At the beginning of last year, on the occasion of a visit of this nature to K?nigsberg, capital of East Prussia, he was led by his enthusiasm into so fervid85 a strain of eloquence86, and flourished the metaphorical87 sword so recklessly, that one of the Russian papers ironically congratulated the world upon the fact that Prussia only had thirteen provinces, and that the Kaiser had now exhausted88 the rhetorical possibilities of eleven of them.
The earliest and most interesting of these speeches was delivered at Frankfurt-am-Oder just two months after his accession. He referred of his own volition89 to the undoubtedly90 foolish talk that had been heard during his father’s brief reign, of Frederic’s alleged idea of giving back Alsace-Lorraine, an imputation91 which William characterized as shameful92 to his father’s memory.
“There is upon this point but one mind,” he went on amid loud hurrahs, “namely, that our eighteen army corps93, and our 42,000,000 people should be left upon the field rather than that we should permit a solitary94 stone of what we have gained to be taken from us.”
Equally characteristic, and perhaps even more important as a clue to the manner in which the young Kaiser’s conceptions of his position shaped themselves, was his celebrated95 rebuke96 to the Burgomaster and municipal authorities of Berlin, which has for its date, October 28 1888. That we may the better comprehend this, it will be well to glance for a moment at the remarkable97 development of the new Berlin.
Twenty years ago—that is to say, when the Empire was founded—Berlin was of course much the largest city within the new German boundaries, but it was scarcely a capital in the sense that Paris, Vienna, or London is. Frankfurt-am-Main was the great banking98 centre of Germany; Hamburg was its commercial metropolis99; Dresden, Hanover, Stuttgart, Wiesbaden, and even smaller towns were more esteemed100 as places of fashionable residence and resort. Berlin was big and powerful, and rich in manufactures, no doubt, but nobody thought of it as beautiful or attractive, and nobody wanted to live there who could maintain himself in pleasanter surroundings.
The change which has been wrought101 in all this since 1870 is only to be matched by the phenomenal growth of great cities in the American West. Europe has seen nothing like it before. Within these twenty years Berlin has grown like a veritable Chicago. And not only has it attracted to itself hundreds of thousands of new citizens, and spread itself out on the Brandenburg plain over new square miles of stately brick and mortar102 and asphalt, but it has sapped the pre-eminence of its more ancient rivals, each in its speciality. Berlin has so absorbed the monetary103 power of the Empire that Frankfort is now scarcely thought of as a banking centre at all, and even Amsterdam and Paris are dwarfed104 financially. In similar fashion, the German nobility and wealthy classes, instead of scattering105 their town homes among a dozen local centres of social life, swarm106 now all to Berlin, and bid so strenuously107 for available building sites that prices for land and houses and floor rents are higher there than anywhere else in Europe.
Obviously, it is the establishment of the imperial Court in Berlin which has done this, and both the strength and weakness of the imperial system are reflected in greatest perfection of form and colour in the social conditions of this mighty108 new metropolis.
The enormous concentration here of rich or pretentious109 young nobles in the various regiments110 of the Guard Corps; of the ablest and most influential soldiers of Germany in the General Staff and the central military offices; of the cleverest politicians and administrators111 in the various civic112 departments, and of the great aristocratic and monied classes who must live where the Court is settled and the Reichstag meets and the finance of Europe is controlled—all this makes Berlin a peculiarly responsive mirror of the ideas and methods of German government.
In turn Berlin has imposed its character with increasing force upon the whole German people. The dear old indolent, amiable, incapable113, happy-go-lucky, waltz-loving Vienna used to be the type of what people had in mind when they spoke114 of the sentimental115 German. Berlin has made Vienna seem now as remote and non-German almost as Pesth itself, and instead has impressed its own strongly-marked individuality upon the new Empire—energetic, exact, harsh under slight provocation116, methodical as the multiplication117 table, coldly just to law-abiding people, and a fire-and-steel terror to everybody else.
As might be naturally expected in this bustle118 of busy officials, of bankers and merchants burdened with a novel wealth, of the ceaseless rattle119 of bayonets and clatter120 of swords and spurs, art and literature are pretty well pushed to the wall. The vast new growth of Berlin and the rush toward it of German wealth, rank, and fashion, have drawn121 in their train a certain current of painters and writers, but nothing at all in proportion with the expansion in other lines of activity. Berlin’s new supremacy122 has not affected123 Leipsic as the book centre of German-speaking people, or Munich and Düsseldorf as homes of art study.
These changes may come, too, in time, particularly if the young Emperor exerts himself to achieve such an end. Up to the present, he has been too busy even to think of such a thing. The exactions of his daily routine of labour are so great that he simply has no time for the softer and more intellectual side of life, even if the taste were there. He has found leisure to sit for several portraits since his accession, but that seems to have been the sum of his attention to art. As for literature, an observant official in Berlin assured me of his conviction that William had not had the time to read a single book since his accession.
Whatever may come in the future, it is undeniable that the author now cuts a poor figure in Berlin. The city’s drift is toward material things—toward business, official rank, and martial124 perfection. Even the most prosperous and popular writers of books in Berlin strive to obtain some small post in the civil service in order to command social position. Among many instances of this brought to my notice one will serve as an illustration. Ernst von Wilderbruch is the most successful of contemporary Berlin playwrights125, but on his card you will read that he is a Counsellor of Legation at the Foreign Office. This office yields him a salary equal to a twentieth part of his income from his plays, but it is of the greatest importance to him because it insures his rank. Here in England Edmund Gosse has an official place—just as in Boston Robert Grant holds a post in the municipal service. But can you fancy either of these gentlemen putting the fact on his card, or preferring to be known as an official rather than as a writer?
Even the splendid University of Berlin exerts a liberalizing influence rather through the public political attitude of its professors than by the diffusion126 of literary tastes among the community. This fact, together with the recollections which associate the late Emperor Frederic with bookish people, and the irritated consciousness that a very large proportion of Germany’s present authors are Jews and Radicals, gives the contemptuous attitude of Berlin’s aristocratic and military classes toward literature a decided political twist.
This is rendered the more marked by the overwhelming Radicalism127 of the city’s electorate128. The immense balloon-like rise of the value of land, and the tremendous race to erect129 buildings everywhere, brought to the city a great concourse of artizans and labourers from all parts of Germany. Competition gave them big wages, but it also incited130 the formation of powerful trades’ unions, the best of which were in effect Radical31 clubs, and the worst of which became centres of Socialist131 agitation132. Berlin has six members in the Reichstag, of which four are Radicals, or Freisinnige, and two are Social Democrats133. One of the Radicals is Prof. Rudolph Virchow, and one of the Socialists134 is Paul Singer, a Jew. The municipal institutions of Berlin, so far as they depend upon the popular vote, are also in the hands of the Radicals.
So much for the new Berlin. On Oct. 28, 1888, William, who had just returned from his Italian visit, the last of his series of journeys for that year, received the Burgomaster and a delegation135 from the Town Council, who came to the Schloss to congratulate him upon his return. They presented an effusively136 loyal address, clearly intended as a peace-offering from the Radical city to the new sovereign, and announced the intention of erecting137 a great fountain in the Schloss-Platz to commemorate138 the event.
William received this polite expression with studied insolence139. After ironically commenting upon the unexpectedness of such a demonstration140, he brusquely told them to build more churches in Berlin and to choke off their Radical editors, who, during his absence, had shamelessly discussed the most private affairs of his family. He had been particularly angered by their insistence141 upon drawing comparisons between himself and his late father, an affront which he would not longer tolerate. He was about to take up his residence in Berlin, and “considering the relations which existed between the municipal authorities of Berlin and this Radical section of the press,” he concluded that his hearers could stop this editorial impudence142 if they liked. Their address was full of loyal professions; very well, let them put these into practice.
Having said this in his roughest manner, William turned on his heel and left the room without shaking hands with the Burgomaster or so much as nodding to his colleagues.
This happened four months or so before the change in the young Kaiser’s views and attitude which has been dealt with above. It is not out of place here, however, because, although William was now swiftly and with steady progress to alter his opinions on most other public subjects, he has not even yet altogether outgrown143 the notion that editors ought to wear muzzles144.
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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ransacking
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的现在分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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utterances
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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renouncing
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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53
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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54
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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55
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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56
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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57
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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58
scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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59
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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60
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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61
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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62
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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63
incognito
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| adv.匿名地；n.隐姓埋名；adj.化装的，用假名的，隐匿姓名身份的 | |
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64
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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65
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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66
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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67
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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68
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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69
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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70
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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71
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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72
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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73
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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74
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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75
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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76
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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77
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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78
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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79
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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80
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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81
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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82
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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83
harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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84
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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85
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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86
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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87
metaphorical
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| a.隐喻的，比喻的 | |
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88
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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89
volition
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| n.意志；决意 | |
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90
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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91
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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92
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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93
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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94
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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95
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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96
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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97
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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98
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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99
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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100
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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101
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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102
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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103
monetary
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| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
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104
dwarfed
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| vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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105
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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106
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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107
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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108
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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109
pretentious
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| adj.自命不凡的，自负的，炫耀的 | |
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110
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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111
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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112
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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113
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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114
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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115
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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116
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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117
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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118
bustle
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| v.喧扰地忙乱，匆忙，奔忙；n.忙碌；喧闹 | |
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119
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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120
clatter
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| v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
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121
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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122
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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123
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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124
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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125
playwrights
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| n.剧作家( playwright的名词复数 ) | |
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126
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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127
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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128
electorate
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| n.全体选民；选区 | |
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129
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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130
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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132
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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133
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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134
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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135
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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136
effusively
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| adv.变溢地，热情洋溢地 | |
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137
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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138
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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139
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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140
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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141
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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142
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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143
outgrown
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| 长[发展] 得超过（某物）的范围( outgrow的过去分词 )； 长[发展]得不能再要（某物）； 长得比…快； 生长速度超过 | |
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144
muzzles
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| 枪口( muzzle的名词复数 )； （防止动物咬人的）口套； （四足动物的）鼻口部； （狗）等凸出的鼻子和口 | |
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