In May, however, two things happened which at the time much occupied the world’s attention—the abortive6 Strasburg visit incident and the great miners’ strike in Westphalia. These two episodes are particularly noteworthy in that they for the first time show us William confronted by something bigger than questions of personal politics and individual piques8 and prejudices. A dangerous international quarrel and a threatening domestic convulsion loomed9 up suddenly side by side before him—and the experience left him a wiser and more serious man.
To glance first at the incident which, creating the greater furor10 at the time, has left the slighter mark upon history—the King of Italy, with his son and his Premier11, came, on May 21st, to visit William in Berlin, There were many reasons why the reception extended to him should have been, as indeed it was, of the most affectionate and enthusiastic character. The old Emperor William had grown to be considered at the Quirinal as Victor Emmanuel’s best friend, and Prussia was proudly pleased to be thought of as the chief protector and sponsor of young United Italy. The more romantic Frederic had cultivated a highly sentimental12 intimacy13, later on, with King Humbert and Queen Marguerite, and had made all Rome a party to it by that celebrated14 spectacular appearance on the balcony of the Quirinal with the little Italian Crown Prince in his arms. Thus peculiarly emotional ties bound Humbert now to Frederic’s son, and his coming to Berlin was hailed as the arrival of a warm personal friend even more than as the advent16 of a powerful ally.
It may have been from mere17 lightness of heart—conceivably there was a deeper motive—but at all events William proposed to this good friend that on his way home they should together visit Strasburg, and the amiable18 Humbert, a slow, patient, honest fellow, consented. The assertion has since been authoritatively19 made by Italian statesmen that the idea really originated with the adventurous20 Italian Premier, Crispi, and that Bismarck and William merely fell in with it. However that may it is fact that the visit was agreed upon, and that orders were despatched to Strasburg to make things ready for the royal party.
When the news of this intended trip became public, its effect was that of a shock of earthquake. During the twenty-four hours which elapsed before the frightened Crispi could issue a statement that the report of such a visit was a pure Bourse canard21, Europe was sensibly nearer a war than at any time in the last fifteen years. The French press raised a clamorous22 and vibrant23 call to arms, and the politicians of Rome and Vienna kept the wires to Berlin hot with panic-stricken protests. What it all meant was, of course, that Europe has tacitly consented to regard the possession of Alsace-Lorraine as an open question, to be finally settled when France and Germany fight next time. Upon this understanding, no outside sovereign has formally sanctioned the annexation26 of 1871 by appearing in person within the disputed territory. King Humbert’s violation27 of this point of international etiquette28 would have been a deliberate blow in the face of the French Republic. Luckily he had the courage to draw back when the lightnings began playing upon his path, and with diminishing storm mutterings the cloud passed away. Its net result had been to show the world William’s foolhardiness in favouring such a wanton insult to France, and his humiliation29 in having publicly to abandon an advertised intention—and the spectacle was not reassuring30.
The episode is chiefly interesting now because it seems to have been of great educational value to the young Emperor. It really marked out for him, in a striking object lesson, the grave international limitations by which his position is hemmed31 in. He has never since made another such false step. Indeed the solitary32 other cause of friction33 between France and Germany which has arisen during his reign25 proceeded from an action of a diametrically opposite nature—to wit, an attempt to conciliate instead of offend.
Of much more permanent importance in the history of William and of his Empire was the great miners’ strike in Westphalia, which may be said to have begun on the 1st of May. This tremendous upheaval34 of labour at one time involved the idleness of over 100,000 men—by no means all miners or all Westphalians. The shortened coal supply affected35 industries everywhere, and other trades struck because the spirit of mutiny was in the air. In many districts the military were called out to guard the pits’ mouths, and sanguinary conflicts with the strikers ensued.
Evidently this big convulsion took William completely by surprise. Up to this time he had been deeply engrossed36 in the spectacular side of his position—the showy and laborious37 routine of an Emperor who is also a practical working soldier. Such thought as he had given to the great economic problems pressing for solution all about him, seems to have been of the most casual sort and cast wholly in the Bismarckian mould. What Bismarck’s views on this subject were and are, is well known. He believes that over-education has filled the labouring classes of Germany with unnatural38 and unreasonable39 discontent, which is sedulously40 played upon by depraved Socialist41 agitators42, and that the only way to deal with the trouble is to imprison43 or banish44 as many of these latter as possible, and crush out the disaffection by physical force wherever it manifests itself. He decorates this position with varying sophistical frills and furbelows from time to time, but in its essence that is what he thinks. And up to May of 1889 that is apparently45 what William thought, too.
The huge proportions of this sudden revolt of labour made William nervous, however, and in this excited state he was open to new impressions. The anti-Bismarck coalition46 saw their chance and swiftly utilized47 it. With all haste they summoned Dr. Hinzpeter from his home at Bielefeld, and persuaded William to confer with his old tutor upon this alarming industrial complication, with which it was clearly enough to be seen his other advisers48 did not know how to deal. No exact date is given for the interview which William had with Dr. Hinzpeter, but the day upon which it was held should be a memorable49 one in German history. For then dawned upon the mind of the young Kaiser that dream of Christian50 Socialism with the influence of which we must always thereafter count.
It is true that the angered and dispossessed ex-Chancellor declares now that William never was morally affected by the painful aspects of the labour question, and that he took the side of the workmen solely51 because he thought it would pay politically. But men who know the Kaiser equally well, and who have the added advantage of speaking dispassionately, say that the new humanitarian52 views which Dr. Hinzpeter now unfolded to him took deep hold upon his imagination, and made a lasting53 mark upon his character. Even if the weight of evidence were not on its side, one would like to believe this rather than the cynical54 theory propounded55 from Friedrichsruh.
William did not become a full-fledged economic philosopher all at once under this new influence.
There was a great deal of the rough absolutist in the little harangue56 he delivered to the three working-men delegates who, on May 14th, were admitted to his presence to lay the case of the strikers before him. He listened gravely to their recital57 of grievances58, asked numerous questions, and seemed considerably59 impressed. When their spokesman had finished he said that he was anxiously watching the situation, had ordered a careful inquiry61 into all the facts, and would see that evenhanded justice was done. Then, in a sharper voice, he warned them to avoid like poison all Socialist agitators, and specially62 to see to it that there were no riots or attempts to prevent the non-strikers from working. If this warning was not heeded63, he concluded, in high peremptory64 tones, he would send his troops “to batter65 and shoot them down in heaps.”
It must be admitted that this sentiment does not touch the high-water mark of Christian Socialism, but the drift of the Kaiser’s mind was obviously forward. Two days later he received a delegation66 of mine masters, and to them spoke60 rather bitterly of the perversity67 and greed of capitalists, and their selfish unwillingness68 to “make certain sacrifices in order to terminate this perilous69 and troublous state of things.” On May 17th it was announced that Dr. Hinzpeter had been commissioned to travel through the disturbed districts and report to the Kaiser upon the origin and merits of the strike. This practically settled the matter. The masters as a whole made concessions70, under which work was resumed. Those owners who displayed stubbornness were in one way or another made to feel the imperial displeasure, and soon the trouble was at an end. It is worthy7 of note that Germany has since that time been far less agitated71 by labour troubles than any of the states by which she is surrounded, and that upon the occasion of the recent May-day demonstrations72 German workmen were practically the only ones on the Continent who did not come into collision with the police.
But, after all, the vitally important thing was the reappearance of Dr. Hinzpeter, involving, as it did, the revival73 in the young Kaiser’s daily thoughts and moods of the gentle and softening74 influences of those old school days at Cassel, before Bonn and the Bismarcks came to harden and pervert75.
Upon the heels of the Strasburg incident followed another flurry in international politics, which for the moment seemed almost as menacing, and which hurried forward a highly significant step on the part of William.
The precipitate76 haste with which the young Kaiser had rushed off to visit St. Petersburg, almost before the public signs of mourning for his father had been removed in Berlin and Potsdam, had impressed everybody as curious. Nearly a year had now elapsed, and the failure of the Czar to say anything about returning the visit was growing to seem odder still. It was, of course no secret that the Czar did not like William. No two men could present greater points of difference, physically77 and mentally. The autocrat78 of all the Russias is a huge, lumbering79, slow, and tenacious80 man, growing somewhat fat with increasing years, hating all forms of regular exercise, and cherishing a veritable horror of noisy, overzealous, and bustling81 people. Every smart public servant in Russia is governed by the knowledge that his imperial master has a peculiar15 aversion to all forms of bother, and values his officials precisely82 in proportion as they make short and infrequent reports, free from all accounts of unpleasant things, and, still more important, from all meddlesome83 suggestions of reform. When a Russian diplomat84 was asked, a year ago, what the Czar’s personal attitude toward William was, he answered expressively85 by shrugging his shoulders and putting his fingers in his ears.
But now the Czar, from passively affronting86 William by not returning his visit, summoned the energy for a direct provocation87. A palace luncheon88 was given in St. Petersburg, celebrating the betrothal89 of a Montenegrin Princess to a Russian Grand Duke, and the Czar, standing24 and in a loud, clear voice, drank to Prince Nikolo of Montenegro as “the only sincere and faithful friend Russia had” among European sovereigns. That there might be no doubt about this, the Czar had the words printed next day in the Official Messenger.
Germany was not slow to comprehend the meaning of this remarkable90 speech. But to make it still clearer the Czarowitch, three weeks later, paid a formal visit to Stuttgart to attend some Court festivities, and passed through Berlin both going and coming—though the Breslau-Dresden route would have been more direct—apparently for no other purpose than to insult the Kaiser by stopping for an hour each time inside the railway station, as if there were no such people as the Hohenzollerns to so much as leave a card upon. As a capstone to this insolence91, the Russian officers of his suite92 refused to drink the toast to the German Empire at the Stuttgart banquet, and, when a dispute arose, left the room in a body.
The immediate93 effect of this was to remove the last vestige94 of reserve existing between William and his English relatives. He at once sent word that, if convenient, he would visit his grandmother, the Queen, at the beginning of August. An assurance of hearty95 welcome was as promptly96 returned.
This decision marked another stage in the decline of Bismarck’s power. We have seen how he had been gradually pushed aside in the management of German internal affairs. Now the Kaiser was to break through the dearest traditions of Bismarck’s foreign policy—the cultivation97 of Russian amiability98 at whatever cost of dignity, and the contemptuous snubbing of England. With a fatal inability to distinguish between the promptings of passion and the dictates99 of true policy, the Chancellor had been led into a position where he could maintain himself only if every one of the elements and chances combined to play his game for him, and keep William at daggers-drawn with all things English. The miracle did not happen. As we have seen, even the Czar took it into his head to interfere100 to the damage of Bismarck’s plans.
So the perplexed101 and baffled old Chancellor, noting with new rage and mortification102 how power was slipping from his hands, yet helpless to do other than fight doggedly103 to hold what yet remained, stopped behind in Berlin, the while Kaiser William steamed at the head of his splendid new squadron into Portsmouth Harbour, and the very sea shook with the thunderous cannon104 roar of his welcome. The world had never before seen such a show of fighting ships as was gathered before Cowes to greet him. There was one other thing which may be assumed to have been unique in human chronicles. William, in the exuberance105 of his delight at his really splendid reception, and at being created a British Admiral, issued a solemn imperial order making his grandmother a Colonel of Dragoons.
The English did well to surround the young Kaiser’s visit with all imaginable pomp and display of overwhelming naval106 force, for it meant very much more both to them and to him than any one is likely to have imagined at the time. The splendour of the material spectacle, and the sentimental interest attaching to the fact that this young man coming to greet his grandmother was the first German Emperor to set foot on English soil since the days of the Crusaders, were much-dwelt upon in the press. To us who have been striving to trace the inner workings of the influences shaping the young man’s character, the event has a nearer significance. It meant that William—having for years been estranged107 from the liberalizing English impulses and feelings of his boyish education; having since his majority exulted108 in the false notion that to be truly German involved hatred109 of all things English—had come to see his mistake.
It is not possible to exaggerate the importance of this visit, and of the causes leading up to it, upon William’s mind. The Hohenzollerns, until within our own times the comparatively needy110 Princes of a poor country, have always been greatly impressed by the superior wealth and luxurious111 civilization of the English. The famous Double-Marriage project of Frederic William I’s days was clung to in Berlin through years of British snubs and rebuffs because thrifty112 Prussian eyes saw these islands through a golden mist. To the imagination of German royalty113, English Princesses appear in the guise114 of fairies, not invariably beautiful, perhaps, but each bearing the purse of Fortunatus. This view of the English colours the thoughts of more lowly-born Germans. When Freytag * seeks to explain the late Kaiser Frederic’s complete and almost worshipping subjection to his wife, he says: “She had come to him from superior surroundings.”
* “The Crown Prince and the German Imperial Crown,” p. 49.
William had tried hard, in his ultra-German days, to despise English wealth along with English political ideas. The theory of a Spartan115 severity, governing expenditure116 and all other conditions of daily life, was the keynote of his Teutonic period. But when he became Kaiser he had yielded to the temptation of getting the Reichstag to augment117 his annual civil list by 3,500,000 marks. That in itself considerably modified his austere118 hatred of luxury. Now, as the guest of the richest nation in the-world, he was able to feel himself a relative, and wholly at home. The English conquest of William was complete.
No hint of unfilial conduct had been heard, now, for a long time, nor was henceforth to be heard. William had by this time become fully119 reconciled to his mother, and in the following month, September of 1889, he purchased for and presented to her the Villa120 Reiss, a delightful121 summer chateau122 in the Taunus Mountains.
Thereafter a strong sympathy with England has manifested itself in all his actions. The Czar did at last, in the most frosty, formal manner, pay a brief visit to Berlin, and William the following year returned the courtesy by attending the Russian manoeuvres, but this has not at all affected his open preference for English friendship. He always spoke German with an English accent—which now is more marked than ever.
He has a bewildering variety of uniforms, but the one which affords him the greatest pride is the dress of the British Admiral. He wears it whenever the least excuse offers. Upon his journey to Athens in October of 1889, to attend the wedding of his sister and the Greek Crown Prince, he was so much affected by his new English naval title that when he steamed into the classic ?gean Sea on his imperial yacht he flew the British Admiral’s flag from her top. A British fleet was also there to participate in the ceremonies, and William took his new position so seriously, and had such delight in descending123 suddenly upon the squadron at unexpected and unreasonable hours, and routing everybody out for parade and inspection124, that the British officers themselves revolted and preferred an informal complaint to the British Minister. “This thing is played out,” they said. “If he would merely wear the uniform and let it end with that, we shouldn’t mind. But we didn’t make him Admiral to worry the lives out of us in this fashion.”
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1
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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underneath
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| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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piques
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| v.伤害…的自尊心( pique的第三人称单数 )；激起（好奇心） | |
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loomed
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| v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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furor
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| n.狂热；大骚动 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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authoritatively
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| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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canard
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| n.虚报；谣言；v.流传 | |
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clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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vibrant
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| adj.震颤的，响亮的，充满活力的，精力充沛的，(色彩)鲜明的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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sedulously
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| ad.孜孜不倦地 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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imprison
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| vt.监禁，关押，限制，束缚 | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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utilized
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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54
cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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batter
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| v.接连重击；磨损；n.牛奶面糊；击球员 | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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perversity
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| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
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68
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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pervert
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| n.堕落者，反常者；vt.误用，滥用；使人堕落，使入邪路 | |
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precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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autocrat
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| n.独裁者；专横的人 | |
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lumbering
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| n.采伐林木 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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bustling
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| adj.喧闹的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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meddlesome
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| adj.爱管闲事的 | |
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diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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expressively
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| ad.表示(某事物)地；表达地 | |
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affronting
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| v.勇敢地面对( affront的现在分词 )；相遇 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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luncheon
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| n.午宴，午餐，便宴 | |
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betrothal
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| n. 婚约, 订婚 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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amiability
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| n.和蔼可亲的，亲切的，友善的 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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102
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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exuberance
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| n.丰富；繁荣 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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estranged
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| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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113
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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114
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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115
spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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118
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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119
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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120
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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121
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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122
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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123
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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124
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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