Immediately upon his return from England, William delivered a speech at Münster in which he eulogized Hinzpeter as a representative Westphalian, whose splendid principles he had imbibed6 in his boyhood. During the ensuing autumn and winter the presence of Dr. Hinzpeter at the palace became so much a matter of comment that some of Bismarck’s “reptile” papers began to complain that if the Westphalian was to exert such power he ought to take office so that he could be openly discussed.
Similar attacks were made by the Chancellor7’s organs upon Count Douglas, who had written a very complimentary8 pamphlet about the young Kaiser shortly after his accession, and who now, as an Independent Conservative, was thought to reflect the Kaiser’s own political preferences. Public opinion bracketed Hinzpeter and Douglas together as the active forces at the head of the Waldersee coalition9, and we shall see that William himself treated them as such when the time for action came.
New men had gradually supplanted10 old ones in many important official posts. The gentlest of soft hints had long since (in August of 1888) been borne in by a little bird to the aged11 Count von Moltke, and he, on the instant, with the perfect dignity and pure gentility of his nature, had responded with a request to be permitted to retire from active labour. His letter, with its quaintly12 pathetic explanation that “I am no longer able to mount a horse.” was answered with effusion by William, who visited him personally at his residence, and made him President of the National Defence Commission, vice3 the Emperor Frederic, deceased. Later events rendered it natural to contrast the loyal behaviour of the great soldier with the mutinous14 and perverse15 conduct of the statesman whose name is popularly linked with his, and during the last year of his life Moltke existed in a veritable apotheosis16 of demonstrative imperial affection, which indeed followed his coffin17 to the grave with such symbols of royal favour as no commoner’s bier had ever before borne in Germany.
Somewhat later the Minister of Marine18, General von Caprivi, received a delicate intimation that the Kaiser thought a soldier was out of place in charge of the navy, and he also promptly19 but gracefully20 resigned, and accepted the command of an army corps22 instead with cheerful obedience23. It is a great gift to know when and how to get out, and Caprivi did it so amiably24 and intelligently that the Kaiser made a mental note of him as a good man to rely upon when the time should come.
General Bronsart von Schellendorf similarly resigned the War Ministry25. He was a descendant of one of the large colony of Huguenot families which took refuge in Berlin after the revocation26 of the Edict of Nantes—and it was a strange freak of Fate’s irony27 which, in 1871, sent him as Colonel out from the German headquarters before Sedan to convey a demand for surrender to the French Emperor. Curiously28 enough he was succeeded now as Minister of War by another descendant of these exiled French Protestants, General von Verdy du Vernois, the ablest military writer of his generation, a notably29 clever organizer and a deservedly popular man.
Neither von Verdy nor Waldersee, who succeeded to Moltke’s proud position as Chief of the General Staff, remained long in their new posts. The world had nothing but vague surmises30 as to the causes of their retirement31, and, noting that they still retain the friendly regard of their sovereign, did not dally33 long with these. Here again the contrast forces itself upon public attention, for these two good soldiers and able administrators34 neither sought interviews with travelling correspondents in which to vent13 their grievances35, nor inspired spiteful attacks in provincial36 newspapers against their young chief. They went loyally out of office, as they had entered it, and kept their silence.
Thus throughout the public service, civil and military alike, these changes went forward—the greybeards who had helped to create the Empire on the field or in the council-room, one by one stepping down and out to make room for the new generation—but Bismarck, though becoming more and more isolated37, clung resolutely38 to his place. It was no secret to him that the Kaiser’s principal advisers39 and friends were keen to throw him out of the Chancellorship40; it must have long been apparent to him that the Kaiser was accustoming41 his mind to thoughts of a Berlin without Bismarck. But the Iron Chancellor had neither the simple dignity of Moltke nor the shrewd suavity42 of Caprivi. He would not leave until he had been violently thrust forth43, and even then he would stand on the doorstep and shout.
The opponents of Bismarck had long been gathering44 their forces for a grand attack. Their difficulty had been the unwillingness45 of the Kaiser definitely to give his assent46 to the overthrow47 of the great man. Often, in moments of impatience49 at the autocratic airs assumed by Bismarck and his son, William had seemed on the point of turning down his thumb as a signal for slaughter50. But there always would come a realization51 of how mighty52 a figure in German history Bismarck truly was—and perhaps, too, some modified reassertion of the tremendous personal influence with which for years the Chancellor had magnetized him. Almost to the end the young man had recurring53 spasms54 of subjection to this old ideal of his youth. Even while he was sporting his British ensign in Greek waters, and showing to the whole world how completely the breach55 between him and English royalty56 had been healed, he salved his conscience, as it were, by addressing enthusiastic and affectionate despatches to Bismarck from every new stopping-place on those classic shores.
But now, in January of 1890, the long-looked-for opportunity came. The natural term of the Reichstag elected in 1887—the last one chosen for only three years’ service—was on the point of expiration57. The anti-Socialist58 penal59 laws would lapse60 in September of 1890 unless renewed either by this dying Reichstag or, without delay, by its successor. Prince Bismarck was, of course, committed to their prompt and emphatic61 renewal62. His enemies—another term for William’s new friends—had secretly been preparing for the defeat of these laws in the Reichstag, and now, in the middle of the month, found that they had secured an absolute majority. They conveyed this fact to the Kaiser, with the obvious corollary that the time had arrived for him to take the popular lead in his Empire, and make an issue on this question with his Chancellor. William saw the point, and reluctantly took the decisive step.
Space permits only the most cursory63 glance at this parliamentary battlefield, whereon Bismarck had waged so many rough Berserker fights, and which now was to see his complete annihilation.
The Reichstag at Berlin is by no means powerful in the sense that Parliament is in London or Congress in Washington. It is a convention of spectacled professors, country nobles, and professional men desirous of advertisement or the pretence64 of employment, with a sprinkling of smart financiers and professional politicians who have personal ends to serve. They play at legislation—some seriously, others not—but as a rule what they do and say makes next to no difference whatever. They have not even the power of initiating65 legislation. That function belongs to the Bundes-rath or Federal Council, which means the Prussian Ministry, which in turn meant Bismarck. His historic conception of law-making was to combine by bribes66 and threats a sufficient number of the fragmentary parties to constitute a majority, and to use this to pass his measures as far as it would go. Then he would swing around, create a different majority out of other groups, and carry forward another line of legislation. In turn he had been at the head of every important political faction67 and the enemy of each, and if he was unable to get his way through one combination always managed sooner or later to obtain it by a new shaking-up of the dice68.
Parliamentary institutions were not always at this low estate in Prussia. Three hundred years ago the Brandenburg Diet was a strong and influential69 body, which stoutly70 held the purse-strings and gave the law to sovereigns. The Hohenzollerns broke it down, first by establishing and fostering St?nde, or small local diets, to dispute its power and jurisdiction71, and then, in 1652, by the Great Elector boldly putting his mailed heel on it as a nuisance. It still lingered on in a formal, colourless, ineffective fashion until in the time of Frederic William I, when it was contemptuously kicked out of sight. That stalwart despot explained this parting kick by saying: “I am establishing the King’s sovereignty like a rock of bronze;” and, whatever its composition, there the rock stood indubitably in all men’s sight for much more than a century, with neither parliaments to shake its foundations nor powerful ministers to crumble73 away its sides.
Bismarck had made it a condition of his acceptance of office in 1862 that he would govern Prussia without a Parliament. When the fortune of war and the federation74 of the states enlarged the scope of his responsibilities to the limits of the new Empire, he proceeded upon the same autocratic lines. There was a greater necessity, it is true, of pretending to defer75 to the parliamentary idea, but he never dissembled his disgust at this necessity. He bullied76 the leaders of the opposition77 factions78 with such open coarseness, imputing79 evil and dishonest motives80, introducing details of personal life which his spies had gathered, and using all the great powers at his command to insult and injure, that a large proportion of the educated and refined gentlemen of Germany, who should have been its natural political leaders, either declined to enter the Reichstag at all, or withdrew, disheartened and humiliated81, after a brief term of service. All this reflected, and brought down in embodied82 form into our own times, the traditional attitude of the Hohenzollerns toward the poor thing called a Parliament.
It was therefore very much of an anachronism to find, in the year of grace 1890, a Prussian King invoking83 the aid of a Parliament to help him encompass84 the overthrow of his Prime Minister.
The situation on January 20th, briefly85 stated, was this: The Reichstag, consisting of 397 members, had been governed by Bismarck’s “Cartel” combination of 94 National Liberals, 78 Conservatives, and 37 Imperialists, a clear majority of 21. The efforts of the Waldersee party, however, had honeycombed this majority with disaffection, and the National Liberals had been induced to agree that they would not vote for a renewal of the clause giving the Government power to expel obnoxious86 citizens. On the other hand, the Conservatives promised not to vote for the renewal of the anti-Socialist law at all unless it contained the expulsion clause. Thus, of course, the measure was bound to fall between two stools. This apparent clashing of cross purposes might have been stopped in ten minutes if it had proceeded spontaneously from the two factions themselves. But everybody knew that it had been carefully arranged from above, and that the leader of each party had had an interview with the Kaiser. This affectation of irreconcilable87 views on the expulsion clause, therefore, deceived no one—least of all Prince Bismarck. He ostentatiously remained at Friedrichsruh until the very last day of the Reichstag; then, indeed, he arrived in Berlin, but did not deign88 to show himself at either the Chamber89 or the Schloss.
The National Liberals voted down the expulsion clause on January 23rd. Then the Conservatives, two days later, joined the Clerical, Freisinnige, and Socialist Parties in throwing out the whole measure. Thereupon the dissolution of the Reichstag was immediately announced, and the members proceeded to the Schloss to receive their formal dismissal from the Kaiser. William spoke90 somewhat more nervously91 than usual, but was extremely cordial in his manner. He praised the labours of the Reichstag, dwelt upon his desires to improve the condition of the working classes, and said never a word about the defeated Socialist laws. Everybody felt that the imperial reticence92 and the absence of Bismarck portended93 big events.
Next week came the first overt48 movement in the struggle which all Germany now realized that Bismarck was waging for political life itself. He resigned his minor94 post as Prussian Minister of Commerce, and the place was promptly filled by the appointment of Baron95 Berlepsch. This selection was felt to be symbolical—because Berlepsch had been Governor of the Rhineland during the strikes, and had managed to preserve order without recourse to violence, and to gain the liking96 of the working men. To make the meaning of this promotion97 more clear, the Governor of Westphalia, who had rushed to declare his province in a state of siege when the strike broke out, and had called in soldiers to overawe the miners, was now curtly98 dismissed from office.
All this signified that the Hinzpeter propaganda of Christian99 Socialism had at last definitely captured the young Kaiser. Once enlisted100, he threw himself with characteristic vehemence101 of energy into the movement. Events now crowded on each other’s heels.
On February 4th William issued his famous brace102 of rescripts to Bismarck and to the Minister of Commerce, reciting the woes103 and perils104 of German industrial classes, and ordaining105 negotiations106 with certain European States for a Labour Conference, “with a view to coming to an understanding about the possibility of complying with the needs and desires of labourers, as manifested by them during the strikes of the last few years and otherwise.”
“I am resolved,” wrote the Emperor, “to lend my hand toward bettering the condition of German working men as far as my solicitude108 for their welfare is reconcilable with the necessity of enabling German industry to retain its power of competing in the world’s market, and thus securing its own existence and that of its labourers. The dwindling109 of our native industries through any such loss of their foreign-markets would deprive not only the masters, but the men, of their bread.... The difficulties in the way of improving our working men’s condition have their origin in the stress of international competition, and are only to be surmounted110, or lessened111, by international agreement between those countries which dominate the world’s market.” Hence, he had decided112 upon summoning an International Labour Conference.
On the evening of the day on which William thus astonished Germany and Europe, he was the principal guest at a dinner given by Bismarck in his palatial113 residence in the Wilhelmstrasse, and it was noted114 that he took special pleasure in talking with Dr. Miquel, Chief Burgomaster of Frankfort, to whom he spoke with zeal115 and at length upon his desire to promote the welfare and protect the natural rights of the labouring classes. Court gossip was swift to mark Miquel as a coming man, and to draw deductions116 of its own from the story that Bismarck had, even as the host of an emperor, seemed preoccupied117 and depressed118.
A fortnight of unexampled uncertainty119, of contradictory120 guesses and paradoxical rumours121, now kept Berlin, and all Germany for that matter, in anxious suspense122. That Bismarck had been confronted with a crisis was evident enough. Day after day he was seen to be holding prolonged conferences with the young Emperor, and the wildest surmises as to the character of these interviews obtained currency. There were stories of stormy scenes, of excited imperial dictation and angry ministerial resistance, which had no value whatever as contributions to the sum of popular information, but which were everywhere eagerly discussed. The weight of Berlin opinion inclined toward the theory that Bismarck would in the end submit. He had never in his life shown any disposition123 to make sacrifices for political consistency124, and it was assumed that, once his personal objections were overcome, he would not at all mind adapting his political position to the new order of things. This view was, of course, based upon the idea that the Kaiser really desired to retain Bismarck in office; the loosest German imagination did not conceive the actual truth: to wit, that the Chancellor’s retirement had been decided upon, and was the one end at which all these mystifying moves and counter-moves aimed.
The preparations for the Conference went on, meanwhile. A new Council of State for Prussia was founded, to have charge of the general social and fiscal125 reforms contemplated126. The public noted that chief among the names gazetted were those of Dr. Hinzpeter and Count Douglas, and these were given such associates as Herr Krupp, of Essen; Prince Pless, a great Silesian mine-owner; Baron von Stumm, another large employer; and Baron von Hune, a leading Catholic and important landed proprietor127. These were new strong names, altogether out of the old Bismarckian official rut, and their significance was emphasized by the Emperor’s selection of Dr. Miquel as reporter of the Council. People recognized that events were being shaped at last from the royal palace instead of the Chancellery.
In the very middle of this period of political suspense came the elections for the new Reichstag. Never before had Germany seen such a lamb-like and sweet-tempered electoral campaign. Three years before Bismarck had literally128 moved heaven and earth to wrest129 a majority from the ballot-boxes, for he had induced the Vatican to formally recommend his nominees130 to Catholic voters, and had gone far beyond the bounds of diplomatic safety in his famous “sturm und drang” speech, threatening nothing less than war if a hostile Reichstag should be elected. But this time he preserved an obstinate131 and ominous132 silence. Nothing could tempt72 him to say a word in favour of any candidate.
Under the double influence of the Kaiser’s enthusiastic new Socialism and the Chancellor’s grim seclusion133, the German electorate134 knocked the old “Cartel” parties into splinters. The polling results amazed everybody. Of the “Cartel” factions, the National Liberals fell from 94 to 39, the Conservatives from 78 to 66, and the Imperialists from 37 to 20. On the other hand, the Freisinnigen rose from 35 to 80, and the Socialists135 from 11 to 37. Equally interesting was the fact that for the first time the German imperial idea had made an impression on the Alsacian mind, and from sending a solid delegation136 of 15 dissentients, the two conquered provinces now elected 5 who accepted the situation.
Allusion137 has heretofore been made to Bismarck’s recent declaration that the Kaiser took up the whole Social-reform policy solely138 as a political dodge139. If we could accept this theory, it would be of distinct interest to know what William thought of his bargain, after the returns were all in. The stupendous triumph of the dreaded140 Socialists and hated Freisinnigen must have indeed been a bitter mouthful to the proud young Hohenzollern. But he swallowed it manfully, and the results have been the reverse of harmful. No parliamentary session of the year, anywhere in the world, was more businesslike, dignified141, and patriotic142 than that of the new Reichstag at Berlin.
But at the outset this political earthquake threw William into a great state of excitement. One might almost say that the electrical disturbances143 which ushered144 in the convulsion affected145 the young man’s mind, for he did perhaps his most eccentric action on election day. While the voters of Berlin were going to the polls at noon, on this 20th of February, the Kaiser suddenly “alarmed” the entire garrison146 of the capital, and sent the whole surprised force, cavalry147, artillery148, baggage trains and foot, rattling149 and scurrying150 through the streets of the capital at their utmost speed. It turned out to be nothing more serious than an abrupt151 freak of the Kaiser to utilize152 the fine weather for a drill on the Tempelhof. At least that was the explanation given: but the spectacle produced a sinister153 impression at the time, and there are still those who believe it to have been intended to influence and overawe the voters.
No doubt consciousness of the gravity of the quarrel with Bismarck, which the Kaiser and his new friends saw now must come swiftly to a point, contributed with the unexpected election results to temporarily unsettle William’s nerves. For a week or so, during this momentous154 period, there were actual fears lest his mental balance should break down under the strain. Fortunately the excited tension relaxed itself in good time, and there has since been no recurrence155 of the symptoms which then caused genuine alarm.
It was at the culmination156 of this unsettled period that William made his celebrated157 speech to the Brandenburg Diet. The occasion was the session dinner, March 5th, and those present noted that the Kaiser’s manner was unwontedly distrait159 and abstracted. His words curiously reflected his mood—half poetic160, half pugilistic. He began by a tender reference to the way in which the Brandenburgers had through evil and joyous161 days alike stood at the back of the Hohenzollerns. With a gloomy sigh he added: “It is in the hour of need that one comes to know his true friends.” After an abrupt reference to a joke which had recently been made about him as the reisende, or Travelling, Kaiser, and a pedagogic injunction to his hearers to by all means travel as much in foreign lands as they could, he drifted into a lofty and beautiful description of the spiritualizing effects his recent sea voyages had had upon him. Standing107 alone on the great deck at night, he said, communing with the vast starry162 firmament163, he had been able to look beyond politics and to realize the magnitude and tremendous responsibilities of the position he held. He had returned with a new and more exalted164 resolve to rule mercifully and well under God’s providence165, and to benefit all his people. Then there came a sudden anti-climax to this graceful21 and captivating rhetoric166. “All who will assist me in my great task,” he called out, throwing a lion’s glance over the tables, “I shall heartily167 welcome; but those who attempt to oppose me I will dash to pieces!”
The reporters were so frightened at these menacing words that they toned them down in their accounts of the speech; but the Kaiser with his own hand restored the original expression in the report of the official Reichsanzeiger. Naturally the phrase created a painful sensation throughout Germany. Everybody leaped to the conclusion that the threat was levelled at the Socialist and Radical168 leaders in particular, and the new Reichstag in general. But within a fortnight the astonished world learned that it was Bismarck who was to be dashed to pieces.
The time has not yet arrived for a detailed169 account of the circumstances surrounding Bismarck’s actual fall. We have been able to trace clearly enough the progression of causes and changes which led up to that fall. Of the event itself a great deal has been printed, but extremely little is known. The reason for this is simple. The Kaiser and his present friends are possessed170 with the rigid171 Prussian military sense of the duty of absolute silence about official secrets. Prince Bismarck has insisted vehemently172 upon the necessity of this quality in other people, yet has not always distinguished173 himself by respecting its demands. In his surprising latter-day garrulity174, it is easy to believe that he would tell the story about which the others preserve so strict a reticence, if it were not that the story involves his own cruel personal humiliation175.
Throughout the trying crisis William never lost sight of the proud and historic reputation of the man with whom he had to deal, or of the great personal reverence176 and affection which he, as a young King, owed to this giant among European statesmen, this most illustrious of the servants of his dynasty, this true creator of the new German Empire. Every step of the Emperor during the whole affair is marked with delicate courtesy and the most painstaking177 anxiety to avoid giving the doomed178 Chancellor unnecessary pain. Although it was entirely179 settled in the more intimate palace counsels at the end of 1889 that the Prince was to be retired180 from office, William sent him the following New Year’s greeting, than which nothing could be more cordial or kindly181:
“In view of the impending182 change from one year to another, I send you, dear Prince, my heartiest183 and warmest congratulations. I look back on the expiring year, in which it was vouchsafed184 to us not only to preserve to our dear Fatherland external peace, but also to strengthen the pledges of its maintenance, with sincere gratitude185 to God. It is to me also a matter for deep satisfaction that, with the trusty aid of the Reichstag, we have secured the law establishing old age and indigence186 assurance, and thus taken a considerable forward step toward the realization of that solicitude for the welfare of the working classes which I have so wholly at heart. I know well how large a share of this success is due to your self-sacrificing and creative energy, and I pray God that He may for many more years grant me the benefit of your approved and trusted counsel in my difficult and responsible post as ruler.
“Wilhelm.
“Berlin, Dec. 31,1889.”
A few days later came the death of the venerable Empress Augusta, and William wrote again to Bismarck at Friedrichsruh, affectionately enjoining187 him not to endanger his health by trying to make the winter journey to Berlin for the funeral.
This friendly attitude was, to the Kaiser’s mind, entirely compatible with the decision that a new Chancellor was needed to carry on the enlightened programme of the new reign32. But Bismarck stubbornly refused to recognize this. When his obstinacy188 made peremptory189 measures necessary, he had even the bad taste to instance these recent amiable190 messages as proofs of the duplicity with which he had been treated.
The best authenticated191 story in Berlin, of all the legion grown up about this historic episode, is to the effect that one afternoon, in the course of an interview between Kaiser and Chancellor on the approaching Labour Conference, Bismarck was incautious enough to use the old familiar threat of resignation with which he had been wont158 to terrify and subdue192 the first Kaiser. Young William said nothing, but two or three hours later an imperial aide-de-camp appeared at the Foreign Office in Wilhelmstrasse with the statement that he had come for that resignation. Bismarck, flushed and shaken, sent an evasive reply. The aide-de-camp came again, with a reiterated193 demand. Bismarck stammered194 out that he had not had the time to write it as yet, but that he would himself wait upon the Emperor with it the next day. He made this visit to the Schloss, prepared to urge with all the powers at his command, in the stress of a personal appeal, that the demand be reconsidered. But at the palace he was met with that equivalent for the housemaid’s transparent195 “Not at home” which is used in the halls of kings; and on his return to Wilhelmstrasse he found the inexorable aide-de-camp once more waiting for the resignation. Then only, in bitter mortification196 and wrath197, did Bismarck write out his own official death-warrant, which a few days later was to be followed by his son Herbert’s resignation.
The widely circulated report that, in his extremity198, the Chancellor appealed for aid to the Empress Frederic, seems to be apocryphal199. It is certain, however, that he did, during the twenty-four hours in which that stolidly-waiting aide-de-camp darkened his life, make strenuous200 efforts in other almost equally unlikely and hostile quarters to save himself. They availed nothing save to reveal in some dim fashion to his racked and despairing mind how deeply and implacably he was hated by the officials and magnates all about him. But to the general public, astonished and bewildered at this sudden necessity to imagine a Germany without Bismarck, the glamour201 about his name was still dazzling. When it came their turn to act, they made the fallen Chancellor’s departure from Berlin a great popular demonstration202. It is well that they did so. With all his faults, Bismarck was the chief German of his generation, and the spectacle of cold-blooded desertion which the official and journalistic classes of Berlin presented in their attitude toward him upon the instant of his tumble, offended human nature. Nothing could be more true than that he himself was responsible for this attitude. It was the only possible harvest to be expected from his sowing. He had done his best to make all preferment and power in Germany depend upon callous203 treachery and the calculation of self-interest. He had contemptuously thrust ideals and generous aspirations204 out of the domain205 of practical politics. He had systematically206 accustomed the German mind to the rule of force and cunning, to the savage207 crushing of political opponents, and the shameless use of slander208 and scandal as political weapons. That this official mind of his own moulding, inured209 to sacrificial horrors, familiar with the spectacle of statesmen destroyed and eminent210 politicians flung headlong from the “rock of bronze,” should have viewed his own prodigious211 downward crash without pity, was not at all unnatural212. But for the credit of Germany with the outside world it is fortunate that the Berliners, as a whole, responded to the pathetic side of the episode.
William’s emotional nature was peculiarly stirred by the separation, when it finally came. The Reichsanzeiger of March 20th—two days after the final act in the comedy of the unresigned resignation—contained the imperial message granting Prince Bismarck permission to retire. The phraseology of the document was excessively eulogistic213 of the passing statesman, and no hint of differing opinions was allowed to appear. Bismarck was created Duke of Lauenburg, and given the rank of a Field Marshal.
More eloquent214 by far, however, than any rhetorical professions of grief in his public proclamations, were the Emperor’s statements to personal friends of the distress215 he suffered at seeing Bismarck depart. The ordeal216 was rendered none the less painful by the fact that it had been foreseen for months, or by the consideration that it was really unavoidable. On the 22nd William wrote to an intimate, in response to a message of sympathy:
“Many thanks for your kindly letter. I have, indeed, gone through bitter experiences, and have passed many painful hours. My heart is as sorrowful as if I had again lost my grandfather. But it is so ordered for me by God, and it must be borne, even if I should sink under the burden. The post of officer of the watch on the Ship of State has devolved upon me. Her course remains217 the same. So now full steam ahead!”
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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complimentary
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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quaintly
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| adv.古怪离奇地 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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apotheosis
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| n.神圣之理想；美化；颂扬 | |
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coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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22
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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23
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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24
amiably
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| adv.和蔼可亲地，亲切地 | |
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25
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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26
revocation
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| n.废止，撤回 | |
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27
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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28
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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29
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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30
surmises
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的第三人称单数 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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31
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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32
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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33
dally
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| v.荒废(时日)，调情 | |
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34
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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35
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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36
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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37
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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38
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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39
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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40
chancellorship
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| 长官的职位或任期 | |
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41
accustoming
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| v.（使）习惯于( accustom的现在分词 ) | |
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42
suavity
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| n.温和；殷勤 | |
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43
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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44
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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45
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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46
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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47
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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48
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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49
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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50
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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51
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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52
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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53
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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54
spasms
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| n.痉挛( spasm的名词复数 )；抽搐；（能量、行为等的）突发；发作 | |
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55
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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56
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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57
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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58
socialist
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|
| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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59
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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60
lapse
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|
| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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61
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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62
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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63
cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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64
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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65
initiating
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| v.开始( initiate的现在分词 )；传授；发起；接纳新成员 | |
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66
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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67
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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68
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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69
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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70
stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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71
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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72
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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73
crumble
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|
| vi.碎裂，崩溃；vt.弄碎，摧毁 | |
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74
federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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75
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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76
bullied
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| adj.被欺负了v.恐吓，威逼( bully的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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78
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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79
imputing
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的现在分词 ) | |
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80
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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81
humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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82
embodied
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|
| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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83
invoking
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|
| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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84
encompass
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|
| vt.围绕，包围；包含，包括；完成 | |
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85
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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86
obnoxious
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|
| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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87
irreconcilable
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|
| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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88
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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89
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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90
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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91
nervously
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|
| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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92
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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93
portended
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| v.预示( portend的过去式和过去分词 )；预兆；给…以警告；预告 | |
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94
minor
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|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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95
baron
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|
| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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96
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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97
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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98
curtly
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| adv.简短地 | |
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99
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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100
enlisted
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|
| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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101
vehemence
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|
| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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102
brace
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| n. 支柱,曲柄,大括号; v. 绷紧,顶住,(为困难或坏事)做准备 | |
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103
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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104
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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105
ordaining
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的现在分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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106
negotiations
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|
| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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107
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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108
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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109
dwindling
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| adj.逐渐减少的v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的现在分词 ) | |
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110
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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111
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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112
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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113
palatial
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| adj.宫殿般的，宏伟的 | |
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114
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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115
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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116
deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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117
preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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118
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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119
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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120
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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121
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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122
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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123
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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124
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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125
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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126
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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127
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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128
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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129
wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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130
nominees
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| n.被提名者，被任命者( nominee的名词复数 ) | |
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131
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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132
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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133
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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134
electorate
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| n.全体选民；选区 | |
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135
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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136
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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137
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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138
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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139
dodge
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| v.闪开，躲开，避开；n.妙计，诡计 | |
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140
dreaded
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|
| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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141
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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142
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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143
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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144
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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146
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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147
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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148
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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149
rattling
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| adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
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150
scurrying
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| v.急匆匆地走( scurry的现在分词 ) | |
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151
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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152
utilize
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| vt.使用，利用 | |
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153
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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154
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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155
recurrence
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| n.复发，反复，重现 | |
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156
culmination
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| n.顶点；最高潮 | |
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157
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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158
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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159
distrait
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| adj.心不在焉的 | |
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160
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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161
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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162
starry
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| adj.星光照耀的, 闪亮的 | |
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163
firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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164
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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165
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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166
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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167
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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168
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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169
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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170
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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171
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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172
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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173
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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174
garrulity
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| n.饶舌，多嘴 | |
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175
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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176
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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177
painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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178
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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179
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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180
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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181
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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182
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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183
heartiest
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| 亲切的( hearty的最高级 )； 热诚的； 健壮的； 精神饱满的 | |
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184
vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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185
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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186
indigence
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| n.贫穷 | |
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187
enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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188
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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189
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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190
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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191
authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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192
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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193
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194
stammered
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| v.结巴地说出( stammer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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196
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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197
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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198
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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199
apocryphal
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| adj.假冒的，虚假的 | |
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200
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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201
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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202
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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203
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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204
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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205
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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206
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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207
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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208
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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209
inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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210
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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211
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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212
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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213
eulogistic
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| adj.颂扬的，颂词的 | |
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214
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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215
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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216
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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217
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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